(St. XIV.) Efferding. A town of Austria beyond the Ems near the Danube

(von der Hagen, v. 5221).

(St. XXVI.) Botlung was the father of Etzel according to the poets. His

real name was Munduic.

(St. XL.) Medilik, now Mölk. An abbey still renowned for the abundance

and excellence of its wine stores. It supplied Buonaparte's army in

1809.

TWENTY-SECOND ADVENTURE

(St. XIII.) Lachmann rejects stanzas XIII, XVI, XVII (1288, 1291, 1292

of his edition). He thinks that, even if one were determined to defend

the first, nobody could tolerate the frigidity and abject style of the

two last. For my own part, I am more struck by the absurdity of

Rudeger's caution to Kriemhild not to kiss all Etzel's men. I suppose he

was afraid she would have no lips left after such reiterated osculation.

(St. XIX.) These German strangers or guests (_Tiuschen gesten_) are the

Burgundians according to von der Hagen, but Thüringians according to

Lachmann. The latter says, the expression does not occur elsewhere in

the Lays of the Nibelungers. This restricted use of a term, which was

afterward extended to a whole nation, resembles the restricted use of

the word Hellen in Homer.

(St. XXIII.) The good margrave seems here to discharge the duties of a

male duenna.

(St. XL.) Von der Hagen here notices the custom of tilting by the way in

festal processions. Similar descriptions occur elsewhere in this poem,

as for instance at the landing of Gunther and Brunhild (St. VII, Tenth

Adventure). In this respect the Nibelungenlied differs from the "Orlando

Innamorato" and "Furioso," as well as from the "Faerie Queene," in all

of which poems tournaments are exhibited with far more pomp and

ceremony, and as matters of long previous preparation.

(St. XLI.) Haimburg, a town of Hungary on the borders of Austria, was

fortified, according to von der Hagen, by Duke Leopold, of Austria, out

of the ransom of Richard Cœur de Lion.

(St. XLIV.) Etzel's castle, now Buda, so called from Attila's brother,

Buda or Bleda.

TWENTY-THIRD ADVENTURE

(St. III.) Lachmann's Thirteenth Lay begins here and ends with St.

LXXXIV, Twenty-fourth Adventure.

TWENTY-FOURTH ADVENTURE

(St. I.) See the note to St. XLV, Eighth Adventure.

(St. LXIII.) This stanza seems out of its place here. It should come

somewhere before the council of the Burgundian chiefs, for it is

necessary to know when an entertainment is to take place in order to

determine whether one can attend it, and when one ought with propriety

to set out. Hagan, besides, must be considered to have had a knowledge

of this, before he arranged the plan of setting out only a week after

the departure of the ambassadors.

TWENTY-FIFTH ADVENTURE

(St. II.) Lachmann's Fourteenth Lay begins here and ends with St. LVI,

Twenty-sixth Adventure.

(St. XVIII.) This is the only stanza in the second part where the term

Nibelunger is applied to Siegfried's subjects as in the first part. In

all succeeding passages it means the Burgundians.

(St. XIX.) Ostervranken, according to von der Hagen, is Austrasia, or

the Eastern portion of the Empire of the Franks, afterward, though in a

more restricted sense, the Circle of Franconia.

(St. XXIII.) Professor Lachmann observes that, if the fight with the

Bavarians be not alluded to, the prediction contained in this stanza is

not fulfilled, "quite against the prophetic style of this lay;" but I

venture to submit that this is no prediction at all, but a mere

expression of the very natural opinion that, if any army should attempt

to swim a large river in a state of flood, many may be swept away and

drowned. Gernot makes a similar remark on the want of a boatman at St.

LXIV.

(St. XXIX.) The raiment of these mermaids, which is styled _wondrous_

farther on, seems to have been the swan-raiment worn by the Valkyries or

Choosers of the Slain, which enabled its wearers to assume the shape of

swans, or at least to fly away. Hagan therefore had good ground to begin

with laying hands on the wardrobe of these water-nymphs, though his

reason for doing so is so obscurely alluded to in the poem that it may

be doubted whether the poet was himself aware of the original force of

the legend. In the traditions respecting Vælund, Wieland, or Wayland the

Smith, that hero captures a wife by a similar stratagem. The swan-maiden

in Wieland's case was one of the Valkyries, and indeed the two mermaids

in the Nibelungenlied appear, from the part assigned to them in the

poem, to be genuine Choosers of the Slain. These swan-maidens, as far as

their volatile character is concerned, seem to have given a hint to the

author of Peter Wilkins.

(St. XLVIII.) So in the old lay of Hildebrand (a fragment of which,

written on the first and on the last leaf of a manuscript of the "Book

of Wisdom" and other religious pieces, was discovered in the public

library of Cassel by W. Grimm) that hero offers arm-rings to his son,

who, not knowing him, had challenged him to fight. It was the custom to

offer such rings on the point of a sword or spear, and to receive them

in the same way. To prove this, W. Grimm quotes this passage among

others. See Lachmann's treatise on the "Lay of Hildebrand" in the

Transactions of the Berlin Academy of Sciences, 1833. The same word

(_bouc_) is used both here and in the old lay.

(St. LXVII.) This stanza, which appears in only two manuscripts, seems

incompatible with the rest of the narrative. It was probably introduced

by a reciter from the description of a ferry-boat in some other poem.

TWENTY-SIXTH ADVENTURE

(St. V.)

On the other side Adam, soon as he heard

The fatal trespass done by Eve, amaz'd,

Astonied stood, and blank.

"Paradise Lost," ix. 888.

Upright men shall be astonied at this.--Job, xvii. 8.

(St. LIV.) Rudeger is an Austrian Axylus.--"Iliad," vi. 14.

ἀφνειὸς βιότοιο, φίλος δ'ἦν ἀνθρώποισιν,

πάντας γὰρ φιλέεσκεν, ὁδῷ ἐπὶ οἰκία ναίων.

The German poem is here certainly not inferior to the Greek. Similes are

as rare in the Nibelungenlied as they are abundant in the Iliad, but it

would be difficult to find one more just and elegant than this.

(St. LVII.) Lachmann's Fifteenth Lay begins here; it concludes with St.

XIV, Twenty-eighth Adventure.

TWENTY-SEVENTH ADVENTURE

(St. XXIV.) I quote some passages from Ellis's "Specimens" on the custom

of the two sexes eating apart:

The king was to his palace, tho the service was ydo,

Ylad with all his menye, and the queen to hers also,

For hii held the old usages, that men with men were

By hem selve, and women by hem selve also here.

Robert of Gloucester.--"Specimens," vol. i. p. 100.

The above metre, though very rough and uncouth, resembles that of the

Nibelungenlied. In the corresponding passage quoted by Ellis from

Geoffry of Monmouth, the custom is said to have come from Troy.

"_Antiquam consuetudinem Trojæ servantes Britones consueverant mares cum

maribus, mulieres cum mulieribus, festivos dies separatim celebrare._"

Ellis gives a similar account of Arthur's coronation from Robert de

Brunne's translation of Wace:

Sometime was custom of Troy,

When they made feast of joy,

Men thogether should go to meat

Ladies by themself should eat.

See the note to St. LXXXI, Tenth Adventure.

(St. XXXI.) There is a difficulty here from its being said that the

young margravine was desired to go to court, _i.e._, to the assembly in

the hall, when at St. XXIV the ladies (_die schönen_ in the original)

had already returned thither. Lachmann removes the difficulty by

condemning the stanzas XXXI, XXXII, XXXIV as spurious; he thinks it

impossible that anyone can collect from the third line of St. XXII that

the men went into a different hall from that which they had entered at

St. XIX; but it is not the third but the second line of St. XXII that

describes the separation of the men and women, and that too in the

following words,

_"Rittere unde vrouwen die giengen anderswâ_;"

now who can collect from this verse that the women went and the men

stayed? If words mean anything, both went away. As to the return of the

ladies at St. XXIV, that rests on a doubtful reading, _die schönen_, the

fair ones, whereas the best manuscript, that on which Professor

Lachmann's text is generally founded, reads _die künen_, the bold ones,

meaning the knights. I should add that the preliminary conversation from

St. XXV to St. XXXI is fitter to be held in the young lady's absence.

(St. XLIV.) These foreign champions are the Burgundians themselves

according to von der Hagen. This is far from satisfactory, but I can

offer nothing more so. Can it be possible that there was once a version

(now lost) of the story, in which the Nibelungers, properly so called,

accompanied the Burgundians into Hungary? This might account not merely

for these foreign champions, but for the term _Nibelunge_ being applied

to the Burgundians. But, in fact, everything relating to the Nibelungers

is obscure and confused to the last degree.

(St. L.) Nudung was the son, or, according to another account, the

brother of Gotelind.

(St. LXVI.) Lachmann transposes this and the two following stanzas to

after St. XVI, Twenty-eighth Adventure, where they form the beginning of

his Sixteenth Lay, which ends with St. XLIV, Twenty-ninth Adventure. The

speech which begins at the third line of this stanza is attributed to

the messenger by von der Hagen, and perhaps justly, as appears from the

last verse of the next stanza, from which it would seem that the king

heard the news afterward. On the other hand, Kriemhild here is addressed

in the singular, while in a similar passage (St. XCI, Fourth Adventure)

she is addressed by a messenger in the plural. She, however, would

scarcely have uttered before Etzel the words at the close of St. LXVIII,

Twenty-seventh Adventure.

TWENTY-EIGHTH ADVENTURE

(St. I.) Bern is Verona according to von der Hagen and Wackernagel and

the whole body of Commentators. Von der Hagen applies to Hildebrand the

words in the third line, _ez was im harte liet_; so does Marbach.

Braunfels and Beta apply them to Dietrich. But in that case would not

the author have said _dem was ez_?

(St. IV.) The Amelungs, or Amelungers, were the reputed descendants of

Amala, king of the Goths, the tenth ancestor of Theodoric king of Italy.

(St. V.) This famous hero, the redoubted Dietrich, is only a secondary

character in the Nibelungenlied, though in old German traditions

generally he bears the principal part. He was the son of a nocturnal

spirit, and his fiery breath made him more than a match for Siegfried

himself, as it melted the horny hide of his antagonist. He is

identified, I believe, by universal consent, with Theodoric the

Ostrogoth. I am afraid that it is too certain that he came to a bad end,

but whether he disappeared on being summoned by a dwarf, or was carried

off by the devil in the shape of a black horse, or, according to the

monastic legend reported by Gibbon, was deposited by foul fiends in the

volcano of Libari, is more than I can decide.

(St. XX.) Lachmann's Seventeenth Lay begins here and ends with St.

XXXII, Thirtieth Adventure.

(St. XXI.) Hagan's suspicions are natural enough, for Kriemhild appears

to have kissed nobody but Giselher, whereas, according to the etiquette

of this poem, she should not only have kissed her other two brothers,

but Hagan himself, not merely as her cousin, but as one of Gunther's

principal retainers.

(St. XXVI.) This stanza is rejected by Lachmann on account of the

interior rhyme _wære_ and _swære_ in the third and fourth lines, but

surely the outbreak of Hagan in the next stanza is the beginning of a

speech. It would have been more plausible, if St. VIII is to be

rejected, to reject St. XXI, Thirtieth Adventure, as well, for the first

line of St. XXVII would come in very well after the last of St. XXIV;

but then, on the other hand, no answer would be given to Kriemhild's

question, "Where have you that bestowed?"

(St. XXVII.) The two languages agree in taking the devil's name in vain

by using it as a ludicrous but forcible negative. The phrase is

authorized by Johnson.

(St. XXVIII.) Von der Hagen explains these two robberies by observing

that Hagan had despoiled Kriemhild of her own inheritance as well as of

the wondrous hoard. The poem itself, however, seems to explain the

matter somewhat differently. Hagan committed the first robbery when he

took the hoard (St. XXXV, Nineteenth Adventure); the second, when he

seized Siegfried's other treasures (St. CXXXII, Twentieth Adventure).

(St. XXXIV.) Lachmann places this and the following stanzas after St.

XIX, as part of his Sixteenth Lay.

TWENTY-NINTH ADVENTURE

(St. I.) Von der Hagen discovers here (v. 7055 of his Remarks) a trace

of the tradition (which, however, is not noticed in this poem) that

Hagan had lost an eye. This appears visionary to me. At St. XVII,

Thirty-second Adventure, the same words are applied to Dankwart, who

certainly had two eyes in his head. Twice in this poem a personal

description of Hagan occurs (St. XXV, Seventh Adventure, and XVII,

Twenty-eighth Adventure) and in neither case is a hint given that he was

a _dux luscus_. The author or authors of the Nibelungenlied, therefore,

must have followed a different tradition.

(St. XXVIII.) It is Folker's long broadsword that the poet, with a grim

kind of merriment, calls his fiddlestick. We shall soon see the minstrel

κῶμον ἀναυλότατον προχορεύειν.

(St. XL.) Walter of Spain, _Waltharius manu fortis_, is the hero here

alluded to. See note to St. XXI; Thirty-ninth Adventure.

(St. XLVII.) This stanza, and those that follow, come, according to

Lachmann's arrangement, after St. XXXIII, Twenty-eighth Adventure, and

form part of his Seventeenth Lay.

(St. XLVIII.) This allusion to the future is of such a nature as to be

irreconcilable with the notion of separate lays. The like may be said of

many other passages.

(St. LV.) _Morat_ or _morass_, as far as I can make out from a rather

confused note of von der Hagen's, was a sort of caudle, flavored with

mulberry or cherry juice. Ziemann's recipe is to take old and good wine,

and to mix it with mulberry syrup, rose julep, cinnamon water, and an

_ad libitum_ infusion of simples. All this together composes the sweet

drink in question.

THIRTIETH ADVENTURE

(St. XVIII.) So in the Ballad of the Lochmaben Harper in the "Minstrelsy

of the Scottish Border,"

And aye he harped, and aye he carped,

Till à the nobles were fast asleep.

(St. XIX.) "As now," says von der Hagen, "at the entrance of many old

buildings, particularly churches, a tower stands, containing the stairs

which lead directly to the upper story."

(St. XXI.) This stanza, which is only found in the Lassberg and two

other manuscripts, seems to have been inserted, like several others, in

order to soften the ferocious character attributed to Kriemhild in the

latter part of the poem.

THIRTY-FIRST ADVENTURE

(St. I.) The whole of this Thirty-first Adventure is supposed by

Lachmann to be an addition to the foregoing. His reasons are anything

but conclusive.

(St. X.) According to von der Hagen the shields were high enough for the

bearer to lean upon them, and pointed below, so that they might be

firmly fixed in the ground. They thus, I presume, in some degree

protected the owners, even while the latter were resting.

(St. XII.) The dust was raised by the horses, as the Huns seem to have

ridden from the palace.

(St. XXIII.) "The kings" here, as mostly elsewhere, are the three

Burgundian brothers.

(St. LXIII.) Kriemhild here deals with Blœdel as Juno does in the

Iliad with Sleep, and in the Æneid with Œolus.

(St. LXXII.) Something seems defective here, for it is not explained

what bad object Kriemhild had in view in sending for her son, though it

so happened that mischief came of it. Von der Hagen and Vollmer mention

the account in the Vilkina Saga, according to which Kriemhild, in order

to set the Huns and Burgundians by the ears, told her son to strike

Hagan in the face, and Hagan returned the compliment by cutting off the

lad's head and throwing it into his mother's lap, but this is

incompatible with the manner in which the fighting begins in our poem,

though this particular stanza seems to refer to something of that sort.

The reviser of the Lassberg manuscript seems to have observed the

difficulty; at least the last line of the stanza is different in that

manuscript. Possibly this stanza may have crept in from a now lost

recension, which more nearly resembled the Vilkina Saga. The like may be

said of St. IV, Thirty-second Adventure, which contains the celebrated

contradiction about the age of Dankwart.

THIRTY-SECOND ADVENTURE

(St. IV.) This stanza is completely at variance with the earlier parts

of the poem, in which Dankwart is represented as Siegfried's companion

in arms. It is therefore a most efficient ally of those critics who

attribute the poem to two or twenty different bards, and this has

perhaps rather blinded them to its defects. It is quite inconsistent

with the heroic character displayed by Dankwart in this very portion of

the poem, and, as an answer to Blœdel's speech, is a consummate piece

of stupidity. Blœdel had not accused Dankwart of having murdered

Siegfried or offended Kriemhild, but of being the brother of Hagan, who

had done both. Dankwart should either have attempted to show that Hagan,

not himself, was innocent, or that they were not brothers, or he should

have urged the hardship of making one brother suffer for the crimes of

another. Any of these answers would have been to the purpose; not so the

speech which is put into his mouth here. Blœdel, with equal

absurdity, after having already told him that he must die because his

brother Hagan had murdered Siegfried, now replies that he must die

because his _kinsmen_ Gunther and Hagan had done the deed. It appears

probable that here, as elsewhere, a passage has crept in from another

version of the legend, which agreed, more nearly than our poem, with the

Vilkina Saga. I quote the following passage from the summary of that

work in Vollmer's Preface to the "Nibelunge Nôt." "Hogni begged Attila

to give peace to young Giselher, as he was guiltless of Sigurd's death.

Giselher himself said that he was then only five winters old, and slept

in his mother's bed; still he did not wish to live alone after the death

of his brothers." In the Vilkina Saga Hogni, who answers to the Hagan of

our poem, is represented as the _brother_ of the other three kings. It

may appear visionary to speculate on the contents of a poem which may

never have existed, but certainly in any version of the legend, which

represented Hagan as the _brother_ of Gunther and Giselher, Giselher

might naturally have made the speech here put into the mouth of

Dankwart, and have been told in reply that he must die for the crime

that his _brothers_ Gunther and Hagan had committed. The idea of a

recension more nearly allied to the Vilkina Saga than that which we

possess is no notion of mine. It was started years ago by no less a

person than Professor W. Grimm, though not with reference to this

passage of the poem. See his "Deutsche Heldensage," p. 182.

(St. VII.) This mention of Nudung's bride, together with what follows in

the next stanza, is quite unintelligible, if we suppose an independent

lay to begin at St. I.

THIRTY-THIRD ADVENTURE

(St. XXII.) Lachmann seems here with reason to read _Volkern_ for

_Giselheren_, but have not the two stanzas, XXII and XXIII, changed

places?

(St. XXX.) With this stanza (St. 1916, L.) ends Lachmann's Eighteenth

Lay. I must own that it appears to me quite impossible that any writer

could end a separate poem in this manner. Similar objections may be made

to the conclusion of most of these _Lieder_.

(St. XXXI.)

with huge two-handed sway

Brandish'd aloft the horrid edge came down

Wide wasting.

"Paradise Lost," b. 6.

(St. XLV.) There certainly seems some confusion here. The only people

who had injured Gunther in Hungary were the Huns who had massacred the

yeomen, and these were not present in the hall. If, on the other hand,

he suspected that the Huns in the hall were privy to it, why allow Etzel

and Kriemhild to depart without so much as an observation? Why, as

Lachmann has observed, does not Dietrich think it necessary even to make

a request in their behalf? It is easy to remove these objections by

declaring everything spurious between St. XXX and St. XII, Thirty-fourth

Adventure, but unfortunately, though St. XXIV, Twenty-eighth Adventure,

which brings Etzel and Kriemhild into the hall, is not admitted into

Lachmann's Lays, it is clear from stanzas XII-XIV, Thirty-third

Adventure (1898-1900 L.), which form part of his Eighteenth Lay, that

both Etzel and Kriemhild were present in the hall when the fighting

began, and indeed Lachmann admits that the plan of his Eighteenth Lay

requires that they should quit it. The composer however of the lay, who

surely ought to know his own plan best, seems to have been of a

different opinion, for, after having set the Huns and Burgundians by the

ears in the hall, and put Dankwart and Volker to keep the door, he has

left us to guess the final result of these serious preliminary

arrangements. The 7,000 Huns massacred here are no doubt the same as the

7,000 who accompanied Kriemhild to church at St. XX, Thirty-first

Adventure, and the same perhaps as the men of Kriemhild mentioned at St.

XX, Thirtieth Adventure. These last had _attempted_ mischief, and

Gunther may here take the will for the deed.

(St. LVIII.) The meaning of this stanza is anything but clear. From the

original, and the two readings _von_ and _vor_, it would seem doubtful

whether Hagan laments that he sat at a distance from Folker or that he

took precedence of him.

THIRTY-FOURTH ADVENTURE

(St. XI.) I must confess I cannot see any inconsistency between the

first line of this stanza and the third of the preceding one; but there

is certainly a discrepancy between the second line, in which both Hagan

and Folker are mentioned as scoffing at Etzel, and the two stanzas

immediately following, which confine the invectives to Hagan.

(St. XII.) Lachmann's Nineteenth Lay begins here and ends with St. V,

Thirty-sixth Adventure. Scarcely any of the whole twenty begin and end

so unappropriated as this.

(St. XIX, XX, XXI.) I have arranged these stanzas as Simrock and Beta

have done. Braunfels places them XX, XIX, XXI.

THIRTY-FIFTH ADVENTURE

(St. XX.) I have here, without intending it, stumbled on an interior

ryhme, _sounded confounded_. Still I can assure Professor Lachmann that

the stanza is genuine.

THIRTY-SIXTH ADVENTURE

(St. VI.) Here begins Lachmann's Twentieth Lay.

(St. IX.) Here they are described as coming _ûz dem hûse_, which seems

to contradict Kriemhild's exhortation at St. XX, not to let the

Burgundians come _für den sal_. Perhaps they here merely come out of the

hall into a vestibule at the top of the staircase, so as to speak with

Etzel and Kriemhild, but not into the open air. So at St. V,

Thirty-ninth Adventure, Gunther and Hagan are said to be outside the

house, but at St. XXV, same Adventure, Hagan rushes down from the

staircase to attack Dietrich. From St. XXVI, Thirty-sixth Adventure, the

staircase seems to have been of no great length.

THIRTY-SEVENTH ADVENTURE

(St. XVII.) Compare stanzas CXV, CXVI, Twentieth Adventure.

(St. LIX.) It is odd, that the hall, which must have been the principal

eating-hall in the castle, is here called Kriemhild's. Von der Hagen

thinks Kriemhild had appropriated it by having attempted to set it on

fire, but arson is an odd kind of title. He supposes, too, it may be the

hall mentioned at St. IV, Twenty-ninth Adventure; yet it seems strange

that Etzel should have received his guests anywhere but in his own hall.

(St. XCI.) This stanza, as Professor Lachmann justly observes, cannot

belong to Hagan, but is appropriate to Giselher, who is mentioned

immediately after. Still there is an awkwardness here.

THIRTY-EIGHTH ADVENTURE

(St. II.) The king himself has come to the feast, has made one of the

party, that is, has been slaughtered with the rest. See Lachmann's note

(St. 2173 L.).

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