THE SUMMONS TO THE THRONE
The Roumanian delegate, Joan Bratianu, arrived at Düsseldorf on
Good Friday 1866, to lay the offer of the Roumanian people before
Prince Charles and his father. In an audience granted by the latter
on the following day, March 31, Bratianu announced the intention of
the _Lieutenance Princière_, inspired by Napoleon III., to advance
Prince Charles Anthony's second son, Charles, as a candidate for
the throne of the Principalities. Bratianu succeeded in obtaining
a private interview with Prince Charles the same evening, in order
to acquaint the latter with the political situation, and to point
out the danger which must inevitably be incurred if the present
Provisional Government remained in power. Prince Charles replied
that he possessed courage enough to accept the offer, but feared
that he was not equal to the task, adding that nothing was known of
the intentions of the King of Prussia, without whose permission,
as chief of the family, he could not take so important a step. He
therefore declined for the moment to give any definite answer to the
proposals of the Roumanian Government. Bratianu returned to Paris,
after promising to take no immediate steps in the matter. Prince
Charles Anthony without delay addressed a memorial regarding this
offer to the King of Prussia, and clearly defined the circumstances
which had led to his taking this step. A similar communication was
forwarded to the President of the Prussian Ministry.
A few days later Prince Charles arrived in Berlin, and at once
visited the King, the Crown Prince, and Prince Frederick Charles, as
he reported in a letter to his father:
"The King made no mention of the Roumanian question at the
interview, but the Crown Prince, on the other hand, entered
into a minute discussion with me, and did not appear to be
at all against the idea. The only thing that displeased him
was that the candidature was inspired by France, as he feared
that the latter might demand a rectification of the frontier
from Prussia in return for this good office. I replied that
I did not consider that the Emperor Napoleon had thought of
such a bargain, but had been induced to take the initiative
in this matter by family feeling rather than by any selfish
consideration. The Crown Prince, moreover, considered it a great
honour that so difficult a task had been offered to a member
of the House of Hohenzollern. Prince Frederick Charles also at
once started upon a minute discussion of the Roumanian question.
He seemed to be intimately acquainted with the issue, and
volunteered the opinion that I was intended for better things
than to rule tributary Principalities: he therefore advised me
to decline the offer."
The following telegram, published in the Press, was handed to Prince
Charles as he was sitting with his comrades at the regimental
mess-table:
"BUCHAREST, _13th April_.
"The _Lieutenance Princière_ and Ministry have announced the
candidature of Prince Charles of Hohenzollern as Prince of
Roumania, under the title of Charles I., by means of placards at
the street corners; it is rumoured that the Prince will arrive
here shortly. The populace appeared delighted by the news."
The Prince at once visited Colonel von Rauch, who had been entrusted
with the delivery of Prince Charles Anthony's memorial to the King,
and learnt that an answer would be sent on April 16. The following
report was despatched to Prince Charles Anthony by his messenger on
the 14th: "I was commanded to attend their Majesties at the _Soirée
Musicale_ yesterday evening. The King took me into a side room
and expressed himself as follows: 'I have not yet replied to the
Prince, because I am still waiting for news from Paris, as the Porte
has declared its intention of recalling its ambassador from the
Conference if the election of a foreign prince is discussed.
"'Should the protecting States have regard to this declaration of
the Porte, the election of a Hohenzollern prince would be rendered
impossible; on the other hand, should the majority decide for a
foreign prince, and the coming Chamber in Bucharest follow their
example, the whole matter would enter upon a new phase. However,
that I may not keep the Prince waiting, I shall express my opinions
shortly as to the future acceptance or refusal of the Roumanian
crown.'"
The King of Prussia forwarded the following autograph letter to the
young Hohenzollern prince early the next morning:
"Your father has, no doubt, imparted to you the enclosed
(telegram from Bratianu). You will remain quite passive. Great
obstacles have arisen, as Russia and the Porte are so far
opposed to a foreign prince.
"WILLIAM."
The telegram ran thus:
"Five million Roumanians proclaim Prince Charles, the son of
your Royal Highness, as their sovereign. Every church is open,
and the voice of the clergy rises with that of the people in
prayer to the Eternal, that their Elected may be blessed and
rendered worthy of his ancestors and the trust reposed in him by
the whole nation.
"J. C. BRATIANU."
The long expected reply from the Prussian monarch arrived at
Düsseldorf on April 16. After discussing the probable moral and
material bonds of union which would unite Prussia and Roumania in
the event of the offer being accepted, the King continued:
"The question is whether the position of your son and his
descendants would really be as favourable as might otherwise be
expected? For the present the ruler of Roumania will continue
as a vassal of the Porte. Is this a dignified and acceptable
position for a Hohenzollern? And though it may be expected
that in future this position will be exchanged for that of an
independent sovereignty, still the date of the realisation
of this aim is very remote, and will probably be preceded by
political convulsions through which the ruler of the Danubian
Principalities might perhaps be unable to retain his position!
With such an outlook, are not the present position and prospects
of your son happier than the life which is offered him?
"Even in the event of my consenting to the election of one of
your sons to the throne of Roumania, is there any guarantee
that this elective sovereignty, even if it becomes hereditary,
will remain faithful to him who is now chosen? The past of
these countries shows the contrary; and the experience of other
States, ancient and well established, as well as newly created
and elective empires, shows how uncertain such structures are in
our times.
"But, above all, we must take into consideration the attitude of
the Powers represented at the Paris Conference to this question
of election. Two questions still remain undecided: (_a_) Is
there to be an union or not? (_b_) Is there to be a foreign
Prince or not?
"Russia and the Porte are against the union, but it appears that
England will join the majority, and if she decides for the union
the Porte will be obliged to submit.
"In the same way both the former States are opposed to the
election of a foreign Prince as the ruler of the Danubian
Principalities. I have mentioned this attitude of the Porte, and
yesterday we received a message from Russia to say that it was
not disposed to agree to the project of your son's election,
and that it will demand a resumption of the Conference. All
these events prevent the hope of a simple solution. I must
therefore urge you to consider these matters again. Even should
Russia, against its will of course, consent to the election
of a foreign Prince, it is to be expected that intrigue after
intrigue will take place in Roumania between Russia and Austria.
And since Austria will more willingly vote for such an election,
Roumania would be forced to rely upon her as against Russia, and
so the newly created country with its dynasty would be on the
side of the chief opponent of Prussia, though the latter is to
provide the Prince!
"You will gather from what I have said that, from dynastic and
political considerations, I do not consider this important
question quite as _couleur de rose_ as you do. In any case we
must await the news which the next few days will bring us from
Bucharest, St. Petersburg, and Constantinople, and we must see
whether the Paris Conference will reassemble immediately.
"Your faithful Cousin and Friend,
"WILLIAM."
"P.S.--A note received to-day from the French Ambassador proves
that the Emperor Napoleon is favourably inclined to the plan.
This is very important. The position will only be tenable if
Russia agrees, as she is influential in Roumania on account of
her professing the same religion and owing to her geographical
proximity and old associations. These constitute an influence
against which a new Prince in a weak and divided country would
not be able to contend for any length of time. If you are
desirous of prosecuting this affair your son must, above all
things, gain the consent of Russia. It is true that up to now
the prospect of success is remote...."
Prince Charles Anthony replied, assuring the King that, although
the examples of such enterprises in Greece and Mexico had proved
disastrous, yet the complications which might arise from Roumania
were not likely to affect the prestige of Prussia, and he therefore
begged his Majesty not to refuse his consent so long as there was
a chance of arranging the matter. A most important interview then
took place between Count Bismarck and Prince Charles at the Berlin
residence of the former, who was at that time confined to his house
by illness.
Bismarck opened the conversation with the words: "I have requested
your Serene Highness to visit me, not in order to converse with
you as a statesman, but quite openly and freely as a friend and an
adviser, if I may use the expression. You have been unanimously
elected by a nation to rule over them; obey the summons. Proceed
at once to the country, to the government of which you have been
called!"
Prince Charles replied that this course was out of the question,
unless the King gave his permission, although he felt quite equal to
the task.
"All the more reason," replied the Count. "In this case you have
no need for the direct permission of the King. Ask the King for
leave--leave to travel abroad. The King (I know him well) will not
be slow to understand, and to see through your intention. You will,
moreover, remove the decision out of his hands, a most welcome
relief to him, as he is politically tied down. Once abroad, you
resign your commission and proceed to Paris, where you will ask the
Emperor for a private interview. You might then lay your intentions
before Napoleon, with the request that he will interest himself in
your affairs and promote them amongst the Powers. In my opinion this
is the only method of tackling the matter, if your Serene Highness
thinks at all of accepting the crown in question. On the other hand,
should this question come before the Paris Conference, it will not
take months merely, but even years to settle. The two Powers most
interested--Russia and the Porte--will protest emphatically against
your election; France, England, and Italy will be on your side,
whilst Austria will make every endeavour to ruin your candidature.
From Austria there is, however, not much to fear, as I propose to
give her occupation for some time to come!... As regards us, Prussia
is placed in the most difficult position of all: on account of her
political and geographical situation she has always held aloof from
the Eastern Question and has only striven to make her voice heard
in the Council of the Powers. In this particular case, however, I,
as Prussian Minister, should have to decide against you, however
hard it would be for me, for at the present moment I must not come
to a rupture with Russia, nor pledge our State interest for the
sake of family interest. By independent action on the part of your
Highness the King would escape this painful dilemma; and, although
he cannot give his consent as head of the family, I am convinced
that he will not be against this idea, which I would willingly
communicate to him if he would do me the honour of visiting me here.
When once your Serene Highness is in Roumania the question would
soon be solved; for when Europe is confronted by a _fait accompli_
the interested Powers will, it is true, protest, but the protest
will be only on paper, and the fact cannot be undone!"
* * * * *
The Prince then pointed out that Russia and Turkey might adopt
offensive measures, but Bismarck denied this possibility: "The
most disastrous contingencies, especially for Russia, might result
from forcible measures. I advise your Serene Highness to write
an autograph letter to the Czar of Russia before your departure,
saying that you see in Russia your most powerful protector, and
that with Russia you hope some day to solve the Eastern Question.
A matrimonial alliance also might be mooted, which would give you
great support in Russia."
In reply to a question as to the attitude of Prussia to a _fait
accompli_, Bismarck declared: "We shall not be able to avoid
recognising the fact and devoting our full interest to the matter.
Your courageous resolve is therefore certain to be received here
with applause."
The Prince then asked whether the Count advised him to accept the
crown, or whether it would be better to let the matter drop.
"If I had not been in favour of the course proposed, I should not
have permitted myself to express my views," was the reply. "I think
the solution of the question by a _fait accompli_ will be the
luckiest and most honourable for you. And even if you do not succeed
your position with regard to the House of Prussia would continue the
same. You would remain here and be able to look back with pleasure
to a _coup_ with which you could never reproach yourself. But if you
succeed, as I think you will, this solution would be of incalculable
value to you; you have been elected unanimously by the vote of the
nation in the fullest sense of the word; you follow this summons and
thereby from the commencement earn the full confidence of the whole
nation."
The Prince objected that he could not quite trust the _plébiscite_,
because it had been effected so quickly, but Bismarck replied:
"The surest guarantee can be given you by the deputation which will
shortly be sent to you, and which you must not receive on Prussian
territory; moreover, I should place myself in communication with the
Roumanian agent in Paris as soon as possible. I communicated this
idea _sous discrétion_ to the French Ambassador, Benedetti, after we
had learnt that Napoleon wished to hear our views, and he declares
that France will place a ship at your disposal to undertake the
journey to Roumania from Marseilles, but I think it would be better
to make use of the ordinary steamer in order to keep the matter
quite secret."
As in duty bound, Prince Charles proceeded to the Royal Palace after
this interview, to ascertain the King's views on the proposed course
of action. His Majesty did not share Count Bismarck's view and
thought that the Prince had better await the decision of the Paris
Conference, although, even should this be favourable, it would still
be unworthy a Prince of the House of Hohenzollern to place himself
under the suzerainty of the Sultan! To this Prince Charles replied
that, although he was ready to acknowledge the Turkish suzerainty
for a time, he reserved to himself the task of freeing his country
by force of arms, and of gaining perfect independence on the field
of battle. The King gave the Prince leave to proceed to Düsseldorf,
embraced him heartily, and bade him Godspeed!
Prince Bismarck sent for Colonel Rauch, who had played an important
part in the negotiations with the King, and informed him on April 23
that the Paris Conference had decided by five votes to three that
the Bucharest Chamber was to elect a native prince, and that France
had declared that she would not tolerate forcible measures either on
the part of Russia or of the Porte. The President of the Prussian
Ministry then repeated the advice he had given to Prince Charles,
viz., to accept the election at once, then proceed to Paris, and
thence to Bucharest with the support of Napoleon, and to write
at once to the Czar Alexander, hinting at the projected Russian
marriage. If Russia was won, everything would be won, and the
intervention by force of one or the other of the guaranteeing Powers
would be no longer to be feared. As regards the consent of the King,
which of course could not be given now, it would not be refused to
a final _fait accompli_. Prince Charles must decide for himself
whether he felt the power and decision to solve the problem in this
straightforward fashion; but it must be understood that no other
method offered any prospect, for the Powers would eventually agree
upon a native prince, and the Roumanians must submit. "I spoke," he
added, "to the Roumanian political agent in Paris, M. Balaceanu, in
a similar strain yesterday evening, and laid stress upon the fact
that the King cannot at present decide or accept the election of
Prince Charles, because political complications might be created
thereby."
From Paris came the news that nothing would be more agreeable to
the Emperor and his Government than to see Prince Charles on the
throne of Roumania, but that nothing could be done in the face of
the decision of the Conference, and that the Prince's project of
a _fait accompli_ was so adventurous that the Emperor could not
promise his support. An interview was then arranged at the house
of Baroness Franque in Ramersdorf, with M. Balaceanu, who declared
that the intention of the Roumanian Government was to adhere to its
choice, and, if necessary, to carry on the government under the name
of Charles I. Roumania would allow herself neither to be bent nor
broken.
Two days later, on April 29, Colonel von Rauch returned from Berlin
with the royal answer to Prince Charles Anthony's second memorial,
which contained a repetition of the King's objections to the
acceptance of the offer, and still more to the _fait accompli_,
which was so warmly urged from Paris. The "_Memorial Diplomatique_"
of the 28th contained this suggestive phrase: "_... l'initiative de
la France n'a pour object que les faits à accomplir!_"
Prince Charles Anthony received M. Bratianu and Dr. Davila on May 1
at Düsseldorf. They came to announce the arrival of the deputation
with the verification of the _plébiscite_, and to inquire whether
or no Prince Charles intended to decline their offer definitely. It
was then decided to telegraph in cipher to Bucharest that the Prince
had decided to accept the offer, but only on condition that the King
should give his consent.
In answer to a telegram from Prince Charles Anthony, the King of
Prussia begged him to come to Berlin to discuss the question of
the _fait accompli_. The result of the interview was that the King
agreed to refrain from influencing the decision of Prince Charles
directly and to permit the _fait accompli_ to "take place." The
Prince was to resign his commission as a Prussian officer after
passing the Prussian frontier.
On the receipt of this news from Berlin, the Prince at once sent
for MM. Balaceanu and Bratianu, and on their arrival informed them
that he was prepared to set out for Roumania without delay. The
question then arose as to which route was to be taken, since Prussia
might declare war any day with Austria, whilst a sea journey _viâ_
Marseilles or Genoa risked a possible detention at Constantinople.
The Prince eventually decided on the shortest route, _viâ_
Vienna-Basiasch; but this plan had to be reconsidered, as owing to
an indiscretion the proposed itinerary became public.
The long expected mobilisation order of the Prussian Army was signed
by the King on May 9, and Prince Charles in consequence received an
order from his colonel to rejoin his regiment at once, from which,
however, he was exempted by the six weeks' leave granted by the
King himself. Balaceanu urged the Prince by letter not to delay his
departure, and reiterated his entreaties on behalf of the Roumanian
people, who were anxiously awaiting the arrival of their chosen
ruler.
The last day at home was Friday, May 11, 1866, and with it came
the inevitable anguish of parting with his dearly loved parents.
Repressing the emotions which might otherwise have betrayed the
pregnant measure he had undertaken, Prince Charles, clad for the
last time in the uniform of the Prussian Dragoons, rode down the
avenue towards Benrath Castle, where his eldest brother resided and
awaited him. Upon arriving there, he exchanged his uniform for mufti
and proceeded to the station with his sister, Princess Marie, who
accompanied him for the first few hours of his journey, and at Bonn
the Prince joined Councillor von Werner, with whom the momentous
journey was to be undertaken. Zurich was reached at two o'clock in
the afternoon, when the travellers broke their journey for the first
time in order to arrange the difficult question of passports. Von
Werner telegraphed to a Swiss official, whom Prince Charles Anthony
had already asked about the passes, to arrange a meeting at St.
Gallen, but as the official was not at home at the time, a delay of
twenty-four hours occurred, which Prince Charles spent in writing
to the Emperors of Russia and France and the Sultan of Turkey.
Baron von Mayenfisch and Lieutenant Linche, a Roumanian staff
officer, who both joined the party in Zurich, set out independently,
the former for Munich, the latter for Basiasch on the Danube. The
Prince and Von Werner occupied themselves with erasing the marking
of the Prince's linen and reducing the quantity of his baggage to
indispensable limits. The following day (May 14) found the Prince
and his companion at St. Gallen, where a passport was obtained
for the former under the name of "Karl Hettingen," travelling on
business to Odessa, and at the Prince's request a note was made
on this document of the fact that Herr Hettingen wore spectacles.
The acquisition of these passports, however, and the fact of his
travelling second-class, were not alone sufficient to overcome all
further difficulties and dangers, for on reaching Salzburg, on the
Austro-Bavarian frontier, on the 16th, a customs official gruffly
demanded the Prince's name, and he to his horror found that he had
forgotten it. Luckily Von Werner, with great presence of mind,
flung himself into the breach by insisting on paying duty for some
cigars, and so diverted the intruder's attention, whilst the Prince
refreshed his peccant memory with a glimpse at his passport. But
this was not all, for scarcely had this little manœuvre been
successfully carried out than several officers of the "King of
Belgium's" Regiment, with whom the Prince had served in 1864 in
Denmark, entered the waiting-room and caused him no little misgiving
lest he should be recognised. Here fortune, however, again favoured
him, and all passed off well, the travellers continuing their
journey as far as Vienna, which they found crowded with troops.
Pressburg, Pest, Szegedin and Temesvar found them still caged in
the dismal squalor of a dirty second-class carriage, and suffering
much discomfort from an icy wind which chilled them to the bone. The
tedious railway journey at length ended at Basiasch, from whence
they were to proceed down stream by steamer. The mobilisation of
the Austrian troops had, however, completely disorganised the river
service, and a most unwelcome delay of two days took place at this
unsavoury spot.
Joan Bratianu arrived from Paris in time to accompany his future
sovereign upon the last stage of his journey, but, as strict secrecy
was still imperative, he was compelled to treat the Prince as a
stranger. The Roumanian frontier was reached at last, and the boat
lay alongside the quay of Turnu Severin. As the Prince was about to
hurry on shore, the master of the steamboat stopped him to inquire
why he should land here when he wanted to go to Odessa. The Prince
replied that he only intended to spend a few minutes on shore,
and then hurried forward. As soon as he touched Roumanian soil,
Bratianu, hat in hand, requested his Prince to step into one of the
carriages waiting there. And as he did so he heard the captain's
voice exclaim: "By God, that must be the Prince of Hohenzollern!"
After the despatch of a couple of telegrams to the _Lieutenance
Princière_ and the Government, the Prince and Bratianu set out
for the capital in a carriage drawn by eight horses at a hand
gallop, which never slackened its headlong pace throughout the
ice-cold, misty night. At four o'clock they reached the river Jiu,
but lost some time there, as the ferry was not in working order.
At Krajowa, where the news of his arrival had brought together an
enormous and enthusiastic multitude, a right royal welcome awaited
the new Prince, and, escorted by two sections of Dorobanz Cavalry
(Militia hussars), he reached the prettily decorated town of
Slatina at noon, where a halt of a couple of hours was made before
proceeding to Piteschti. _En route_ the Prince overtook the 2nd
Line Regiment marching on Bucharest, and was greeted by them with
enthusiastic cheers. A numerous escort of cavaliers, amongst them
Dr. Davila, met the Prince outside Piteschti, where yet another
most enthusiastic reception was accorded him. General Golesku and
Jon Ghika, the President of the Ministry, were presented to the
Prince, who expressed his pleasure at greeting the first members
of the Government. The night was passed at Goleschti, where the
Prince entered upon his duties by signing a decree pardoning the
Metropolitan of Moldavia for his share in the Separatist riots
of April 15. Prince Charles rose early the following morning to
make all necessary arrangements for his triumphal entry into the
capital, where the inhabitants were waiting impatiently to do him
honour. The keys of the town were presented by the Burgomaster,
who also addressed a speech to the new ruler. The procession then
passed along the streets lined by soldiers of the Line and National
Guard, until they reached a house outside which a guard of honour
was posted. "What house is that?" asked the Prince in the innocence
of his heart. "That is the Palace," replied General Golesku with
embarrassment. Prince Charles thought he had misunderstood him, and
asked: "_Where_ is the Palace?" The General, still more embarrassed,
pointed in silence to the one-storeyed building.
At length the procession halted at the Metropolie, the Cathedral
of Bucharest, where the venerable Metropolitan received the Prince
and tendered him the Cross and Bible to kiss. After hearing the
_Te Deum_, the Prince, with his suite, proceeded to the Chamber,
which stands exactly opposite the Metropolie. Here he took the
oath to keep the laws, maintain the rights, and preserve the
integrity of Roumania.--"Jur de a pazi legile Romaniei, d'a mentine
drepturile sale si integritateā teritoriului!"[8] Then, after
replying in French to the address of the President of the Chamber,
Prince Charles repaired with his suite to the Palace to refresh
himself after the exertions of the day. The rooms, though small,
proved to have been tastefully furnished by Parisian upholsterers
during the government of Prince Kusa, but the view from the windows
was primitive indeed; on the one side stood an insignificant
guardhouse, whilst the other offered the national spectacle of a
gipsy encampment with its herd of swine wallowing in the gutters
of the main road--it could hardly be called a street. Such were
the surroundings amongst which the adventurous Hohenzollern Prince
commenced his new career!
[8] Translation: "I swear to protect the laws of Roumania, to
maintain her rights and the integrity of her soil."