STORM AND STRESS
The first Roumanian Ministry under the new _régime_ was composed
of members of all political parties, Conservatives and Liberals,
Moldavians and Wallachians, Right, Centre, and Left. Lascar
Catargui was appointed President of the Ministry, which, amongst
others, included Joan Bratianu (Finance), Petre Mavrogheni (Foreign
Affairs), General Prince[9] Jon Ghika (War), and Demeter Sturdza
(Public Works).
[9] All titles and privileges of the Roumanian nobility were
abolished by law with the exception of the title of Bey-Sadé (Prince
or "Fürst") granted to the sons of former Hospodars.
The chief task of the new Government was to secure the recognition
of their new ruler by the Powers, but the telegrams from the
Roumanian agents abroad showed very plainly that the _fait accompli_
was only the first step towards the desired end. The initiative
of the Prince found favour, it is true, with Napoleon, but his
Minister, Drouyn de L'Huys, regarded his action as an insult to the
Paris Conference, whilst the Sultan refused to receive the letter
addressed to him by Prince Charles, and announced his intention of
applying to the Conference for sanction to occupy the Principalities
by armed force. To meet this possibility, the immediate mobilisation
of the Roumanian Army was decided upon by the Cabinet, and the
Prince seized an occasion for reviewing the troops on May 24. The
Turkish protest against the election was submitted to the Conference
on the following day, but the Powers decided that Turkey was
not entitled to occupy Roumanian territory without the previous
consent of the Powers, and also declared that they had broken off
official communications with the Prince's Government. As the news
from Constantinople became more and more threatening, a credit
of eight million francs was voted by the Roumanian Chamber for
warlike purposes, and orders were issued for the concentration of
the frontier battalions and Dorobanz Cavalry. The former, however,
mutinied and refused to leave their garrisons, whilst an inspection
of the arsenal showed that there was scarcely enough powder in the
magazines for more than a few rounds to each soldier.
The deputation sent to conciliate Russia met with a cold reception
from Prince Gortchakoff, who complained that France had been
consulted before the _fait accompli_. He further remonstrated
against the collection of Polish refugees on the Roumanian frontier.
On the other hand, he did not appear averse from an alliance between
Prince Charles and the Russian Imperial family. Bismarck received
the members of the deputation with cordiality, and recommended them
to assume an anti-Austrian attitude in the event of an insurrection
in Hungary. In the meantime, the Paris Conference declined to
appoint commissaries for the Principalities, as had been done
formerly under the Hospodars, and practically decided to leave
Roumania an open question.
The finances of the Principalities were completely disorganised, as
the Public Treasury was empty, the floating debt amounted to close
on seven millions sterling, and it seemed as though the year 1866
would indicate a deficit of another six millions. To complete the
financial ruin of the country, a proposal to create paper money was
set on foot, but was thrown out by the Chamber.
The chief measure laid before the Chamber was the draft of a new
Constitution. The Prince insisted upon an Upper and a Lower House as
well as upon an unconditional and absolute veto, whilst the Chamber
wished to grant a merely suspensive veto, such as is exercised by
the President of the United States of America. Owing in great part
to the efforts of Prince Charles, the report of the Committee upon
the Constitution was presented on June 28, when a series of heated
debates arose on the question of granting political rights to the
Roumanian Jews. The excitement spread rapidly throughout Bucharest,
and a riotous mob destroyed the newly erected synagogue. Thereupon,
the unpopular sections of the Constitution were hastily abandoned by
the Government in deference to the wishes of the Jews themselves. A
better fate, however, befell the veto question, which was decided
in favour of the Prince, and on July 11 the Constitution was
unanimously passed through the Chamber by ninety-one votes.
On the following day the Prince proceeded, with the same ceremonies
as before, to the Metropolie to attend the Te Deum before taking
the oath to the new Constitution in the Chamber. He then seized the
opportunity of reminding the representatives of the nation that
Roumania's chief object must be to remain neutral and on good terms
with the neighbouring Powers.
The Prince's daily routine at this period was calculated to tax to
the utmost even his abnormal energy and strength. After a ride in
the early morning, the correspondence of the day was gone through
before the Ministers were received. Then followed miscellaneous
audiences, and the inspection of some Government institution or
school in Bucharest. The organisation of the Ministries and Courts
of Justice was modelled on those of France: the hospitals, thanks
to the liberality of former Hospodars, were well endowed, and able
to treat patients free of charge. In many cases, however, the
hospital buildings were insanitary; the prisons were in the most
unsatisfactory condition, the food of the prisoners was of very
indifferent quality, while, last, but by no means least, among
the many points which demanded his close attention at this time,
was the question of barracks and military establishments. At six
o'clock the Prince dined with his household, and often some ten
or twelve guests of opposite political opinions were invited, in
order that he might become more closely acquainted with the views
of the various parties. As, however, punctuality was at that time a
custom more honoured in the breach than the observance in Bucharest,
it frequently happened that the Prince had to commence dinner
without one or other of his guests. After dinner Prince Charles
generally drove along the _chaussée_, which, enclosed on either
side by handsome gardens, formed the rendezvous of the fashion
of the capital. On other days the Prince rode to one or other of
the numerous monasteries and cloisters in the neighbourhood, such
as Cernika, the burial-place of the Metropolitans, Pasere and
Caldaruschan.
Prince Jon Ghika returned from Constantinople on the 15th of July
with a draft of the conditions upon which the Porte was willing to
recognise Prince Charles. A Council of Ministers was assembled the
same evening to consider this project, which was then unanimously
rejected, and a counter-project was drawn up and discussed in
all its bearings on the 17th. The main features in dispute were
as follows: The Porte wished to retain the name of the "United
Principalities of Wallachia and Moldavia," whilst the Ministry
were in favour of either "Roumania" or "The United Roumanian
Principalities." The Porte declared that the princely dignity must
continue to be elective, whilst the Roumanians in return demanded
the recognition of the right of hereditary succession and, in the
absence of a direct descendant of the Prince, his brother's family
was to succeed. In reply to the Turkish demand for military aid
in any war, the Ministry declared that Roumania would only render
assistance in a defensive war. The proposal of the Porte to send
an agent to protect Turkish interests in the Principalities was
rejected entirely, as was also the demand that Roumania should
neither coin money nor confer decorations.
Acting on his father's maxim, "A wise and an honest ruler must never
pursue a personal policy, but only a national one," Prince Charles
declined to countenance a rebellion in Hungary advocated at a
private interview by General Türr, the well-known Hungarian patriot
and agitator. A similar course was pursued with regard to a Servian
deputation, which assured the Prince that all the Eastern Christians
rested upon him their hopes of deliverance from the Turkish yoke.
The first Ministerial crisis occurred on July 25, 1866, owing
to the financial troubles and the disagreement existing between
the President and MM. Bratianu and Rossetti. The Prince confided
the task of forming the new Ministry to Jon Ghika, who had
proved himself an able and energetic diplomat in conducting the
negotiations with the Porte.
In the midst of these difficulties the sorrowful news of the death
of his brother Anthony, from wounds received at Königgrätz, reached
the Prince early on August 7. The sympathy which this family event
evoked amongst all classes of the Roumanian nation was the surest
proof of the affection and regard already inspired by their new
ruler. Ministers, municipal authorities, officers of the Army and
Militia, and all the notabilities of the country hastened to express
their sympathy with the Prince's family in the warmest manner.
The serious condition of the finances forced the Prince to diminish
the strength of the Army by 7000 men, although the attitude of the
Porte still rendered it advisable to concentrate all available
forces. Prince Charles also addressed the following letter to the
Emperor Napoleon to induce him to favour a Roumanian loan in Paris:
"In accepting the throne of Roumania, I knew that the duties
devolving on me were enormous: still I confess that the
difficulties to be surmounted are even greater than I thought.
"The most complete disorder in the finances as well as in all
the branches of the Administration gives rise to difficulties
against which I have to struggle every day, and which render my
task extremely painful....
"A greater power than that of man--the Divine--sends us fresh
trials. The whole country, especially Moldavia, is threatened
with a famine.... The only means of succouring the populace
is by means of a loan.... Trusting, Sire, in the affectionate
sentiments of your Majesty, I ask you for the aid of your
all-powerful goodwill, because it is the knowledge of your
Majesty's constant goodwill to the Roumanians and, I venture to
say, to me personally, that has sustained me in the midst of the
difficulties with which I have had to contend...."
The Prince concluded with the words: "The happiness of the
Roumanian nation has become the aim of my life: I have devoted
to this mission all my time and all my aspirations."
Owing to the active support of France, the Sublime Porte declared
its willingness to concede certain points of the Roumanian
counter-project, such as the election of the Prince, the hereditary
succession in the Prince's family, and the establishment of the Army
at 30,000 men, but demanded in return the recognition of Roumania as
a _partie intégrale_ of the Ottoman Empire.
On August 21, Prince Charles set out on a journey through
Moldavia, accompanied by General Prince Ghika, Mavrogheni, and his
aides-de-camp. The route ran through Buseu, Fokschani, which was
devastated by cholera, and Ajud, where the long awaited rain first
fell on the dried-up country, then through Kaitz to Okna, where
the Prince inspected the great salt mines and the prison. The next
important halts were made at Botoschani, an almost wholly Jewish
town, and at the Moldavian capital, Jassy, romantically situated
on the banks of the Bachlui. The town is built in terraces on the
hillside, where the numerous domes and towers scattered amongst
the green trees lend it a most picturesque and almost oriental
appearance. The reception accorded to the Prince was brilliant and
hearty in the extreme, the only discordant note being the refusal
of the Rosnovanu family to share in the public rejoicings. It is,
however, pleasant to note that in later years this family sought to
show by every means how completely their opinions had changed.
Important and urgent news from Constantinople then forced the Prince
to bring his tour to an end, and Cotroceni, near Bucharest, was
reached on September 7, after some 920 miles had been traversed in
seventeen days by means of about 3000 post-horses. The result of
the journey was altogether favourable, for not only had the Prince
gained a clearer insight into the affairs of Moldavia, but the
Separatist faction had been considerably weakened by the intercourse
of Prince Charles with the leading men of the Principality.
The following day the Prince received the English and French
Consuls, who came to advocate compliance with the demands of the
Sublime Porte, which, though couched in far more moderate language,
still contained the disputed clauses of the former project. The
Ministry thereupon decided to send Ministers Stirbey and Sturdza to
Constantinople to negotiate better terms for Roumania.
The Prince received a letter from his father on September 14, 1866,
containing the following significant paragraph:
"The political horizon is still very overcast; a war with France
is unavoidable, although it will not take place this year. The
'chauvinism' of the French Press is colossal, and the Emperor,
who is personally inclined for peace, will probably have to give
way to the pressure!..."
The news from Constantinople now became more favourable, as both
General Ignatieff and the Marquis de Moustier brought pressure to
bear on Ali Pacha in favour of Roumania. Moreover, the condition of
Crete, where an insurrection had broken out, aided and instigated
by Greece, was in itself a reason why the Porte should come to a
definite settlement with Roumania. Negotiations, however, suffered
further delays owing to the departure of the Marquis de Moustier
and the renewal of impossible demands by Ali Pacha, who was now
supported by England and France. The last named believed that
Prussian influence caused the Prince's reluctance to comply with
the Emperor Napoleon's advice and proceed to Constantinople before
receiving recognition by means of a firman, and the relations of
Roumania to France became consequently cooler. The whole affair
turned upon the words, "_partie intégrale de mon Empire_," which
the Roumanian Ministry refused at first to accept, but now sought
to modify by the addition of "_dans les limites fixées par les
capitulations et le Traité de Paris_." This addition was at last
agreed to by Ali Pacha, and the long struggle ended on October 20.
An exchange of letters, as recommended by the French Ambassador,
then took place between the Grand Vizier and Prince Charles, who
announced his intention of proceeding to Constantinople to receive
the firman from the hands of the Sultan.
The Prince granted an audience to the Consuls of the Powers on the
following day to receive the congratulations of their Governments
upon his recognition by the Porte before setting out on his journey
to Constantinople. At Rustchuk the Governor of the Danubian vilayet,
Midhat Pacha, received the Prince with the utmost ceremony. On
arriving at Varna Prince Charles embarked at once on the Imperial
steam yacht _Issedin_, which had brought Djemil Pacha and Memduh Bey
to escort him to the Golden Horn.
On his arrival at Constantinople the Prince landed at Beglerby,
where an imperial palace had been destined for his reception. Thence
the Prince, in the uniform of a Roumanian general, proceeded to
Dolma Bagdsche, where the Sultan came to the door of his cabinet
to welcome him. Next the sofa on which the Sultan was to sit a
chair was placed for the Prince, but he pushed it gently aside,
and as a Prince of Hohenzollern sat down next to his Suzerain.
The conversation which then ensued turned first upon the Prince's
journey, and afterwards on the state of affairs in Roumania. At
the conclusion of the audience the Sultan handed Prince Charles a
paper, which he laid on the table without looking at it, and then
asked for permission to present his suite, one of whom took charge
of the firman. The Sultan took a hearty leave of the Prince, who
then visited the Sublime Porte, where the Grand Vizier welcomed him
and presented to him the various Turkish great dignitaries of the
Ottoman Empire.
On October 26 Prince Charles received the Ambassadors of the Powers,
amongst their number Lord Lyons, who had been of material assistance
in obtaining the recognition of the Prince, but who was strongly
opposed to any slackening of the bonds between Turkey and the Vassal
States.
The impression left in the Prince's mind by the magnificent
reception was that it was due more to his descent from the House of
Hohenzollern than to the fact that he was ruler of Roumania, for the
Hospodars had been treated merely as highly placed officials, and
as a symbol of their vassaldom were obliged to hold the Sultan's
stirrup as he mounted.
The second visit to the Sultan took place on October 28, and was
marked by the same heartiness as before. Prince Charles, on leaving
the Palace, _en route_ for a review specially ordered in his honour,
passed through the Marble Gates, which are generally opened for the
Sultan alone. The review took place in pouring rain on the heights
of Pancaldi, where six battalions, two cavalry regiments, and four
batteries were drawn up. Ali Pacha entertained the Prince at dinner
the same evening, when Prince Charles proposed the health of the
Sultan, and expressed the wishes he shared in common "with all
Roumanians" for the welfare of the Sultan and of the Turkish Empire.
In reply the Grand Vizier laid special stress upon the deep interest
his Imperial Majesty took in the Prince and "the Moldo-Wallachian
population." Ali Pacha subsequently offered the Prince a number
of Turkish orders of the various classes, adding that the patents
would be sent to him in blank every year, and might be granted as
the Prince thought fit. This offer was, however, declined, and
the permission of the Porte was obtained for the institution of a
medal for the Roumanian Army. After taking leave of the Sultan on
October 30, Prince Charles returned to Varna in the Imperial yacht
_Issedin_, arriving in Bucharest on November 2.
The impending elections now claimed the attention of Prince Charles,
who, in a letter to the President of the Ministry, declared that
"not even the shadow of influence" must be brought to bear on the
electors. The Government, however, misconstrued the expression of
this wish as a concession to the Liberal Opposition. The result of
the elections was a bitter disappointment to the Prince and his
advisers: one-third of the new Chamber was composed of partisans of
the ex-Prince Kusa and Separatists, a second of supporters of the
Government, and the third of Liberals. Not one of these parties,
therefore, could dispose of a decisive majority. The Chamber was
opened on November 27 by Prince Charles in person, who adjured the
Deputies to lay aside all jealousies and personal interests, and to
aid him in reorganising the country by "accepting the wholesome
principles of honesty, industry, and economy, which alone can raise
the civilisation, wealth, and power of the nation."
The failure of the crops in conjunction with famine and cholera had
added to the already heavy financial difficulties of the country.
The paper currency was at 30 per cent. discount, whilst the pay of
the Army and the officials remained in arrears. In spite of the
applause with which the Prince's speech was received, the Government
measures were obstructed at every turn by incessant intrigues in the
Chamber.
The following most interesting letter from the Prince's father,
bearing on the difficulties of Napoleon's position, was received on
December 24, 1866:
"The position of France is at present most insecure. Napoleon's
dynasty must struggle with four immense difficulties:
"(1) The bitter resentment of the nation at Prussia's success in
war. The Clericals do not cease to add fuel to this smouldering
fire, and it will not be their fault if the national hatred does
not break out into open flames. The Emperor is the most sober
and reasonable of all Frenchmen, but it is quite possible that
he may allow himself to be dragged into a war with Prussia in
order to preserve his dynasty.
"(2) The Roman question is one of equal importance. The
withdrawal of the French force from Rome will either lead to the
instantaneous downfall of the Papal State, which would cause
an unbounded agitation by the very strong Ultramontane party
in France against the Emperor, and entail the most serious
consequences for him, or else the withdrawal of the troops
will not lead to the fall of the Papal State--in which case a
great bitterness would arise amongst all the Liberal circles of
France, which see the chief obstacle to national progress in the
effete government of the Pope.
"Under any circumstances, the solution of this question is
dangerous for the Emperor, especially as the Empress will
materially hinder the settlement of the situation by her Spanish
temperament and bigoted inclinations, just as she will probably
achieve her unnecessary pilgrimage to Rome in spite of the
Ministry, calculating on the domestic weakness of the Emperor.
"(3) The Mexican affair is the first and most flagrant defeat
of the French Government. It is no longer a secret that the
withdrawal of the French troops from Mexico is the result of
an earnest, even menacing pressure from North America. If this
pressure should be ignored in Paris, the weak French force in
Mexico would be exposed to a Sicilian vesper. The troops must
therefore retire, and with them probably all Frenchmen settled
in Mexico.
"This is a terrible situation for the Emperor. He destroys
his own creation, the throne of Maximilian, and so offers a
most material _point d'appui_ to the powerful Opposition in
France. In other words, this is a personal defeat of the Empire,
than which none greater can be conceived! Either a war or a
disgraceful peace with North America must follow, against which
a war with Germany, contrived in order to flatter the French and
wipe out the bad impression, will be the only means of salvation
and safety. Many millions of French money will be lost over
this business, and the shaken and impoverished families will
continue to fan the fire of discontent. The Opposition, which
was opposed to the Mexican expedition from the beginning, will
now be justified in the eyes of the nation, and the prestige of
the Empire will be materially injured.
"(4) The bad condition of the French finances and a deficit
increasing from year to year form another great danger. The
French Court itself unfortunately does not set an example of
wise economy, and is thereby morally responsible for the ever
increasing immorality of the Administration....
"The Oriental question, though theoretically dangerous, does not
at first appear to be a source of real danger. Russia, indeed,
might make it so, but England, Austria, Italy, France, and
Prussia have a too substantial interest in the _status quo_ to
exclude the hope that several years of peace will ensue so far
as that is concerned....
"There can be no doubt now that Bismarck is not only the man of
the hour, but that he is also indispensable. Prussia has become
a power of the first rank, and from henceforth must be taken
into consideration.
"The foreign policy of Prussia is firm, clear, decisive,
and to the point. At home various elements of wavering and
contradiction make their influence felt.
"The annexed territories might already have become more
Prussian, were not the fear of democracy so great in Berlin....
The Chambers are willing, everything has been passed and
sanctioned that the Government demanded--but unheard-of truths
have been told, so much so that the feudal party has not quite
the courage to glorify personal government beyond reasonable
limits.
"The nation has obviously matured, politically speaking.
Political extravagances have also decreased rather than
increased in the army, owing to the consciousness of a
gloriously ended war.
"In Southern Germany public opinion is still continually
excited, especially in Württemberg; Bavaria sways like a reed.
Prince Hohenlohe Schillingsfürst[10] may become President of
the Ministry in place of Pfordten; his appointment would be a
sign in favour of Prussia. Baden's attitude is the most correct;
there they would prefer the supremacy of Prussia to that of
Bavaria and Württemberg.
[10] The present German Chancellor [1899].
"A proof of the want of earnestness in the unity of Southern
Germany is afforded by the fact that Bavaria is improving its
Podewils rifle, Württemberg adopts the Swiss arm, Baden the
Prussian needle gun, and the Grand Duchy of Hesse retains the
Minié! And yet everybody is complaining of the want of unity
amongst politicians and soldiers...."
In reply to a letter from Napoleon III. Prince Charles explained the
chief difficulty of the situation thus:
"The Panslavonic party seeks to produce complications in the
East by all possible means. They have already been able to
influence Greece; the Cretans have rebelled, and, strong in
the aid of nationalities which they cannot call upon in vain,
claim the assistance of Europe. Agitators under Greek names are
busy amongst the Christian populations and fan their latent
courage.... Emissaries endeavour to incite the population of
Moldavia, and even our Chamber of Deputies is prepared to create
difficulties for us.
"If the interest and sympathy of the great Western Powers lead
us to hope that the Eastern Question will be solved in our
favour, we must confess that we are not yet ready to obtain
advantage from the situation.... We must, therefore, expect
everything from the support of our traditional protectors, and
especially from the friendship of your Majesty. It appears to
me, Sire, most desirable that France, England, and Prussia
should from now come to an understanding on the matter of
Eastern affairs. A close concert between these three Powers
would be the surest guarantee of our national independence...."
Prince Charles received the following autograph letter from Queen
Victoria on February 13, 1867, _à propos_ of his recognition by the
Sultan:
"MY DEAR COUSIN,
"I cannot possibly allow the formal answer to your letter to be
despatched without adding at the same time a few lines to the
brother of my dear and never-to-be-forgotten niece Stephanie and
my dear nephew Leopold.
"I also desire to offer my sincere congratulations on the happy
solution of the difficulties with the Sultan, as well as my
warmest wishes for your future and lasting happiness and welfare.
"I shall always take the warmest interest in your success, and
I do not doubt that you will continue faithful in the future
to the principles of moderation and wisdom, which you have
hitherto pursued.
"I remain always your sincere cousin,
"VICTORIA REG."
The condition of Crete and the consequent agitation in Greece formed
the chief topic of a letter addressed to Prince Charles by the King
of the Greeks. King George pointed out the difficulties caused by
the patriotic excitement of his people, whose longing for war was
so strong that they expected him to fight Turkey without money,
troops, ships, or allies. He could not appear in the streets without
being greeted with cries of "To Constantinople" from men and women
of all classes. It was the special misfortune of his people that
they thought every insurrection must bear golden fruit, because they
themselves had always gained some end by revolution.
The Cretans formed three distinct Corps which were kept supplied
with ammunition and recruits by Greek ships. This the Turkish fleet
was powerless to prevent, as it had no coal, and was therefore
forced to remain at anchor. The Greeks reckoned confidently upon an
insurrection in Thessaly and Epirus, though, of course, they were
well aware that Russia only fomented this movement in order that
the Turkish efforts to suppress it might indirectly strengthen the
Slav element by exciting sympathy in Eastern Europe. It was at this
time that the Russian Government announced that it did not aim at
the destruction of the Ottoman Empire, but only desired emancipation
and humane treatment for the Christian subjects of the Sultan, and
that it was awaiting a more favourable moment for the release from
the onerous conditions of the 1856 Treaty and the re-acquisition of
Bessarabia. The cession of Crete to Greece was, however, strongly
advocated by the Russian diplomatists.
A ministerial crisis in Roumania was brought to an end on March 5 by
the laconic motion: "The Chamber has no confidence in the Ministry!"
which was passed by a majority of three votes. Eventually a new
Ministry was formed under the presidency of Cretzulesku, a moderate
Conservative, and was on the whole well received by the Chamber.
A Roumanian statesman sent on a confidential mission to Vienna by
the Prince reported that the feeling of the Austrian Government
was now far more friendly than formerly, and that the questions of
extradition and commercial treaties, consular jurisdiction, and
the appointment of an accredited agent in Vienna would find more
favourable consideration with the Austrian statesmen.
A law was passed by the Chamber and promulgated in the official
_Moniteur_ conferring honorary citizenship on W. E. Gladstone, J.
A. Roebuck, Jules Michelet, Edgar Quinet, St. Marc Girardin, J. E.
Ubicini, and P. T. Bataillard, in recognition of their efforts on
behalf of the Balkan States.
About this time Prince Charles Anthony wrote his son an interesting
letter referring to the Luxemburg Question, which at that moment
threatened to cause a war between Prussia and France. The Prince
wrote as follows:
"Once more we are on the threshold of great events--it is
possible that a continental war may soon break out again, and
equally possible that we may enjoy a lasting peace. This much
at least is certain, Napoleon's star is sinking and France is
seething and fermenting."
A letter from Paris aptly described the views of the French
Government on the subject of Roumania and Prince Charles.
"The Prince is very popular, much loved and highly esteemed
personally, but his Government (that of Ghika) is unpopular,
wanting in initiative, foresight, and firmness, so that its
position is not solid. Reforms make no progress, Russian
intrigues have ample play, because the indecision of the
Government and its want of energy throw doubt on its stability.
Only to-day a diplomat remarked to me that the Russian party is
getting the upper hand, that Russophile officers, such as a
certain Solomon and others, have regained their influence and
position, and that those who helped to elect the Prince are
discouraged at seeing Russia, the eternal enemy of the country,
in the ascendant."
After alluding to the project of a Russian marriage, the letter
continued:
"The Prince will soon be convinced that Russian ambition will
not give way to sentiment or family ties. It marches straight
to its goal in spite of opposition, and yields to nothing but
superior force."
Another letter from the same quarter addressed to the Prince
gives the following quaint definition of the faults of the German
character:
"The German is never sympathetic to foreign nations, he is
deficient in charm, in grace. The North German is too stiff; the
South German is too heavy ever to awaken feelings of sympathy.
This is as true as that the earth turns on its axis. Even
admitting that in diplomacy one may be ungrateful, nevertheless
the punishment seldom fails, as witness Austria, which has paid
heavily for its ingratitude. It is most imprudent to alienate
yourself from France."
An application for permission to return to Roumania was received on
May 26, from the exiled Prince Kusa, who alleged that his presence
was required in a lawsuit affecting his private interests. Though
Prince Charles was inclined to grant this favour, the decision was
left to his Ministry, who opposed the project, as they had reason to
believe that Prince Kusa's presence might provoke troubles.
An unsuccessful attempt to assassinate the Czar was made on June 7,
1867, when the Prince wrote to congratulate his Imperial Majesty on
his escape. The Czar replied as follows:
"I thank your Highness for the sentiments which you have
expressed in your letter of June 10, on an occasion when Divine
Providence has deigned to manifest its protection so clearly.
You are right in not doubting the affectionate interest which I
feel for you, and the warm solicitude which I have not ceased
to consecrate to the welfare of my Christian brethren in the
united Principalities. The hopes which I entertain regarding
them are particularly founded on the fact that a spirit of
order and authority will prevail over the passions which have
excited them only too deeply during these last days. It is for
your Highness to establish these principles firmly, for without
them no society can prosper; and I like to believe that you will
display therein a firmness equal to the wisdom which you have
shown since your accession to power.
"ALEXANDER."
The news that Omar Pacha had at last gained a signal victory over
the Cretan insurgents was of the greatest interest to Prince
Charles, who was well informed as to the general situation in that
quarter. Whilst the majority of the Powers had proposed as early
as April the cession of that island to Greece, France had gone
still further, and demanded the cession of Thessaly and Epirus as
well. Austria and Russia were, however, opposed to this, for though
Russia desired to weaken Turkey in every possible respect, it was
no part of her plan to help in strengthening Greece. In such cases
the diplomacy of the Turkish statesmen appears to lie in the art
of giving evasive answers and in skilfully playing off one Power
against the other.
The recently appointed Russian Ambassador to the Porte, General
Ignatieff, made use of the energetic demand of France on behalf of
Crete to persuade the Sublime Porte that the Western Powers were
the greatest enemies of Turkey, whilst Russia was her only true
friend and natural ally. His influence was, however, lessened by
the Sultan's unexpected invitation to visit the Paris Exhibition,
followed by another from England. Count Ignatieff was forced to
content himself with the sarcastic reflection that, though every
Court in Europe might in turn invite the Sultan, Russia would still
have the satisfaction of seeing him ruined financially.
Prince Charles proceeded to Giurgiu, on August 5, on his way to meet
the Sultan at Rustschuk, who was returning from Paris. The interview
with his suzerain lasted about half an hour, and Ali Pacha acted as
interpreter. The Sultan appeared in excellent spirits at the result
of his visit, and delighted with the reception he had met with on
his travels.
Owing to the continued hostility of France, especially as regarded
the Jewish Question, J. Bratianu was forced to resign his portfolio,
and a day later the entire Ministry followed him. The news of
this step spread consternation throughout the country, and threw
the greatest difficulties in the way of Stephen Golesku, who was
entrusted with the formation of the new Ministry. The Separatists
also seized upon this critical state of affairs to reproach the
Prince openly with having sacrificed his Minister to pressure
from abroad; indeed, the whole political situation appeared
most threatening. Influential persons in France were inciting
ex-Prince Kusa to agitate in Roumania: the Minister of Finance
wanted to resign because there were no funds for most necessary
expenses--_e.g._, the officers on the half-pay list had not received
their pay for two months; the open hostility of the Austrian
and French Press; the anti-dynastic and separatist movement in
Moldavia, fomented by Russia: all these contributed to increase the
difficulties which beset the path of the young ruler.
The state of affairs in Crete remained practically unaltered;
supported by Greece and Russia, the Cretans demanded nothing less
than incorporation with Greece, whilst England and France viewed
this proposal with disfavour. Ali Pacha, the Grand Vizier, was sent
to Crete with the most extensive powers to pacify the island; in
addition to other reforms, a Christian Governor-General was to be
appointed. A sudden change, however, took place in the views of the
Porte, for the Sultan at last recognised the futility of constantly
giving way to foreign interference, and determined to hold his own
by force of arms. No fewer than 80,000 men were to be despatched to
the island, though the season was by no means favourable to military
operations.
In the meantime a special session of the Roumanian Chamber was
convoked on November 6 to introduce reforms in the army, to confirm
certain railway concessions, and to vote the supplies without which
the administration had become impossible. In spite of the continued
hostility of France towards J. Bratianu, the Prince appointed that
statesman Minister of Finance. The Chamber was then dissolved by the
advice of the Ministry, who gave the following considerations as
their reasons:
The Chamber had been elected shortly after the accession of the
Prince, at a period when the nation scarcely knew what policy
their ruler intended to adopt, or, indeed, the details of the
new Constitution. The consequence of this ignorance was a wrong
application of the election laws--fully half the elections would
have been annulled had they been strictly investigated. It was
evident from the first that no Ministry could reckon upon a majority
in a House so equally divided, and so it happened that the Budget
could not be passed at the proper time. In February the factions had
combined so far as to defeat the Ministry, but the new majority was
again divided into three factions, and unable therefore to do its
duty. The Senate was dissolved for the same reasons.
A complete victory was scored by the Liberal Government at the
general election, both in the Chamber and the Senate. The speech
from the throne on January 15, 1868, congratulated the Deputies on
the peaceful course of the elections; and, after touching on the
Jewish Question, insisted upon the necessity of legislating for the
army, the Church, and finance, which all demanded their closest
attention.
Count Bismarck pointed out to the Prince that Russian support would
be of the greatest benefit to Roumania, an opinion shared by Prince
Charles Anthony, who remarked that Russia was either a powerful
friend or a dangerous enemy. The future of the Orient belonged to
Russia in the probable development of European affairs. "France will
continue to lose _prestige_; it is, therefore, only common sense to
step voluntarily into the Russian sphere of influence before one
is forced to do so, yet at the same time without falling out with
France...."
In a letter, which crossed the above, Prince Charles wrote:
"The greatest danger for Roumania is a Franco-Russian Alliance.
The former Power at present does its utmost to effect this.
To-day France is forced to make friends of its enemies, for
nobody sides with it. The whole Orient is against France....
Italy will have need of Prussia, and Prussia of Italy, for they
both have only evil to expect from France.... France has lost
much ground here, and if we did not remember that she has done
much good for Roumania, we should break with her entirely...."
A Treaty--purely "platonic," as the Prince termed it--was ratified
with Servia on February 2, 1868, to "guard the reciprocal interests
of the two countries ... and to develop the prosperity of the
countries in conformity with their legitimate and autonomous
rights."
The ill-will and pique of the French Government led to an official
request for information about the Bulgarian rebel bands, which were
reported to be assembling along the Danube preparatory to invading
Turkish territory, aided and abetted by the Roumanian Government.
These accusations, it must be confessed, were partly founded on
fact, for it was impossible to prevent the Roumanian nation from
testifying in a practical manner to its sympathy with its oppressed
neighbours. Besides this, many influential Bulgarian families had
sought refuge in Roumania from the pressure of Midhat Pacha's iron
hand. The wave of hatred and enmity of the Christian religion
which at the time appeared to sweep over the whole Turkish Empire
contributed materially to incite the Bulgarians in Roumania to
undertake reprisals in revenge of the outrages inflicted upon their
native country.
The following letter from Count Bismarck was received by Prince
Charles:
"BERLIN, _27th February, 1868_.
"I had the honour to receive your Highness's gracious letter
of the 27th inst., and make use to-day of the first secure
opportunity of tendering your Highness my humble thanks for
the gracious sentiments expressed therein. It will always be
a pleasant duty, and the outcome of my personal attachment,
to be of service to your Highness's interests here. I have
endeavoured to show my devotion in the latest phase of politics
by maintaining in London and Paris my conviction that the
rumours about the warlike undertakings on your Highness's
territory are malicious inventions. The origin of these reports
appears to be a Belgian Consul, whom we had cause to complain
of in Brussels. At the same time, it must be remembered that
the rumours have been used in Paris to make your Highness
feel that an _entente_ with Russia does not accord with the
intentions of France. This does not affect the fact that every
stable Government of Roumania has need of friendly relations
with Russia as much and, indeed, owing to its geographical
situation, even more than with any other of the European Powers.
Your Highness must expect the reaction which will result from
pursuing your own course. I do not doubt that the mission to St.
Petersburg will result the more favourably, as the Bishop of
Ismail succeeds in enlisting the active sympathy of his brethren
and fellow priests in Petersburg, and in publicly fostering the
impression that this has happened....
"v. BISMARCK."
As foretold by Bismarck, the mission to St. Petersburg caused the
Paris Government to look upon Roumania as lost to France. Bratianu
was accused of having thrown himself into the arms of Russia,
backed by his large majority at the recent elections. Again and
again the young Prince was warned not to offend the French Emperor
by base ingratitude.
Prince Charles Anthony wrote to his son that "Bismarck's ...
observation that Roumania is the Belgium of South-Eastern Europe
is perfectly correct. Roumania, like Belgium, must not attempt
foreign politics, but must live on the best possible terms with her
neighbours: she will then share in the fruits which in due season
will fall from the tree of Europe. But she must not pluck them
herself, especially while they are unripe.... The situation of the
Jews, such as prevails on the Lower Danube, is an evil rash upon
the body of the State; but it is as impossible to solve this Jewish
Question with one blow as to drive a rash away at once. However, I
have complete confidence in your ability to use the right means.
The same applies to the dreaded declaration of independence. Such a
one-sided action would be the most colossal imprudence: the force
of circumstances and not the wish of the Roumanian nation will be
the operative factor." This sage counsel prevailed, although the
declaration of independence was strongly advocated by many of the
Prince's advisers.
In June 1868 the arrival of Prince Napoleon on a visit to the Prince
of Roumania was heartily welcomed by the whole nation, which was
glad of an opportunity of expressing her sympathy and regard for
France and the Imperial dynasty. Prince Napoleon, however, created
a very indifferent impression, for not even the utmost enthusiasm,
the deafening cheers, the showers of bouquets from the hands of fair
ladies, were able to move him from the passive and icy demeanour
which he displayed on his arrival. Although he had barely one word
to say to the many persons presented to him, his manner to Prince
Charles was very amiable, and he frequently repeated his offer of
assistance to the Prince. The conversation did not take a political
turn, with the exception of the one sentence: "Paris considers you
wholly in the Russian camp."
The greatest confusion still prevailed in Crete, where the
inhabitants persisted in their demand for union with Greece, and
even elected sixteen Deputies to represent the island in the
Athenian Chamber. This step, however, created a great difficulty for
the Greek Government, for if these Cretan Deputies were allowed to
sit, the censure of the European Powers would be incurred, whilst if
they were sent about their business the excitement of the populace
might easily precipitate a crisis.
The news of the assassination of Prince Michael of Servia, who had
always preserved the most friendly relations with Prince Charles,
was received on June 11, 1868, with consternation and sincere
regret by the Roumanian nation. Prince Milan Obrenowitch was
unanimously elected Prince of Servia, under a regency composed of
MM. Blagnavatz, Ristitch, and Gavrilovitch, by the Skuptchina on
July 5, 1868.
A band of one hundred and fifty Bulgarians assembled in Roumanian
territory and crossed the Danube on July 16 near Petroschani,
abetted by a farmer, who concealed their rifles on an island
in midstream. Aided by the Bulgarians south of the river, the
insurrection spread rapidly, until Midhat Pacha defeated the rebels
at Letzwitza. A proclamation of the provisional government of the
Balkans was found among them, calling the Bulgarians to shake off
the Turkish yoke and found a Bulgarian kingdom. With barbarous
severity Midhat Pacha thereupon ordered all prisoners to be executed
in their native villages as a deterrent to the remainder of the
population. The Roumanian Government was accused of fomenting the
insurrection, or at least of having taken no steps to prevent the
congregation of insurgents on Roumanian territory; but the real
culprits were proved to have been Russian instigators. Prince
Charles refers to the incident as follows, in a letter to his father:
"The insurrection appears to be wholly suppressed for the
present, and the few insurgents still remaining in Bulgaria
have retired to the Balkans. How long the peace will remain
undisturbed I cannot say; but the fact remains that the
bitter feeling of the Bulgarians has reached its climax, and
can only be compared to religious fanaticism. Numerous bands
of insurgents are still on Roumanian territory, but we are
forcing them to disperse. Much anxiety is caused by guarding our
extended frontier."... "Public works have now come to the front:
a law has been formulated and passed by the Chamber that each
Roumanian shall work three days or pay for three days' labour in
the year on the roads of the country. This measure was at first
opposed, as it was considered a _corvée_, but we succeeded in
refuting this argument.... I fully realise your advice, that my
chief aim must be directed to the development of the material
interests of the country. I should prefer to leave politics
severely alone, and cut myself off from the rest of the world
for some time to come, but the foreign Powers will not permit
it. France in particular is attempting to throw difficulties
in my way; the Marquis de Moustier desires at all costs to fix
some quarrel on Roumania and to turn out my Ministry, which no
longer inspires confidence in _France_; for this I am sorry;
but, nevertheless, it will not induce me to dismiss a Ministry
which possesses _my_ entire confidence. I forgot to mention
that Bourée, _à propos_ of the Bulgarian incident, expressed
the opinion: 'This circumstance must be utilised to demand the
fall of the Roumanian Ministry.' I think it more important to
change the Ministers in France than in Roumania--the events
in Paris, in the Sorbonne, the Rochefort trial in consequence
of the violent article in the _Lanterne_, &c., are ominous
portents. The Second Empire is severely shaken, and can only
be maintained by radical means if the fatal sentence '_il est
trop tard_' is not to come true--as I am inclined to believe it
will be. Sympathy with France has disappeared in the East, and
she has only herself to thank if the Christian nations throw
themselves into the arms of Russia. Turkish and French politics
are identical here....
"Many irregularities and embezzlements still occur in the
various branches of the administration, but by no means in the
same degree as formerly; a considerable period will probably
elapse before this evil can be wholly remedied.... The juries
are not always capable of fulfilling their task; they often
sentence those who have been guilty of minor offences and
acquit notorious criminals.... I am against Press prosecutions
in Roumania, for what the papers write is valueless; I am in
favour of unlimited freedom of the Press; it is decidedly less
dangerous than limited freedom, the consequences of which are
visible in France to-day."
Events in Spain now appeared to be reaching a critical period,
as Marshal Prim and Serrano were engaged in the task of selecting
a ruler for the vacant throne. Rumour pointed to the following as
possible candidates: The King of Portugal, the Hereditary Prince of
Hohenzollern, Prince Philip of Coburg, and the Duc de Montpensier.
In a letter to the Crown Prince of Prussia, thanking him for a
communication received through Colonel von Krenski,[11] Prince
Charles remarked:
"The revolution in Spain came very much _à propos_, for France
will now be forced to keep quiet. As an old acquaintance I
deplore the fate of the poor Queen, but honestly confess it
was no more than was to be expected. I should like to see an
Orleans or Philip of Coburg ascend the Spanish throne, but on
no account a regent put forward by Napoleon! If the Republic is
victorious in Spain it will soon break out in France, and at the
present time this would be a lesser danger for the development
of Germany than the Napoleonic dynasty."
[11] A Prussian officer, sent in October 1868 by the King of Prussia
as military instructor to Roumania.
The repeated attacks of Austria, or rather of Count Beust, on
the Golesku Ministry and on Bratianu in particular, proved that
the retention of the latter might lead to the most serious
consequences. The nature of these attacks may be recognised from
the misstatements in the Austrian Red Book, which estimated the
number of needle-guns sold to Prince Charles at 50,000 instead of
10,000, whilst Roumania was termed an "arsenal" by Count Beust.
Shortly after the opening of the Chamber the Ministry resigned, and
Prince D. Ghika was entrusted with the formation of a new Ministry.
The most prominent member was M. Cogalniceanu, and the Ministry
was composed of statesmen belonging to every political party. In
a letter to the President Prince Charles praised his programme
as truly national, and expressed the hope that he would succeed
in effacing all differences of opinion and those intrigues so
prejudicial to the interests of the State.
On December 9, 1868, the following letter was received from Prince
Charles Anthony:
"The candidature for the Spanish throne has hitherto been
discussed only in newspapers; we have not ourselves heard a
single word about it, and even should this project be placed
more closely before us, I should never counsel the acceptance of
this hazardous though dazzling position. Moreover, France would
never be able to consent to the establishment of a Hohenzollern
on the other side of the Pyrenees on account of our relations
with Prussia; nay, it is already swollen with jealousy because
a member of that house rules the Lower Danube....
"Bismarck appears to me just now to possess rather less
influence in Home questions.... In the Foreign Office, however,
he continues undisturbed, although even there he has often to
bow to the views of the King."
In a subsequent letter to his son congratulating him on the
excellent results of the change in the Ministry, Prince Charles
Anthony wrote:
"England, which now possesses a new Ministry, must be managed
with tact, for the independence of the Porte is the _corde
sensible_ of both Tories and Whigs. If England is convinced that
Roumania does not wish to emancipate herself, you will be able
to reckon with confidence on England's sympathy and friendship
for Roumania."
Since Greece on December 18 declined to accept the Turkish
ultimatum, all Greek subjects living in Turkey were informed that
they would have to leave the country in fourteen days' time, and
a Conference assembled in Paris for the purpose of adjusting the
differences of these two nations and preventing a war. Their efforts
were crowned with success, for Greece accepted the declaration of
the Conference on February 6, 1869.
Count Andrassy, the Hungarian statesman, endeavoured to convince the
Roumanian Government that its chief source of danger lay in Russia
and that the interests of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy were centred
in a strong Roumania, which would be able to oppose a barrier to
the Panslavonic element. After offering his services in the way of
smoothing over the difficulties which had arisen between the two
States, Count Andrassy expressed the opinion that the best solution
of the Eastern Question would be a Confederation of the Eastern
nations and the creation of various independent States, "to make
the West understand that the question could be solved without the
influence and beyond the aspirations of Russia."
In reply to a letter of Prince Charles regarding the _entente
cordiale_ with Hungary, Prince Bismarck wrote on February 2, 1869,
as follows:
"I consider it a very fortunate and cleverly managed turn of
events that your Highness's relations to the Porte should have
improved. I am convinced that if the Porte believes that it
has nothing to fear for its possessions from the Roumanian
Government, it will be a more useful and perhaps a more sincere
friend to your Highness than the majority of the European
Powers, who can hardly interfere with your Highness so long as
you are on good terms with the Porte. Turkey has much less to
fear from a strong government in Roumania which maintains peace
and quiet--than from a weak and revolutionary state of affairs
in the Principalities. I therefore consider, if your Highness
will graciously permit me to give expression to my long and
active political experience, that the first requirement of your
Highness's policy is the establishment of your authority in the
interior, and the maintenance of confidential relations with
the Porte. The means by which such relations can be promoted
by personal intercourse with influential men in Constantinople
will doubtless be known to your Highness's agents there.
The maintenance of your Highness's authority at home rests
principally upon the maintenance of an absolutely reliable force
of a couple of thousand men able to enforce obedience wherever
they are assembled. The result of such obedience will then
render possible a regular administration and a certain execution
of the law. If your Highness achieves this result, the glory
and practical success of your Government will be greater and
more lasting than any extension of the Roumanian rule in the
East could make it. The ideal for Roumania appears to me to be
the title _de la Belgique des bouches du Danube_, and for your
Highness the glory and the gratitude of Europe such as King
Leopold left behind him. The Roumanians, as we judge them from
this distance, are neither essentially warlike nor ambitious to
rule other nations....
"If this conception meets with your Highness's approval,
amicable relations with Hungary would arise spontaneously. I by
no means advocate the cooling of the _entente_ with Russia; nor
need it suffer through Roumania's friendly feeling for Hungary,
if your Highness only succeeds in cultivating relations with the
Czar and Chancellor in St. Petersburg, without employing the
channel of excited and exciting consular agents. The Imperial
Government itself is far more liberal and moderate than its
agents in the East....
"The present demands of all nations and most of the Governments
of Europe are secure conditions of peace, and everything that
your Highness may do to maintain these, if you announce at the
same time that it is done for the sake of peace, will receive
the applause of Europe, though at first the hired papers of the
intriguers for war may decry your action. But if your Highness
believes that there is no power to render innocuous those who
for foreign money endanger the peace and the stability of your
Highness's rule, I cannot divine the motives which persuade a
scion of so illustrious a house as that of your Highness to
persevere in so ungrateful a task...."
Prince Charles described the motives which led to the dissolution of
the Chamber as follows to his father:
"The conflict between the Chamber and the Ministry--sought by
the former in the appointment of General Macedonski to the
command of the Bucharest Division--shows clearly how the Chamber
endeavoured to prevent the consolidation of the present Ministry
in the hope of undermining all authority. I considered this a
great danger, and the greater the danger, the more rapidly and
energetically must one intervene. Europe desires peace; and
it is not for us, a little State, which has such an endless
labour of development yet before it, and so much to do before
it can become strong--it is not for us to seek and agitate for
war. I hope that in the next Chamber the quiet and reasonable
element of the country will be represented, for this alone can
ensure its future. The election struggles will, however, be
hotly contested, as the opposition will employ every means to
victory. Two days before the dissolution of the Chamber I had a
five hours' conversation with Bratianu.... He thought that the
situation at home was most serious, and that a catastrophe was
imminent. I replied that I feared nothing. '_Un Hohenzollern ne
se laisse pas si facilement renverser comme un prince parvenu._'"
Amongst other rumours, that of an intended abdication gained
much credence at this time, whilst several letters were received
threatening assassination. Prince Charles declined to pay the least
heed to these menaces, and to show his confidence in his adopted
country rode long distances daily in all directions. It was only
natural that Prince Charles Anthony's paternal anxiety should be
aroused by the gloomy picture of the affairs of Roumania and their
effect on the Prince's health. He wrote:
"I have seen Krenski and learnt from him much that is new and
interesting, but find that he regards matters in too gloomy a
light and views everything with ultra-Prussian eyes. It is a
real calamity that the Prussians, despite their qualities of
spirit, character, and knowledge, are frequently deficient in
objective conception and judgment!
"Krenski draws a gloomy picture of your situation, and I had to
restrain him from painting the matter too darkly to your dear
mother. You were looking ill, had no appetite, little sleep, and
your exhaustion was patent to every one!...
"I consider it absolutely necessary that you should come here
as arranged in April. It is of the utmost importance for two
reasons: first of all, it will give the lie to the current
reports that you dare not leave the country for a moment owing
to imminent dangers. It is politically most important that it
should be seen that you can safely venture, in spite of all, to
be absent for a short time. Secondly, you will never be able
to think of marriage unless you take steps personally in the
matter....
"There is no news at all. I do not know whether I shall be able
to go to Berlin for the birthday. My foot is better, but it is
not completely cured, and the greatest caution is necessary. It
is depressing for me to feel myself an invalid when otherwise in
perfect health.
"After a spring-like winter we are now having a winter-like
spring. It is to be hoped that April will bring us the
inexpressible happiness of a reunion with you!"
Prince Charles replied to this letter as follows:
"I hope you are not angry because I have not complied with your
urgent invitation to come to Germany. I do not think it can be
necessary to assure you how much my heart draws me to my deeply
loved parents, my dearest possessions on earth. But he who
assumes so great a responsibility as I have must not be ruled
by his heart, but by his head. I fear Krenski has described the
situation here in too gloomy a light--it is not so serious as
he thinks. With patience, endurance, and energy everything can
be attained, and I am convinced that I shall reach my appointed
goal. It is true that during the time Krenski was here I had an
enormous amount of work, little peace, and much annoyance. This,
however, did not discourage me for a moment, whilst Krenski,
who has much too soft a heart for a man and a soldier, often
despaired. It was only natural that I should have no appetite
or sleep, as the many wearisome tasks, without any distraction,
exhausted and excited me. At present I am in excellent health,
and await the result of the elections with calmness and less
excitement than my _entourage_, for I know what I have to do, if
it should come to a serious conflict. Most decidedly I shall not
draw the shorter lot...."
The news of the death of the former Hospodar of Wallachia, Barbu
Stirbey, was received from Nice in April 1869. Only a few weeks
before he had written to the Prince, thanking him for some
photographs of his native country. "God will bless the labours of
your Highness and will grant you the glory of being the founder of
a new Roumania. Nobody knows better than I the difficulties in the
path of a Roumanian Prince who endeavours to attain what is right;
they will not discourage your Highness, though they may defer the
realisation of your hopes. To conquer all these difficulties at once
would be impossible...."
Prince Charles spent his thirtieth birthday (April 20, 1869) on a
tour in Moldavia, where he inspected the progress of the railways.
Thanks to the initiative of the Prince, the great bridge over the
Buseu, 550 yards long, had been completed, and communication between
the two great provinces was no longer exposed to interruption by
bad weather or floods. No less than five bridges in all had been
constructed for the line to Fokschani, and it was with the greatest
pleasure that the Prince noticed the expression of the gratitude of
Moldavia in the inscription on the triumphal arch at Bakau: "Welcome
to the founder of the Roumanian railways."
A report from Paris informed the Prince that an intrigue was on
foot there to instigate a revolution in Bucharest, and that this
project was also known at Vienna. A suitable pretender had been
sought for in the Roumanian capital, ever since the recall of the
French military mission, and a son of a former Hospodar was now said
to have been selected to replace Prince Charles. The alleged reason
for this Parisian intrigue was the complaint that since Bratianu's
resignation Prussia practically ruled the Principality through the
North German Consul-General.
It was, therefore, with the greatest joy that Prince Charles turned
from these sordid affairs and devoted himself for a time to his
elder brother Leopold. After a separation of a long and anxious
three years the brothers met on April 27, shortly before Easter,
at the capital of Moldavia, Jassy. Prince Leopold was thus able
to witness a striking episode, which occurred as the venerable
Metropolitan quitted the Church on Easter morning to announce, in
accordance with traditional custom, to all the world: "Christ is
risen." At the same moment Prince Charles stepped forward on the
daïs, before which some thirty convicts in chains stood waiting the
clemency of the Sovereign, and ordered their fetters to be struck
off to commemorate the holy hour. It was an affecting moment! The
clatter of the falling chains imparted a bitter-sweet tone of
gladness and sorrow amidst the universal rejoicings of the great
festival of the Eastern Church.
The visit of the Hereditary Prince was, however, spoilt by the
terrible downpour of rain, which prevented most of the festivities
in his honour. Many of the smaller bridges were carried away by
the floods, and on one occasion the Hohenzollern Princes were
in imminent danger of being swept away by a mountain torrent.
Prince Otto[12] of Bavaria passed through Bucharest on his way to
Constantinople; but, strangely enough, his arrival was announced
through the Consul-General of Austria and not by the North German
Consul. At a dinner given in his honour the Prince displayed great
amiability, but Prince Charles noticed with regret the great
melancholy with which Prince Otto's mind appeared to be surrounded.
[12] The present invalid King of Bavaria.
Prince Leopold, accompanied by his brother, set out on his homeward
journey on June 7, and visited Kalafat, Turnu Severin, and Orsowa,
where a monument had been erected to commemorate the recovery of the
stolen crown of Hungary. After taking an affectionate farewell of
his brother, Prince Charles returned, lonely and rather downcast, to
his work in Bucharest.
Prince Ypsilanti, the Greek Ambassador at Paris, awaited the return
of the Prince to lay before him the draft of a treaty between
Roumania and Greece. The proposals aimed at nothing less than the
"complete independence of Roumania and the Greek provinces of
Turkey" by means of a combined action of the two rulers, which
was to take place six months after the necessary arrangements had
been settled. The numbers to be employed, and the support of an
insurrection in Bulgaria were also touched upon.
Prince Charles, however, adopted the same reserved attitude towards
these startling proposals as he had done on a previous occasion,
when Prince Ypsilanti, as early as May, brought a letter from the
King of Greece thanking Prince Charles for his sympathy in the late
crisis, and excusing the delay in replying.
* * * * *
"I have not hesitated to comply with the decision of the Paris
Conference on being confronted by the alternative, due to the
ill-will of Europe towards the heroic struggle in Crete, of either
allowing the insurrection to extend in that island without any
practical result, or of commencing a war with Turkey, which was
fraught with disadvantageous conditions for Greece." This bitter
decision would not have been in vain if it sufficed to prove to the
Christian nations of the East that they must first be strong enough
to achieve their rights by force before they could attempt to throw
off the Turkish yoke.
* * * * *
Prince Charles's reply ran thus:
"You cannot doubt, Sire, that I share with all my heart the
sentiments expressed in your letter, and sympathise with the
painful impressions which you recall. The community of interests
in politics and religion between Greece and Roumania, as well as
the identity of their commercial interests in so many points,
naturally imposes upon us the duty of endeavouring zealously on
both sides to strengthen the bonds which already unite the two
nations. This tendency will respond to my dearest wishes."