MARRIAGE AND HOME LIFE
Early in the summer of 1869 Prince Charles received a very cordial
invitation to visit the Czar at Livadia in the Crimea. This mark
of regard was the more welcome as a project was on foot in St.
Petersburg for the abolition of consular jurisdiction in Roumania,
a measure which Prince Charles was most eager to see adopted.
In writing to his father he gratefully referred to this topic:
"Russia has very wisely taken the initiative in this most important
question, which will be unwelcome to France; but _tant mieux_,
for the French Cabinet is still very conservative, as it wishes
to keep in with Turkey. But why should it agree with Turkey only
about Roumania and not about Egypt? Why does it side _with_ England
in Roumania, and oppose England _à couteau tiré_ in Egypt? This
policy, in one word, is based upon interest--material interest. It
is, therefore, only politic to endeavour to attract French capital
for our great undertakings: I have already discussed this idea with
several people. England is, on the whole, neutral to Roumania, and
we have nothing to expect from that quarter. Its Eastern policy is
by no means favourable to the Christian nations."
The Ministry were empowered by a decree, signed on August 9, to
act as regents during the first absence of Prince Charles from
Roumania, and the Prince set out for the Crimea on August 14. After
a smooth sea passage Odessa was reached on the 16th, and the Prince
continued his journey to Sebastopol the following day on board the
imperial yacht _Kasbek_. The aspect of this once prosperous port was
melancholy in the extreme, and it almost seemed as if time had stood
still since the date of the terrible siege. All the large buildings
near the harbour, such as barracks and warehouses, remained in
the state in which the British and French shells had left them.
In riding round the south front of the fortress the Prince easily
recognised the approaches and parallels of the Allies: the Malakhoff
Tower had been so effectually bombarded that it was difficult to
believe how strong a work it had once been; the Redan, on the other
hand, which had cost England so many lives, was in comparatively
good condition.
Continuing his journey by carriage the next morning, Prince Charles
reached Livadia at five in the afternoon after a long and fatiguing
drive. The Czar received him with the greatest cordiality, and
remarked at once that the courteous attitude of the Prince was
enough to attract the animosity of the whole of Europe. The
conversation then turned upon the affairs of Roumania, about which
the Czar showed himself well informed on every point. Prince Charles
was then presented to the Czarina, a cousin of his mother, to the
Grand Duchess Marie, and later on to the Czarevitch and his wife, as
well as to the Grand Duke Alexis. Unfortunately the tropical heat
affected both the Czar and his guest to no slight degree, and the
pleasure of the meeting was thus materially discounted. As early
as August 22 Prince Charles was forced to bid his hospitable hosts
good-bye, that he might attend the Roumanian manœuvres before his
visit to his parents in Germany.
The fears, which had been openly expressed, for the safety of
Roumania during the Prince's absence proved to have been utterly
unfounded, for, though the papers, the _Romanul_ and the _Trajan_,
emulated each other in their attacks upon the dynasty, their
revolutionary efforts met with no response at all, and it was
therefore with a light heart that Prince Charles set out on
September 7 to rejoin his dearly loved parents in South Germany.
Before he quitted the territory of Roumania an amnesty was granted
for all political and Press offences, in order to show the Prince's
confidence that no intrigue was able to shake his hold upon the
hearts of his people.
The journey to the West, which was to exert so potent an influence
on the Prince's life, was broken first at Vienna, where the Emperor
of Austria had announced his intention of receiving the Roumanian
Prince. For the first time since the war of 1866 the Emperor wore
the ribbon of the Black Eagle, as a compliment to the house of
Hohenzollern. Prince Charles seized the opportunity of assuring his
Majesty that it would always be the policy of Roumania to stand on
the best terms with Austria. Count Beust, who ventured to remark
that the cost of the Roumanian Army was out of all proportion to its
Budget, received the apt retort that the arsenals were unfortunately
empty, a reference to the Count's statement that "Roumania was
simply a large arsenal." The reception accorded to the Prince
was so hearty that the Viennese Press expressed the opinion that
Prince Charles would later on have to answer to the Porte for his
assumption of sovereign bearing.
After a short stay in Munich, where he met Prince Hohenlohe
Schillingfürst [the present German Chancellor], Prince Charles
rejoined his parents on September 16, after a separation of more
than three years. The peace and quiet of home life, however, was
interrupted the very next day by the arrival of a delegate of the
Spanish Cortes, Don Eusebio di Salazar, who came to offer the
Hereditary Prince the Crown of Spain. The idea was by no means
new, for several papers had, in October 1868, mentioned the Prince
Leopold as a likely candidate on the ground that he was not only a
Catholic and the son-in-law of the King of Portugal, but the very
opposite of his "amiable brother, the Roumanian Prince Carol, by the
Grace of Bratianu." There was no lack of candidates for the vacant
throne. Napoleon favoured the aspirations of the Prince of Asturia,
the Empress Eugénie those of Don Carlos, and the Spanish Ambassador
in Paris those of the Duke of Genoa. Don Salazar mentioned that the
eyes of the Spanish nation had first turned towards Prince Charles,
who had shown such courage and talent in a similar position. The
Hereditary Prince declared that he would only consider the offer if
he was elected unanimously and without rivals.
On September 28 Prince Charles left the Weinburg for Baden, where
he was to meet the Prussian Royal Family. The Crown Prince urged
him to lay aside all other views, and to seek the hand of Princess
Elisabeth of Wied, whom he knew intimately, as one who would bring
the same devotion to the duties of her position as the Prince
himself. He concluded by offering to arrange a meeting, as if by
chance, at Darmstadt on the 13th, to which proposal Prince Charles
at once assented.
In the meantime, the Prince paid a promised visit to the French
Emperor, whom he found much altered in personal appearance since the
last time he had seen him in 1863. Napoleon received him with great
cordiality and presented him with the Grand Cross of the Legion of
Honour. Prince Charles was commissioned to inform King William of
the peaceful intentions of France, and of the Emperor's sincere
wish to remain on the best terms with Prussia. Napoleon declared
that no one could understand the difficulties of Prince Charles's
position better than he, for to rule a Latin race was no easy
matter. On hearing of the projected marriage, Napoleon expressed his
satisfaction, and added with emphasis: "The German princesses are so
well brought up!"
As the interview with Princess Elisabeth was to take place at
Cologne instead of Darmstadt, Prince Charles set out for the
former city on October 12. The meeting took place at the _Flora_,
where the Dowager Princess of Wied was dining with her daughter
before proceeding to Madame Schumann's concert. Prince Charles
and Princess Elisabeth, who had already met once or twice before
in Berlin society, walked a little ahead of the remainder of the
party, talking over old times in Berlin. Before the promenade
came to an end, Prince Charles had fallen sincerely in love with
Princess Elisabeth, and was resolved to risk all, and to ask for
her hand. A private interview with her mother the Princess of Wied
was arranged, and resulted in the Princess consenting to ascertain
her daughter's wishes. After a long quarter of an hour the answer
"Yes" was brought to the Prince, who at once hastened to receive the
reply from the lips of the young Princess herself. Affairs of State
of an urgent nature, however, prevented the Prince from obeying the
dictates of his heart and remaining in the company of his betrothed.
After an absence of forty-eight hours Prince Charles returned from
Paris to Neuwied, where the betrothal was celebrated on October 15,
1869. An enormous number of congratulatory telegrams were received
by the young couple, including messages from the King and Crown
Prince of Prussia and the Emperor Napoleon. The general impression
created by Prince Charles's choice was extremely favourable, as an
alliance with a reigning House would have evoked much jealousy and
intrigue. As the marriage was purely one of inclination this danger
was avoided; and the political neutrality of Roumania was by no
means affected.
Affairs of State demanded the speedy return of the Prince to the
land of his adoption, and the wedding-day was fixed for November
15. A numerous and distinguished company, including the Queen
of Prussia, accompanied by the Grand Duchess of Baden, attended
the ceremony at Neuwied, which was first celebrated in the
Roman Catholic Chapel and afterwards according to the rites of
the Protestant Church. The text of the sermon was aptly chosen,
as alluding to the difficulties and troubles which were to be
encountered in the far-off Eastern country: "Whither thou goest, I
will go: and where thou lodgest, I will lodge; thy people shall be
my people, and thy God my God."
Only a few days remained before the stern call of duty summoned
the happy pair to their life-work in Roumania. The journey to the
Princess's new home in Bucharest was commenced on November 18. After
a short stay in Vienna the travellers reached Roumanian territory
on the 22nd. Every town through which they passed was profusely
decorated, and the enthusiasm of the Roumanian nation appeared to
surpass even that with which they had welcomed Prince Charles on
his accession. A hundred and one guns announced the arrival of
the Prince and Princess in Bucharest, and the town had put on all
its finery in honour of the occasion. After a _Te Deum_ had been
celebrated by the venerable Metropolitan Niphon, fifty happy couples
who had been married at the cost of the State defiled past their
Highnesses.
The following day deputations from all parts of the country were
received in the throne-room, when the Princess wore for the first
time the diamond coronet presented by the people of Bucharest.
Princess Elisabeth at once commenced to take an active share in her
husband's labours, and visited with him the various charitable and
educational establishments in the capital. The innate generosity
and liberality of the Prince had, however, made such inroads upon
his purse, that many of their cherished designs had to be abandoned
for the time being for lack of funds. At this moment, however,
the most prominent members of the Chamber were on the point of
introducing a measure granting the Princess a yearly sum of £12,000,
but Prince Charles declined to accept this offer until the financial
situation of Roumania had improved. The Opposition at once seized
the opportunity of representing such a proposal as a "robbery," and
their organs vied with each other in the most violent and unworthy
attacks on the Prince and Princess. Some even lowered themselves
so far as to send the grossest of these attacks to the Princess in
registered letters! The violent scenes and the obstruction in the
Chamber left the Budget unvoted, and again placed the Ministry in
a most unenviable position, from which they were only released by
their resignation in February 1870.
The new Ministry under A. Golesku displayed its weakness from the
day of its formation. The Opposition openly used threats such
as: "This dynasty cannot be endured," "Golesku will be the last
of Prince Charles's Ministers," and declared that a "bloody
tragedy" would shortly be enacted in the streets of the capital.
A far-spreading conspiracy against the peace of the country made
itself the more felt, since there were no police worthy of the name;
the National Guard also was a source of real danger, whilst the
apathy of the Ministry permitted these evils to flourish unchecked.
The question of the Spanish throne appeared to have been
satisfactorily dismissed, to judge from a letter from Count
Bismarck: "The political horizon, seen from Berlin, appears at
present so unclouded that there is nothing of interest to report,
and I only hope that no unexpected event will render the lately
arisen hope of universal peace questionable." Eight days later,
on March 1, Prince Charles received the news that Don Salazar had
been despatched to Berlin to urge once more upon Prince Leopold
the acceptance of the Spanish crown, but both he and his father
felt disinclined to accept this offer, unless it was considered
absolutely necessary to the interests of the Prussian State.
Bismarck, on the other hand, warmly supported the offer of the
Spanish Regency, and pointed out to the King the benefits which
must ensue if an allied country lay upon the other side of France.
The commerce of Germany would also receive a great impetus if the
resources of Spain, with its enormous sea-board, were developed
under a Hohenzollern. King William, however, did not agree with
his Minister's opinion, and left the decision entirely in the hands
of Prince Leopold, whose chief objection appeared to be the number
of pretenders to the throne. The Crown Prince of Prussia had also
warned him that, though the Government might support him at first,
it was by no means certain that this support would be continued
afterwards! On March 16 Prince Leopold informed the King that he
felt compelled to decline the offer; but, as Bismarck still insisted
upon the throne being accepted by a Hohenzollern, his younger
brother, Prince Frederick, was recalled from Italy by telegram to
take the place of his brother. The young Prince, however, also
refused to accept the offered crown unless ordered to do so by the
King. Nevertheless, in spite of opposition, the Chancellor persisted
in declaring that the necessities of politics demanded that a
Hohenzollern Prince should accede to the wish of the Spanish Regency.
"_From_ PRINCE CHARLES ANTHONY, _March 20, 1870_.
"I have been here [Berlin] for a fortnight on most important
family business: nothing less was on the _tapis_ than the
acceptance or refusal of the Spanish crown by Leopold, which was
offered officially by the Spanish Government, though under the
seal of a European State secret.
"This question preoccupies everybody here. Bismarck wishes it
to be accepted for dynastic and political reasons; whilst the
King asks whether Leopold will willingly accept the summons. A
very interesting and important council took place on the 15th,
under the presidency of the King, the Crown Prince, ourselves,
Bismarck, Roon, Moltke, Schleinitz, Thile, and Delbrück being
present. The unanimous decision of the councillors was in
favour of acceptance, as fulfilling a Prussian patriotic duty.
For many reasons Leopold, after a long struggle, declined. But
since Spain desires _avant tout_ a Catholic Hohenzollern, I have
proposed Fritz in the event of his consenting. He is at present
between Nice and Paris, but has not been reached or found by
telegraph. We hope, however, to communicate with him shortly,
and I hope that he will then allow himself to be persuaded.
"But all this is in the future and the secret must be preserved
for the present...."
* * * * *
Prince Charles Anthony informed his son of the course of events in a
letter dated from Berlin, April 22:
"The Spanish Question has again brought me here; it is now
approaching its decisive stage. After Leopold refused the offer
for weighty reasons, the candidature of Fritz was seriously
taken in hand. An immediate settlement was necessary, as
pressure was brought to bear from Madrid; your brother,
however, most decidedly declared that he could not undertake
the task! The matter must therefore be allowed to drop, and
an historical opportunity has thus been lost for the house of
Hohenzollern, an incident which has never occurred before and
which probably will never occur again.... If the King had given
the _order_ at the last hour, Fritz would have obeyed; but as
he was left free to decide, he resolved not to undertake the
task.... The Spanish secret has been kept wonderfully well; and
it is of the utmost importance that it should remain unknown in
the future--at least so far as we are concerned. Olozaga[13] in
Paris was not initiated. Serrano and Prim were the men who held
the matter in their hands."
[13] The Spanish Ambassador.
A month later Prince Charles Anthony wrote: "Bismarck is very
discontented with the failure of the Spanish combination. He is not
wrong! Still the matter is not yet completely given up. It still
hangs by a couple of threads, as weak as those of a spider's web!"
* * * * *
To return, however, to the affairs of Roumania; Prince Charles
opened the new mint at Bucharest in March, when the first Roumanian
coins bearing a profile of the Prince and the inscription "Prince of
the Roumanians" were struck. The coins consisted of _Carols d'or_
in gold and one _leu_ (franc) in silver. Ali Pacha at once protested
formally against the illegal coinage with the Prince's likeness,
and refused to allow it to circulate in Turkey. Owing, however, to
the support of Austria and France, this difficulty was eventually
smoothed over satisfactorily.
Financial difficulties, coupled with the unsatisfactory reports on
the Roumanian railway concessions, led to the fall of the Golesku
Ministry in April. M. E. C. Jepureanu succeeded in forming a new
Cabinet, which received cordial support from abroad as well as at
home. The vexatious Jewish question and the very serious state
of the railway finances, for which the Opposition sought to make
the Prince personally responsible, were the chief of the many
difficulties of the Government.
The result of the general election was by no means as favourable as
the Prince had been led to expect, and a serious riot occurred at
Pitéschti. The troops were called out and ordered to fire upon the
mob, several of the soldiers having been wounded by stones. Similar
occurrences took place at Plojeschti, a regular hot-bed of seditious
intrigue, and the National Guard of that town had to be subsequently
disbanded for taking part in the political demonstrations.
The attention of Prince Charles was suddenly averted by a change
in his eldest brother's views with regard to the Spanish throne.
Prince Leopold had at last decided to accept the crown under certain
definite conditions, as he had become convinced of the great
services which he could thus render to his Fatherland. King William
at once gave his consent, and Don Salazar returned to Madrid on
June 23 with the news of Prince Leopold's readiness to accept the
crown. An unfortunate mistake in a cypher telegram caused the Cortes
to be prorogued from June 24 to October 31, and the election of
Prince Leopold was therefore delayed until late in the autumn, thus
offering ample opportunities to malcontents for the prosecution of
intrigues and agitations against the Hohenzollern candidature.
The _Agence Havas_ reported from Madrid on July 3 that the Spanish
Ministry had decided upon the candidature of the Hereditary Prince
of Hohenzollern, and that a deputation were already on their way
to the Prince. This news caused the greatest excitement throughout
Paris, and the French Ambassador at Berlin was commissioned to
express to the Foreign Office the "painful surprise" caused by these
tidings. The Prussian Secretary of State replied that the matter did
not concern the Prussian Government. The excitement of the Parisian
Press increased from hour to hour, whilst the Duc de Gramont, in an
interview with the Prussian Ambassador, declared that the Emperor
would never tolerate the candidature of a Hohenzollern Prince;
and M. Ollivier, who was also present, expressed the same opinion.
Gramont also openly accused Prince Charles of having induced his
brother to take this step, and remarked to M. Strat, the Roumanian
agent: "As soon as Prince Charles conspires against the interests
of France, it is only fair that we should do our best to overthrow
him, and we shall at once commence action in the event of a war
with Prussia, in order to satisfy public opinion, which has so
often reproached the Emperor with having sent a Hohenzollern to the
Danube."
King William wrote to Prince Charles Anthony on the 10th, mentioning
that France was obviously bent upon war, and that he was as willing
to sanction Leopold's withdrawal as he had formerly been to assent
to his acceptance of the offered throne. Two days later the
Hereditary Prince withdrew his name by means of a telegram from his
father to Marshal Prim:
"Having regard to the complicated interests which appear to
oppose the candidature of my son Leopold for the Spanish throne,
and the painful position which recent events have created for
the Spanish people by offering them an alternative where their
sense of liberty alone can guide them, and being convinced that
under such circumstances their votes, on which my son counted
in accepting the candidature, can neither be sincere nor
spontaneous, I withdraw from the position in his name.
"PRINCE OF HOHENZOLLERN.
"SIGMARINGEN, _July 12th, 1870_."
The unexpected and unheard-of demands which Benedetti was forced by
his Government to submit to King William at Ems shattered the last
hopes of peace, and France declared war against Prussia.
In spite of the nationality of their Prince, the Roumanian nation
sided entirely with France: "Wherever the banner of France waves,
there are our sympathies and interests." The Chamber demanded that
the Government should explain the policy it intended to adopt with
regard to the belligerent parties, but, though the Ministry adhered
to a strictly neutral attitude, a motion was passed to the effect
that the sympathies of Roumania would always be with the Latin race.
The Roumanian agent in Paris, M. Strat, telegraphed to know
whether, in the event of Russia taking part in the war, the
Roumanian Government would conclude a treaty with France or not! The
apparently peaceable intentions of Russia pointed to a treaty merely
on paper, notwithstanding which Roumania would reap advantages at
the conclusion of peace. Austria had been sounded on this question,
and approved of supporting Prince Charles.
The Roumanian Government replied: "If France categorically demands
from us the signature of a treaty to influence our attitude towards
Russia in the event of Oriental complications, you are empowered
to conclude such a treaty on the following basis: the Roumanian
Government is resolved to oppose any hostile movement of Russia
hand-in-hand with the Western Powers and Turkey. Mavrogheni has been
specially sent to England to negotiate to the same end. We can place
a well-equipped army of 30,000 men into the field."
The _Times_, on July 26, published a draft of a treaty drawn up
in 1867, in which France offered Prussia the union of the North
German Confederation with South Germany and a united Parliament in
return for the sacrifice of Belgium and Luxemburg. This epoch-making
announcement was confirmed by a despatch from Count Bismarck,
received on the 29th. Count Benedetti, in whose handwriting and on
whose paper this draft was written, maintained that he had merely
put down the Chancellors ideas, "as it were at his dictation," a
statement which caused the greatest surprise even in the French
Press.
The minor engagement at Saarbrücken, the "baptism by fire" of the
unfortunate Prince Imperial, was reported as a great French victory,
and greeted as such with unbounded enthusiasm by the inhabitants of
Bucharest. These rejoicings were, however, cut short by the news of
the German victories at Weissenburg, Wörth, and Spichern, when the
Imperial Army was forced to retreat on Metz. In consequence of these
disasters the Gramont-Ollivier Ministry was defeated, and a new
Cabinet formed under Count Palikao.
A most interesting letter from Prince Charles Anthony was received
at Bucharest on August 16:
"I decidedly support Strat, for he has proved himself a devoted
and faithful servant to you and to our family.
"He arrived at Sigmaringen at a moment when the French
Government was peculiarly exasperated. It was from him that I
learnt the actual spirit and intention in Paris; it was due to
him that I published Leopold's renunciation twenty-four hours
earlier perhaps than I should have done without his urgent
advice. In neutralising the French pretext for war, by making
the renunciation public at the right moment, the Franco-Prussian
War has, perhaps, become a _popular_, _i.e._, a _German_,
war. Any delay on my part would have given the war a dynastic
complexion, and the whole of Southern Germany would have left
Prussia in the lurch.... Napoleon has brought about the unity of
Germany in twenty-four hours."
The excitement in Roumania culminated in an attempted revolution
in that hot-bed of sedition, Plojeschti, on August 29, when the
militia barracks were stormed and a proclamation issued, deposing
Prince Charles and appointing General A. Golesku regent _ad
interim_. A deputy, Candianu Popesku, at the head of the mob,
entered the telegraph office and, revolver in hand, threatened to
shoot the clerks, unless they telegraphed the news of the deposition
of the Prince to the foreign countries and the larger towns of
Roumania. With admirable presence of mind the clerks reported the
occurrence to the Ministry at Bucharest instead of complying with
the insurgents' demands. A battalion of Rifles under Major Gorjan
was immediately despatched to the scene of the insurrection, which
they promptly quelled. Both General Golesku and J. Bratianu, who
appeared to be implicated in these affairs, were arrested at once,
but were soon released by order of Prince Charles, who expressed
his conviction that the insurgents had used their names without
any authorisation. On being arrested, Bratianu begged that his
papers might be left undisturbed, for, as he remarked with a smile,
he was "_too experienced a conspirator_" to retain possession
of compromising documents. Some twenty persons were arrested in
connection with this affair, though, as Prince Charles wrote to his
father, it seemed improbable that there was sufficient evidence to
convict them.
The news of a great battle fought near Sedan caused the wildest
excitement in Bucharest, and elaborate arrangements were made to
celebrate a French victory. Rumours were current that King William
had been taken prisoner with a force varying from 20,000 to 60,000
men, but a telegram announcing the voluntary surrender of the
Emperor seemed to point, at any rate, to an undecided action. When
the truth became known the greatest consternation prevailed in the
Roumanian capital, where, in spite of the earlier German victories,
the hope of the eventual success of the French arms had never been
quite relinquished. The crowning defeat of the Imperial Army was
followed by the flight of the Empress-Regent and the fall of the
Napoleonic dynasty.
The birth of a daughter, Marie, on September 8, at a moment when the
whole of Germany stood shoulder to shoulder against their foe, was
welcomed by the Prince and Princess as a happy omen for the future.
In accordance with the Constitution the child was baptised according
to the rites of the Orthodox Church in the church of Cotroceni, on
October 13, in the presence of the heads of the military and civil
departments. A salute of twenty-one guns announced the moment of the
ceremony to the capital.
The joyful news of the birth of a Princess was communicated to the
various Courts and to the deposed French Emperor, who replied as
follows:
"MY DEAR PRINCE,
"I thank you for the letter which you have kindly written to
inform me of the birth of Princess Marie. I shall always take a
lively interest in all that contributes to your happiness; and
I pray that family joys may sweeten the bitterness inseparable
from power. I am much touched by the memories you have preserved
of your visit to Paris, and I again assure you of the sentiments
of sincere friendship with which I remain
"Your most Serene Highness's cousin,
"NAPOLEON."
The call of duty, however, prevented Prince Charles from devoting as
much time as he otherwise would have done to his wife and daughter,
for the disquieting effects of the German victories upon French soil
were felt only too plainly in Roumania. The work on the railways,
too, had suffered in consequence of the war, whilst the exports of
grain had practically fallen to zero. Farmers and peasants were
unable to sell their produce except at ruinous prices, and were
wholly unable to pay their taxes. As the Prince had prophesied
six weeks before, the Plojeschti insurgents were all acquitted
by the jury. The Ministry wished to resign as a proof of their
disapprobation, but Prince Charles was unable to accede to their
request.
The acquittal of those who had sought to overthrow the Government
confirmed the Prince in his intention to abdicate as soon as he
could assure himself that the country would not lapse into absolute
anarchy. He had already assured the representatives of the Great
Powers that the present state of affairs in Roumania could not and
_must not_ continue. Prince Charles, however, did not inform them
that he would not be beholden to any foreign intervention for his
future career, and that, in his father's words, he would relinquish
his self-imposed task if he could not "anchor his power solely and
exclusively in Roumania." He felt that it would be impossible for
him to govern the country after foreign intervention had taken place.
Prince Charles had taken a solemn oath to the Constitution, and
therefore could not depart from it, though Roumanian statesmen of
both parties had frequently represented to him that, when a choice
had to be made between a "sheet of paper and a country's ruin," one
must not hesitate to tear up the paper. It was, however, impossible
for Prince Charles to agree to this view, for the Constitution was
more to him than a piece of paper, even though it offered him no
means of securing the prosperity and development of the country.
In the meantime the action of Russia in declaring its intention of
disregarding the neutralisation of the Black Sea, decreed by the
Treaty of Paris in 1856, threatened to create yet another European
crisis. When the Note containing this information was handed to the
Grand Vizier, he at once asked whether M. de Stahl was bringing him
war. "On the contrary," replied the Ambassador, "I bring you eternal
peace." Before this General Ignatieff had endeavoured to persuade
the Turkish statesmen that, though the Western Powers endeavoured to
represent Russia as the evil genius of Turkey, she was in reality
the most sincere ally of the Ottoman Empire. The Sultan would never
be able to reckon on Germany, whose policy would always be selfish
and ambitious. Austria, too, was only intent on annexing Bosnia and
Herzegowina, whilst France, on the other hand, as soon as she had
recovered from her reverses, would, next to Russia, be the most
effective supporter of Turkey. The Sublime Porte was convinced that
Russia had obtained the consent of Germany, though Count Bismarck
had telegraphed that the Russian declaration had been a painful
surprise to him.
The Note created a storm of indignation in Austria and England,
which Bismarck increased still more by proposing the assembly of a
Conference in London to settle the vexed question.
After a long discussion with the President of the Ministry, Prince
Charles decided to explain the situation in Roumania to the
guaranteeing Powers. The wording of the document, however, caused
great difficulties, for, if the Prince declared his firm intention
of abdicating, the country would be exposed to the danger of
annexation, whereas the Prince wished above all things to preserve
the autonomy of the State, and to assure its future prosperity by
strengthening the hands of the Government. Prince Charles in these
letters expressed his regret that he was no longer able to curb the
passions of the various Roumanian parties, and therefore suggested
that the future of Roumania should be regulated by the proposed
Congress. Only a stable and a strong government could remedy the
internal and external evils of the country, which at present was in
the most deplorable condition, despite the wealth of its resources.
The letters for the sovereigns of the guaranteeing Powers were
handed to their representatives on December 7, except that addressed
to the Sultan, which was kept back until a reply was received from
the British Ambassador, who had been asked to present it to the
Sultan, to ensure the document being kept strictly secret.
These letters had hardly been despatched when the following telegram
was received from Count Bismarck by the Prussian Consul-General:
"Advocate His Highness delaying any decision to appeal to the
guaranteeing Powers until after the conclusion of peace. Any
Roumanian complication would be doubly undesirable at present:
the Prince could not even hope for our moral support."
Prince Charles replied that this advice had reached him too late,
and that complications in the East could not possibly arise, as
the documents in question were to be kept private. So far as he
was concerned personally his position was neither of service
to Roumania nor to Europe, whilst he himself was exposed to
contumely; he therefore could not much longer continue to bear the
responsibilities of government.
To crown the difficulties of the Prince's position information
reached him on December 18 that the railway contractor was unwilling
or unable to pay the coupon of the bonds due on January 1. The blow
was indeed a bitter one, for the thought that it was to him that
Roumania owed its railway system had always been one of comfort. It
suggested at least _one_ service which he had been able to render
his adopted country. Now that even this last consolation had been
taken from him, Prince Charles was still more firmly convinced that
he could not forsake Roumania in its day of peril, and that his
cherished plan of abdication must not take place until this serious
financial trouble had been settled.
It was during these dark days that he poured out his innermost
thoughts to his truest friend, his father: "When once this enormous
difficulty has been surmounted I shall be able to say that I have
stood the ordeal of fire; then the cruel sport will be finished;
then you will find me some spot where I can rest my weary head--some
quiet remote corner where one can entirely forget oneself for a
time. Switzerland would be the most welcome to me; there we might
blot out the hard separation of five years in your company, my
dearest parents. But for the present these are but pious wishes,
since I cannot to-day fix the moment of their fulfilment: may it not
be long in coming!"
The Chamber found worthy representatives--the chief instigators of
the recent insurrection--to convey the scandalously worded address
to the ruler who had never a thought save for the welfare and
prosperity of his country.
In reply to that passage of the Speech from the Throne referring to
the Plojeschti sedition--"A free government, that is, one which is
always in agitation, cannot maintain itself without laws _capable de
correction_"--the Chamber declared that "the best means to prevent
such occurrences in the future would be compliance with the wishes
of the people and respect for the law!" Prince Charles informed
his Ministers that he could not accept an address couched in such
terms, but eventually gave way to their prayers and entreaties
that he would not offer the Opposition such an opportunity for
attacking the dynasty. The ill-considered action of passionate and
reckless Deputies, they urged, would only gain an importance which
it otherwise would have lacked, from the fact of the Prince refusing
to acknowledge it.
A most interesting document, dated December 22, 1870, the
publication of which at a later period had so far-reaching an effect
on the Roumanian nation, contains the reasons which led Prince
Charles to confess himself beaten.
"Nearly five years have now passed since I formed the bold
resolution of placing myself at the head of this country, so
richly endowed by Mother Nature, and yet, in other respects,
so poor. On reviewing this period, so short in the life of a
nation, so long in the existence of a man, I must confess that I
have not been able to be of much use to this beautiful country.
I often ask myself the question, 'At whose door does the fault
lie--at mine, in being ignorant of the character of this nation,
or at that of the nation, which will neither allow itself to be
guided nor understand how to guide itself?'
"My numerous journeys in all parts of the two Principalities,
and my many-sided intercourse with all grades of society
have almost convinced me that the real blame rests not on me
personally, nor on the majority of the nation, but rather on
those who have constituted themselves the leaders of the country
which gave them birth. These men, the greater number of whom
owe their social and political education to foreign countries,
and have thereby only too thoroughly forgotten the condition
of their own country, aim solely at transplanting to their
Fatherland the ideas they have gained abroad by casting them
into Utopian form, without having tested them. This unfortunate
country, which formerly suffered so much oppression, has thus
passed at one bound from a despotic government to a Liberal
constitution such as no other nation in Europe possesses.
"My experiences lead me to consider this the greater misfortune
since the Roumanians can boast of none of the citizenly virtues
which appertain to such a quasi-republican form of State.
"Had I not taken to my heart this magnificent country, for
which, under other circumstances, the richest future might have
been foretold, I should have lost patience long ago; but I have
now made one final effort which will perhaps cause me to appear
unkind to my country in the eyes of the parties, as well as in
those of the national Roumanian leaders, by putting all personal
considerations behind me, and possibly by completely sacrificing
my popularity; it would, however, have been an inexcusable
neglect of duty to conceal this evil any longer, or to permit
the country's future to be sacrificed to party intrigues. The
man who has the courage to speak the truth and to call things
by their right names will often get the worst of the bargain,
and this in all probability will be my fate. Yet I gratefully
recognise this difference, that I am at liberty to return to an
independent life, free from care, to the joys of home and family
in my native land, that powerful magnet which has never ceased
to attract me in the heavy hours through which I have been
passing.
"I regret with my whole heart that my good intentions have
been so misconstrued and rewarded by ingratitude; but, since I
share this fate with the majority of mortals, I shall learn to
console myself and by degrees forget what once I aimed at, in
intercourse with congenial spirits. I shall accept the address
of the Chamber to-morrow, a masterpiece of Phanariot perfidy,
the contents of which will reach you through the papers. The
only circumstance which can justify my acceptance of a document
in which a legislative body dares to speak to the Sovereign of
conditional allegiance is the serious financial situation of the
country, threatened as it is by bankruptcy. Just as in private
life the disapproval of an action can only affect the agent, so
in this case the entire responsibility falls on the shoulders of
those who do not understand how to honour the Prince whom they
have themselves chosen--a man dishonours himself when he does
not know how to respect that which he has himself created.
"C."
A series of passionate debates, which at times threatened to end in
violence, resulted in a vote of no confidence in the Ministry on
December 24. Prince Jon Ghika succeeded in forming what must under
the circumstances be termed a strong Ministry, and declared that his
policy lay in effecting a compromise between the Prince, who had
lost all confidence in the country, and the representatives of the
people.
The North German Consul-General handed the following letter from
Prince Bismarck to the Prince on January 19, 1871, dated from
Versailles, January 10:
"... I cannot form an opinion of the internal conditions of
Roumania, nor of the means at the disposal of your Highness for
conquering the prevailing difficulties and establishing your
government on a secure footing.
"I must assume that the impediments, due to the character and
previous history of the nation, almost prohibit an orderly
existence for the State, since the noble intentions and the
pure ideals which animate your Highness have hitherto failed to
create institutions which would assist the execution of your
plans. Your Highness alone can judge whether any hope still
exists that these institutions may yet be created....
"No matter what the causes are, nor how many misunderstandings
and misrepresentations have contributed to the result, it is
certain that the distrust of the Porte has not been allayed,
and that it is still unconvinced that the union of the
Principalities under the rule of your Highness is not dangerous
to its suzerainty. Nor is it confident that the conditions,
which might force your Highness to abdicate, will be more
disquieting to the peace of the East than the present situation.
"The English Government has never taken an interest in the
Danube Principalities nor in the fortunes of your Highness
personally, and the attitude of its representatives abroad does
not at present appear to inspire confidence. Although I do not
positively pre-suppose a hostile feeling in London, it may be
accepted as certain that on this question England's policy will
not greatly differ from that of the Sultan.
"At this moment France, of course, need not be taken into
consideration, except so far as there is a possibility of her
opposing your Highness by intrigues and secret agitation in the
hope of doing Prussia some ill-turn or injury....
"I have for a long time cherished the hope that your Highness
would find effectual support in St. Petersburg, and have
therefore always recommended cordial relations with Russia.
Even now I do not doubt the personal views of his Majesty
the Czar, who, I am sure, retains the best and most friendly
wishes for your person. But I have been regretfully forced to
recognise, especially of late, that this personal good-will is
out-weighed by the traditional conception of Russian policy,
which is opposed to the union of the Principalities. The fact
that your Highness must expect no support from Russia, not even
in diplomacy, is in accordance with this traditional policy,
whilst the hostile attitude towards your Highness in Vienna
appears to me to lack any logical explanation, considered from
the standpoint of Austro-Hungarian policy.
"It is only natural that your Highness should look to the
illustrious Head of your house, to Prussia and Germany. Your
Highness is well aware of the views with which his Majesty the
King regards your person, but you know also that the present
military situation renders it impossible for Germany to
intervene effectually in Eastern affairs under the circumstances
we have been considering.
"On reviewing all these considerations I can only arrive at
the conclusion that your Highness cannot expect any outside
assistance, but rather ill-will, and that your decisions must
be based solely upon the means of support which are still left
to you in your own country. If you expect a crisis, for the
defeat of which you consider the better elements of the country
insufficient, it appears to be a duty to yourself and to your
house that your every decision should be really independent and
voluntary, and should not seem to be forced upon you by foreign
force; and the high and noble motives which guide your Highness
should stand prominently forth.
"It pains me to be able to give no other counsel to your
Highness and to offer you no better hopes. But I know that your
patriotic sympathy and hearty joy at the successes of our German
army, and at the glory which surrounds the revered head of our
King, will not be affected even by the painful experience your
Highness has endured, and I conclude with the hope that your
wishes for an honourable and safe peace may soon be fulfilled."
The letter addressed to the Sultan, which had been delayed until
an answer was received from the British Ambassador, was eventually
forwarded by the Prince with a voluntary explanation of the delay.
Ali Pacha in reply expressed the concern with which the Sultan had
heard of the critical situation of affairs in the Principalities.
At the same time Prince Charles was informed from a trustworthy
source that in Constantinople, as well as in other places, his
position was considered untenable. "The Government of Prince
Charles is universally recognised to have had its day, and the
representatives of the Powers here are more occupied in considering
what may happen after the departure of the Prince than in any
scheme for prolonging his rule. Sir H. Elliott goes furthest of
all, and already speaks of commissaries who must be sent to the
Principalities, and whose departure he wishes to take place at
once...." The same writer, Count Keyserling, also adjured the
Prince to hope for no outside aid. "The only choice, therefore,
lies between the continuance of the present _régime_, to which even
your Highness's worst foe could not advise you, and a separation
from a country and a nation which, oblivious of the fact that their
Prince has shown an almost superhuman devotion to his duties, have
sinned a thousand times against the person of their ruler, whom they
themselves elected, and to whom they took the oath of allegiance and
obedience.
"The Grand Vizier asked me in a very significant manner: 'Do you
think that, after Prince Charles's experience, another Prince of a
reigning house could be found for Roumania?'--and then answered his
own question: 'Except, perhaps, Prince Napoleon, I can think of no
one; and we desire to have nothing at all to do with him--as little
as with a republic.'"
Prince Charles replied to Count Bismarck's letter on January 27,
1871, thanking him for the sympathy he had shown for the ruler of
Roumania, if not for the country itself, and assuring him of the
heartfelt interest and joy with which the recent military events
in France inspired him. He continued: "The situation here is
serious; for the present I can avail myself of the Party intrigues
to maintain my position as long as I consider it suitable and
advisable. I have to act like a ship's captain, who must remain
at his post day and night during a storm. The waves now sweep my
ship to the skies, now dash it down to the depths, but as surely
as God is my helper I will not let it be wrecked! To-day the crew
would willingly throw me overboard, but a few of them still possess
sufficient intelligence to know that I alone can steer them safely
into port.
"I will not lose sight of two points; I intend to bring my name
clean and unspotted out of this turmoil, but I will not heartlessly
and without a conscience leave _le déluge après moi_. This refers,
above all, to the finances, the desertion of which might be fraught
with grave danger both at home and abroad."
The letter already referred to, in which Prince Charles set forth
the reasons which led him to think of abdicating, was published in
the columns of the _Augsburger Allgemeine Zeitung_, and created the
greatest excitement in Roumania. A discussion in the Chamber upon
the authenticity of this document took place on February 11, 1871,
when a Deputy, N. Blaramberg, declared that either the letter
was a forgery, or that the Prince was about to abdicate and leave
Roumania to the tender mercies of its enemies. "A Prince who quits
his country in its hour of danger may be compared to a deserter or a
traitor to the State!"
The President of the Ministry was unable to deny the authenticity
of the document, but assured the Chamber that the views contained
in it, if they were ever actually current, prevailed no longer.
Cogalniceanu then proposed the following counter-resolution:
"The Chamber, deeply moved by the explanations communicated by
the Ministry, expresses its devotion to the Throne and Dynasty,
guaranteed by the Constitution, and proceeds to the order of the day
with every confidence in the future of the country, and in the firm
resolve to adhere to the Constitution."
An infinitely more loyal tone prevailed in the Senate, where
the contents of Prince Charles's letter were also discussed. A
resolution was carried with only four dissentients to the effect
that the chief duty of the Senate lay in supporting the Sovereign
whom the nation had so enthusiastically elevated to the throne, and
that the consolidation of the dynasty was indissolubly bound up with
the peace, existence, and political development of the country.
The reports of the Roumanian agents abroad showed that, though the
Powers were unwilling to take any steps to support Prince Charles,
they were, nevertheless, anxious that his abdication should be
deferred for the present. The separation of the two Principalities,
each under a native ruler, would be acceptable to Russia, Austria,
and England, provided no anarchical _interregnum_ took place. The
Sublime Porte, accordingly, was anxious that the Prince should
remain at his post, until the question of his successors was
definitely settled. As the great German Chancellor remarked, it
appeared that the uncertain possibilities of a catastrophe on the
Lower Danube, coupled with the fear of further complications, had
resulted in a sort of repentance on the part of the Powers for the
intrigues against the consolidation of the Roumanian State. Austria
in particular now saw clearly that the mistrust with which Roumania
had always been regarded under Prince Charles, owing to the fear
that she was merely a tool in the hands of Prussia, was utterly
unfounded.
Prince Charles Anthony wrote to his sorely tried son:
"The description of your position has gone to my heart; I have
sorrowed and suffered with you.... I have always found that a
healthy constitutionalism is the corrective for caprice, and
the support of a strong Government, and that, where the system
is honestly employed by both sides, it has always maintained
itself; but where it is only used as a cloak for anarchical
tendencies, it is noxious and confusing.
* * * * *
"It can never injure your personal reputation if you lay down
a task you are unable to complete. You have shown the whole
world your good intentions and your qualifications for governing
Roumania. You did not force yourself upon the country, but
were elected and summoned thither; you have founded great
institutions, regenerated the army and created a new system of
communications, and conferred innumerable benefits on the Church
and the poor; you have protected the arts and sciences, and by
your family happiness testified to the sanctity of marriage;
liberality of all kinds has been supported by your purse--all
this secures for you, if not at present, at least eventually, a
blessed memory, and proves to your contemporaries, in the event
of your abdication, that it was not the imaginary splendour of
this veritable crown of thorns that blinded and deceived you,
but that it was the shipwreck of your honest intentions and your
thirst for useful labour that matured your decision and helped
it to issue in act.
"I already dream of a family life which would be the consolation
of my old age. Looking backward to an eventful past, you would
find the same spiritual compensation that I find in the peaceful
life that lies before me, but with this difference, that a
longer life than mine will be vouchsafed to you.... Krauchenwies
offers a suitable and comfortable home, in forty minutes you can
reach Sigmaringen.... If Krauchenwies does not suit you, you
might live at Inzigkofen, and if not at Inzigkofen, then at one
of the Hechingen manors, such as Lindich or Villa Eugenia...."
Yet even darker troubles lay before Prince Charles Anthony's
courageous son, in the defalcations of Dr. Strousberg in the matter
of the Roumanian railways. As the January coupon still remained
unpaid, the Prussian Government threatened to use pressure to force
the Roumanian Government to act in accordance with its guarantee.
Unfortunately the Principalities were absolutely unable to comply
with this demand, and indignant sentiments prevailed regarding
everything that was German. The passions excited amongst the
population of Bucharest culminated in an attack on the German colony
on the occasion of a banquet given in honour of the German Emperor's
birthday on March 22, 1871. A riotous mob quickly assembled, broke
the windows of the house, and attempted to force their way up to
the first floor. At nine o'clock Major Skina hastened to the Prince
and informed him that the demonstration, which had been started
half an hour previously by a few youths, had already attained
serious dimensions, that the windows were bombarded with stones,
and that the police remained entirely passive. The Prince at once
despatched his _aide-de-camp_ to find the President of the Ministry
and the Prefect of Police, but neither of them was to be found. The
excitement increased with every minute, until at length the mob,
having extinguished the street lamps, raised the cries: "To the
Palace!" and "Long live the Republic!"
General Solomon, the Commandant of Bucharest, now occupied the
streets with troops, in spite of the efforts of the President of the
Ministry, Jon Ghika, to prevent so violent a course. The mob obeyed
the order to disperse after having been in possession of the streets
for about two and a half hours.
Prince Charles received Consul-General von Radowitz the same night,
and, after expressing his regret at this disgraceful occurrence,
mentioned that he had already taken the first steps towards
replacing the guilty Ministers. At one A.M. next morning Jon Ghika
arrived at the Palace, and eventually succeeded in convincing the
Prince that the cause of the outrage was in no way to be attributed
to him. Prince Charles, however, demanded his resignation, and
informed him that he intended to summon the _Lieutenance Princière_
in the morning to resign the reins of government to them.
Accordingly at ten o'clock D. Sturdza was commissioned to summon
the members of the _Lieutenance Princière_ of 1866 to meet the
Prince at the Palace at half-past eleven. The Prince then informed
them of his intention to place the government in their hands, after
having held it for nearly five years.
Lascar Catargiu and N. Golesku--Colonel Haralambi was not in
Bucharest at that time--both adjured the Prince to abstain from a
step which they felt convinced would bring the greatest misfortune
upon Roumania. The State would lapse into complete anarchy after
such an action on the Prince's part, and they therefore respectfully
declined to accept the burden of such a responsibility. At length
the earnest entreaties of the two Roumanians gained the day, and
Prince Charles consented to reconsider his decision, if a strong and
loyal Ministry could be formed. Should this be impossible, or should
the Chamber decline to vote the Budget, he would at once leave the
country.
A secret sitting of the Chamber took place the same afternoon,
when Lascar Catargiu informed the Deputies of the interview which
had taken place in the morning. A passionate debate ensued on the
question whether further negotiations with the head of the State
should be commenced or not. In spite of the windy utterances of the
leaders of the Extreme Democrats and Independents, it soon became
apparent that a comparatively large majority supported the dynasty.
Lascar Catargiu succeeded in forming a Ministry composed of men
who had already won their spurs in the arena of politics; but he
was unable to induce the Chamber to vote the Budget. The Chamber
was therefore dissolved forthwith, and with it the whole agitation
ceased. It had always been confined to the capital.
The following letter was received from the Emperor William on March
30, 1871:
"Accept my heartiest thanks for your affectionate and welcome
congratulations for the 22nd. This time, certainly, the day
overflowed with feelings of gratitude towards Providence, which
decreed that I, aided by my army and the self-sacrifice of my
people, should achieve things, to expect or demand which at the
commencement of this glorious but bloody war would have been
presumption. The Almighty has guided and secured all, and we
must rejoice that He has found us worthy to be His instruments.
The foundations of a new German Empire have been laid, and the
blood shed has been made into a mortar with which we may hope
that a strong house will be built upon _this_ foundation, under
the wise guidance of my successors.
"With heartiest greetings to the Princess,
"I remain, your faithful Cousin and Friend,
"WILLIAM."
"P.S.--I say nothing about your situation, and can only pray
that the Lord may help you to choose whatever way is right and
best."
In reply, Prince Charles expressed his grief that March 22, an
anniversary so dear to him, should have been troubled by such
an occurrence in Bucharest. "Nothing could have wounded me more
deeply than that this particular occasion should have been seized
for the outbreak of a long-smouldering intrigue.... Having regard
to the critical situation, especially that of the great and
calamitous financial question, I was forced to take extreme steps
to rally the better element from its apathy. I therefore summoned
the _Lieutenance_, from whose hands I had received the reins of
government in 1866, in order to return them their trust. Terrified
by this imminent danger, all the Conservative factions combined to
form the new Ministry. To-day it is a point of honour with me to
support with all my might those men, who are resolved to protect the
country against serious complications, and in conjunction with them
to carry out the necessary reforms. Should these prove unattainable
with the aid of such supporters, the country will be irretrievably
lost.
"It cannot be denied that the state of affairs is very serious, and
that the creation of a better state of things is beset with the
greatest difficulties: the future is hidden from me in impenetrable
darkness. But the greater the danger, the less must one's courage be
allowed to sink!"
Catargiu informed the Prince that an attempt was to be made on his
life during the evening service on Good Friday, and endeavoured to
persuade him not to proceed to the Metropolie. During the procession
the Ministers surrounded the Prince in order to protect his person,
but fortunately nothing occurred to disturb the ceremony.
Count Keyserling, who in many ways proved his sincere friendship and
admiration for the Prince, wrote as follows:
"Prince Bismarck lays special stress on your Highness's
maintaining the very best relations with the Porte at this
moment. Ali Pacha, for his part, is inclined in your favour.
Your Highness and the present Cabinet will be sincerely
supported in Constantinople by the Austrians: England's
attitude, on the other hand, is thoroughly ambiguous. Lord
Granville has spoken to the Turkish Ambassador and Count Apponyi
in London in a strain which suggests that one is listening to
Mr. Green, the English Consul in Bucharest, holding forth upon
his own financial interests."
The same view was held by Prince Charles Anthony:
"I reserve my further views on the situation, because I have
been unable to get any information about your own opinions. In
any case, it was well to show the world by a last attempt that
it was not from want of courage that the thought of abdication
arose.
"You must hold out to the limits of possibility, and, when once
they are reached, you must demand guarantees that a period of
stability will then commence, for to allow oneself to be blown
hither and thither like a frail reed, and to depend upon the
_bon vouloir_ of each Ministry is no position for a Hohenzollern.
"Under prevailing circumstances I can only give you one word
of advice, and that is to lean upon Turkey: this Power has
the greatest interest in the peace of Roumania--the interest
of self-preservation--and she will inspire none of the other
protecting States with distrust....
"Nothing can be done in the Strousberg affair; an independent
court of law alone can succeed in settling this impending
financial difficulty. Moreover, this Strousberg question is only
an empty pretext and means of agitation against you; the whole
movement in Roumania is based upon hostility towards the German
dynasty, and is the result of socialist-republican intrigue!"