1855
[Pageheading: THE FOUR POINTS]
_Queen Victoria to the Earl of Clarendon._
OSBORNE, _9th January 1855._
THE Queen received Lord Clarendon's box by special messenger yesterday
evening. The acceptance by Russia of our interpretation of the
four points[1] is a most clever, diplomatic man[oe]uvre, and very
embarrassing for us at this moment, before Sebastopol is taken, and
before Austria has been compelled to join in the war. It leaves us no
alternative but to meet in conference, which, however, in the Queen's
opinion, ought to be preceded by a despatch to Austria, putting on
record our opinion as to the nature and object of the step taken by
Russia, and the advantages she hopes to derive by it from Austria and
Germany, and the disadvantages she expects to inflict on the Western
Powers. As hostilities ought not to be interrupted unless the Russians
give up Sebastopol and evacuate the Crimea (which would give rest
and quiet to our poor soldiers), there still remains the hope of our
getting the place before preliminaries of peace could be signed; and
in that case a Peace on the four points would be everything we could
desire, and much preferable to the chance of future convulsions of the
whole state of Europe. Russia would then have yielded all our wishes
for the future.
A mere moral defeat, such as Count Buol seems disposed to consider
as sufficient, would soon prove to have been none at all, and Austria
would be the Power which, to its cost, would find out (when too late)
that the preponderance of Russia is by no means diminished.
The Queen has given her permission to Lord John to go to Paris; he
will find the Emperor as little able to help himself in this stage of
the business as ourselves.
The Queen is afraid that the news of the Russian acceptance may induce
our commanders in the Crimea to rest on their oars, and thinks it
necessary, therefore, that immediate orders should go out, pointing
out that the early fall of the town is just now more important than
ever.
The Queen wishes Lord Clarendon to communicate this letter to Lord
Aberdeen and the Duke of Newcastle.
She returns to Windsor this afternoon.
[Footnote 1: The celebrated "Four Points" were--
1. Cessation of the Russian protectorate over Moldavia,
Wallachia, and Servia: the privileges granted by the Sultan
to the Principalities to be collectively guaranteed by the
Powers.
2. Free navigation of the Danube.
3. Termination of the preponderance of Russia in the Black Sea.
4. Abandonment by Russia of her claim over any subjects of the
Porte; the Five Powers to co-operate in obtaining from the
Sultan the confirmation and observance of the religious
privileges of the different Christian communities, and to
turn to account in their common interest the generous
intentions manifested by the Sultan, without infringing
his dignity or the independence of his crown.
Towards the end of 1854, negotiations as to the Four Points
had been proceeding between the Allies and Austria, and on the
28th of December the Three Powers had agreed in communicating
to Russia a memorandum giving a more exact interpretation of
the Four Points. This was agreed upon as the basis on which
the Plenipotentiaries were to meet at Vienna to settle the
Eastern Question, and to conclude the war.
Another event, productive ultimately of results of great
importance, took place at the end of January. King Victor
Emmanuel of Sardinia joined the Western Alliance, and
despatched 15,000 men under General La Marmora to the Crimea.
This act was inspired by Cavour, the Sardinian Prime Minister,
who took the step that Austria hesitated to take, and thereby
established strong claims both upon the Emperor Napoleon and
Lord Palmerston.]
[Pageheading: LORD ABERDEEN AND THE GARTER]
_Queen Victoria to the Earl of Aberdeen._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _10th January 1855._
Before Parliament meets for probably a very stormy Session, the Queen
wishes to give a public testimony of her continued confidence in Lord
Aberdeen's administration, by offering him the vacant Blue Ribbon.
The Queen need not add a word on her personal feelings of regard and
friendship for Lord Aberdeen, which are known to him now for a long
period of years.
_The Earl of Aberdeen to Queen Victoria._
LONDON, _10th January 1855._
Lord Aberdeen presents his most humble duty to your Majesty. He has
had the honour of receiving your Majesty's most gracious letter, and
humbly begs to return your Majesty his grateful acknowledgments for
this mark of your Majesty's continued confidence and favour. When your
Majesty mentioned the subject to Lord Aberdeen some time ago, he had
not thought of any such distinction; and perhaps at his time of life,
and with his present prospects, he scarcely ought to do so. There
is no doubt that this unequivocal mark of gracious favour might
strengthen his hands, and especially in those quarters where it would
be most useful; but the power of misconstruction and malevolence is
so great that the effect might possibly be more injurious than
beneficial.
Perhaps your Majesty would be graciously pleased to permit Lord
Aberdeen to reflect a little on the subject, and to submit his
thoughts to your Majesty.
Lord Aberdeen entreats your Majesty to believe that in this, as
in everything else, it is his desire to look exclusively to your
Majesty's welfare. When he leaves your Majesty's service, your Majesty
may be fully aware of his many imperfections as a Minister; but he
trusts that your Majesty will always have reason to regard him as
perfectly disinterested.
_The Earl of Aberdeen to Queen Victoria._
LONDON, _11th January 1855._
Lord Aberdeen presents his most humble duty to your Majesty. He has
maturely reflected on the subject of your Majesty's gracious letter
of yesterday, and he is fully sensible of the very important advantage
which, in his official position, he might derive from such a public
and signal proof of your Majesty's confidence and favour.
Although this might naturally give rise to more or less of political
animadversion, Lord Aberdeen would not hesitate in his decision, if
the alternative were only between himself and some Peer of high rank
whose claim consisted in being a supporter of the Government; but Lord
Aberdeen believes that he may venture to make a suggestion to your
Majesty, the effect of which would redound to your Majesty's honour,
and which might not prove altogether disadvantageous to himself.
Lord Aberdeen understands that in consequence of the regulations of
the Order, Lord Cardigan could not properly receive the Grand Cross
of the Bath. From his rank and station, Lord Cardigan might fairly
pretend to the Garter, but his violent party politics would make it
impossible for Lord Aberdeen, under ordinary circumstances, to submit
his name to your Majesty for this purpose. At the same time, Lord
Cardigan's great gallantry and personal sacrifices seem to afford
him a just claim to your Majesty's favourable consideration; and Lord
Aberdeen believes that to confer upon him the Blue Ribbon at this
moment would be regarded as a very graceful act on the part of your
Majesty. It is even possible that Lord Aberdeen's political opponents
might give him some credit for tendering such advice.
If therefore your Majesty should be pleased to take the same view of
this matter, Lord Aberdeen would communicate with Lord Cardigan on his
arrival in London, and would willingly postpone all consideration of
your Majesty's gracious intentions towards himself. But Lord Aberdeen
will venture humbly to repeat his grateful sense of all your Majesty's
kindness, and his acknowledgments for the expression of sentiments
which he can never sufficiently value.[2]
[Footnote 2: Subsequently Lord Aberdeen yielded to the Queen's
affectionate insistence, and was installed Knight of the
Garter at a Chapter held on the 7th of February.]
[Pageheading: WELFARE OF THE ARMY]
_Queen Victoria to the Duke of Newcastle._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _12th January 1855._
The Queen returns the enclosed despatch to the Duke of Newcastle,
which she has read with much pleasure, as bringing before Lord
Raglan in an official manner--which will require official enquiry and
_answer_--the various points so urgently requiring his attention and
remedial effort. It is at the same time so delicately worded that it
ought not to offend, although it cannot help, from its matter, being
painful to Lord Raglan. The Queen has only one remark to make, viz.
the entire omission of her name throughout the document. It speaks
simply in the name of the _People_ of England, and of _their_
sympathy, whilst the Queen feels it to be one of her highest
prerogatives and dearest duties to care for the welfare and success of
_her_ Army. Had the despatch not gone before it was submitted to the
Queen, in a few words the Duke of Newcastle would have rectified this
omission.
The Duke of Newcastle might with truth have added that, making every
allowance for the difficulties before Sebastopol, it is difficult
to imagine how the Army could ever be _moved_ in the field, if the
impossibility of keeping it alive is felt in a _stationary camp_ only
seven miles from its harbour, with the whole British Navy and hundreds
of transports at its command.
_Queen Victoria to the Earl of Aberdeen._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _13th January 1855._
The Queen has received Lord Aberdeen's letter of the 11th, and has
since seen Lord John Russell's letter. It shows that the practice
of the Queen's different Cabinet Ministers going to Paris, to have
personal explanations with the Emperor, besides being hardly a
constitutional practice, must lead to much misunderstanding. How is
the Emperor to distinguish between the views of the Queen's Government
and the private opinions of the different members of the Cabinet, all
more or less varying, particularly in a Coalition Government?
The Queen hopes therefore that this will be the last such visit. The
Ambassador is the official organ of communication, and the Foreign
Secretary is responsible for his doing his duty, and has the means of
controlling him by his instructions and the despatches he receives,
all of which are placed on record.[3]
[Footnote 3: The cause of Lord John's visit to Paris had been
the illness there of his sister-in-law, Lady Harriet Elliot;
but he took the opportunity of conferring both with
the Emperor and his Ministers on the conduct of the
war.--Walpole's _Life of Lord John Russell_, chap. XXV.]
[Pageheading: LETTER FROM LORD RAGLAN]
[Pageheading: THE COMMISSARIAT]
_Lord Raglan to Queen Victoria._
BEFORE SEBASTOPOL, _20th January 1855._
Lord Raglan presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and has the
honour to acknowledge with every sentiment of devotion and gratitude
your Majesty's most gracious letter of 1st January, and the kind
wishes which your Majesty and the Prince are pleased to unite in
offering to the Army and your Majesty's most humble servant on the
occasion of the New Year.
The deep concern and anxiety felt by your Majesty and the Prince for
the privations of the troops, their unceasing labours, their exposure
to bad weather, and the extensive sickness which prevails among them,
are invaluable proofs of the lively interest which your Majesty and
His Royal Highness take in the welfare of an Army which, under no
circumstances, will cease to revere the name, and apply all its best
energies to the service of your Majesty.
Lord Raglan can with truth assure your Majesty that his whole time
and all his thoughts are occupied in endeavouring to provide for the
various wants of your Majesty's troops. It has not been in his power
to lighten the burthen of their duties. Those exacted from them before
Sebastopol are for the preservation of the trenches and batteries; and
there are many other calls upon the men, more especially when, as at
present, the roads are so bad that wheeled carriages can no longer
be used, and that the horse transport is diminished by sickness and
death, and that the Commissariat, having no longer any sufficient
means of conveyance at its command, cannot bring up the daily supplies
without their assistance, thereby adding, however inevitably, to their
labour and fatigue.
Lord Raglan begs leave to submit, for your Majesty's information, that
the Allied Armies have no intercourse with the country, and can derive
no resources from it; and consequently all the requirements for
the conveyance of stores and provisions, as well as the stores and
provisions themselves, must be imported. Such a necessity forms in
itself a difficulty of vast magnitude, which has been greatly felt by
him, and has been productive of the most serious consequences to the
comfort and welfare of the Army.
The coffee sent from Constantinople has been received and issued
to the troops green, the Commissariat having no means whatever of
roasting it. Very recently, however, an able officer of the Navy,
Captain Heath of the _Sanspareil_, undertook to have machines made by
the engineers on board his ship for roasting coffee; and in this he
has succeeded, but they have not yet produced as much as is required
for the daily consumption.
The Commissary-General applied to the Treasury for roasted coffee
three months ago. None has as yet arrived. A very large amount of warm
clothing has been distributed, and your Majesty's soldiers, habited in
the cloaks of various countries, might be taken for the troops of any
nation as well as those of England.
Huts have arrived in great abundance, and as much progress is made in
getting them up as could be hoped for, considering that there has been
a very heavy fall of snow, and that a thaw has followed it, and the
extremely limited means of conveyance at command.
Much having been said, as Lord Raglan has been given to understand, in
private letters, of the inefficiency of the officers of the Staff, he
considers it to be due to your Majesty, and a simple act of justice to
those individuals, to assure your Majesty that he has every reason
to be satisfied with their exertions, their indefatigable zeal, and
undeviating, close attention to their duties, and he may be permitted
to add that the horse and mule transport for the carriage of
provisions and stores are under the charge of the Commissariat, not of
the Staff, and that the Department in question engages the men who are
hired to take care of it, and has exclusive authority over them.
Lord Raglan transmitted to the Duke of Newcastle, in the month of
December, the report of a Medical Board, which he caused to assemble
at Constantinople for the purpose of ascertaining the state of health
of the Duke of Cambridge. The report evidently showed the necessity of
His Royal Highness's return to England for its re-establishment.
This, Lord Raglan knows, was the opinion of the Honourable
Lieutenant-Colonel Macdonald,[4] whose attention and devotion to
His Royal Highness could not be surpassed, and who was himself very
anxious to remain with the Army.
The Duke, however, has not gone further than Malta, where, it is said,
his health has not improved.
[Footnote 4: The Hon. James Bosville Macdonald [1810-1882],
son of the third Baron Macdonald, A.D.C., Equerry and Private
Secretary to the Duke of Cambridge.]
[Pageheading: THE ARMY BOARD]
_Queen Victoria to the Earl of Aberdeen._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _22nd January 1855._
The Queen has received Lord Aberdeen's letter of yesterday, giving an
account of the proceedings of the last Cabinet....
The Queen is quite prepared to sanction the proposal of constituting
the Secretary of State for War, the Commander-in-Chief, the
Master-General of the Ordnance, and the Secretary at War, a Board on
the affairs of the Army, which promises more unity of action in
these Departments, and takes notice of the fact that the powers and
functions of the Commander-in-Chief are not to be changed. As these,
however, rest entirely on tradition, and are in most cases ambiguous
and undefined, the Queen would wish that they should be clearly
defined, and this the more so as she transacts certain business
directly with him, and ought to be secured against getting into any
collision with the Secretary of State, who also takes her pleasure,
and gives orders to the Commander-in-Chief. She would further ask to
be regularly furnished with the Minutes of the proceedings of the new
Board, in order to remain acquainted with what is going on.
Unless, however, the Militia be made over to the direction of the
Secretary of State for _War_, our Army system will still remain very
incomplete. The last experience has shown that the Militia will have
to be looked upon as the chief source for recruiting the Army, and
this will never be done harmoniously and well, unless they both be
brought under the same control.
With reference to the Investiture of the Garter, the Queen need not
assure Lord Aberdeen that there are few, if any, on whom she will
confer the Blue Ribbon with greater pleasure than on so kind and
valued a friend as he is to us both.
_Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._
CHESHAM PLACE, _24th January 1855._
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty; he has had
the honour of receiving your Majesty's gracious invitation to Windsor
Castle. He would have waited upon your Majesty this day had he not
been constrained by a sense of duty to write to Lord Aberdeen last
night a letter of which he submits a copy.
Lord John Russell trusts your Majesty will be graciously pleased to
comply at once with his request. But he feels it would be right to
attend your Majesty's farther commands before he has the honour of
waiting upon your Majesty.
[Pageheading: MR. ROEBUCK'S MOTION]
[_Enclosure in previous Letter._]
_Lord John Russell to the Earl of Aberdeen._
CHESHAM PLACE, _23rd January 1855._
MY DEAR LORD ABERDEEN,--Mr Roebuck has given notice of a Motion to
enquire into the conduct of the war. I do not see how this Motion is
to be resisted. But as it involves a censure of the War Departments
with which some of my colleagues are connected, my only course is to
tender my resignation.
I therefore have to request you will lay my humble resignation of the
office, which I have the honour to hold, before the Queen, with the
expression of my gratitude for Her Majesty's kindness for many years.
I remain, my dear Lord Aberdeen, yours very truly,
J. RUSSELL.
[Pageheading: LORD JOHN RUSSELL RESIGNS]
_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._
WINDSOR CASTLE, 24th _January 1855._
The Queen has this moment received Lord John Russell's letter and
enclosure, and must express to him her surprise and concern at hearing
so abruptly of his intention to desert her Government on the Motion of
Mr Roebuck.
_Memorandum by the Prince Albert._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _25th January 1855._
Yesterday evening Lord Aberdeen came down here. He had heard that Lord
John had written to the Queen, and she showed him the correspondence.
He then reported that Lord John's letter to him had come without the
slightest notice and warning, and whatever the cause for it might be,
the object could only be to upset the Government. Upon receiving it,
he had sent for the Duke of Newcastle and shown it to him. The Duke
at once proposed, that as a sacrifice seemed to be required to appease
the public for the want of success in the Crimea, he was quite ready
to be that sacrifice, and entreated that Lord Aberdeen would put his
office into the hands of Lord Palmerston, who possessed the confidence
of the nation; Lord Aberdeen should propose this at once to the
Cabinet, he himself would support the Government _out_ of office like
_in_ office. Lord Aberdeen then went to Lord Palmerston to communicate
to him what had happened, and ascertain his feelings. Lord Palmerston
was disgusted at Lord John's behaviour,[5] and did not consider
himself the least bound to be guided by him; he admitted that
somehow or other the Public had a notion that he would manage the War
Department better than anybody else; as for himself, he did not expect
to do it half so well as the Duke of Newcastle, but was prepared to
try it, not to let the Government be dissolved, which at this moment
would be a real calamity for the country.
[Footnote 5: Lord Palmerston wrote him a most scathing letter
on the subject.]
The Cabinet met at two o'clock, and Lord Aberdeen laid the case
before it. The Duke then made his proposal, and was followed by Lord
Palmerston, who stated pretty much the same as he had done in the
morning, upon which Sir George Grey said it did both the Duke and Lord
Palmerston the highest honour, but he saw no possibility of resisting
Mr Roebuck's Motion without Lord John; Sir Charles Wood was of the
same opinion. Lord Clarendon proposed that, as the Duke had given
up his Department to Lord Palmerston, Lord John might be induced to
remain; but this was at once rejected by Lord Aberdeen on the ground
that they might be justified in sacrificing the Duke to the wishes
of the Country, but they could not to Lord John, with any degree of
honour. The upshot was, that the Whig Members of the Cabinet, not
being inclined to carry on the Government (including Lord Lansdowne),
they came to the unanimous determination to tender their resignations.
The Queen protested against this, as exposing her and the Country to
the greatest peril, as it was impossible to change the Government at
this moment without deranging the whole external policy in diplomacy
and war, and there was nobody to whom the reins could be confided.
Lord Derby and his party would never have done, but now he had allied
himself with Lord Ellenborough, who was determined to have the conduct
of the war....
Lord Aberdeen thought yet, that on him[6] devolved the responsibility
of replacing what he wantonly destroyed. The Queen insisted, however,
that Lord Aberdeen should make one appeal to the Cabinet to stand by
her, which he promised to do to the best of his ability, but without
hope of success. The Cabinet will meet at twelve o'clock to-day, but
at five the Ministers will have to announce their determination to the
Houses of Parliament, as Mr Roebuck's Motion stands for that hour.
ALBERT.
[Footnote 6: _I.e._, Lord John Russell.]
[Pageheading: LORD JOHN'S JUSTIFICATION]
_Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._
CHESHAM PLACE, _25th January 1855._
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty. He has
received with deep regret the imputations of deserting the Government.
Lord John Russell, after being at the head of the Ministry for more
than five years, and being then the leader of a great party, consented
to serve under Lord Aberdeen, and served for more than a year and a
half without office.
After sacrificing his position and his reputation for two years, he
has come to the conclusion that it would not be for the benefit of
the country to resist Mr Roebuck's Motion. But it is clear that the
enquiry he contemplates could not be carried on without so weakening
the authority of the Government that it could not usefully go on.
In these circumstances Lord John Russell has pursued the course which
he believes to be for the public benefit.
With the most sincere respect for Lord Aberdeen, he felt he could
not abandon his sincere convictions in order to maintain the
Administration in office.
It is the cause of much pain to him that, after sacrificing his
position in order to secure your Majesty's service from interruption,
he should not have obtained your Majesty's approbation.
_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _25th January 1855._
The Queen has received Lord John Russell's letter of to-day in
explanation of his resignation. She has done full justice to the
high-minded and disinterested manner in which Lord John sacrificed
two years ago his position as former Prime Minister and as Leader of a
great party, in consenting to serve under Lord Aberdeen, and hopes she
has sufficiently expressed this to him at the time. He will since
have found a further proof of her desire to do anything which could
be agreeable to him in his position, by cheerfully agreeing to all the
various changes of offices which he has at different times wished
for. If Lord John will consider, however, the moment which he has
now chosen to leave her Government, and the abrupt way in which his
unexpected intention of agreeing in a vote implying censure of the
Government was announced to her, he cannot be surprised that she could
not express her approbation.
[Pageheading: LORD JOHN'S INDIGNATION]
_Memorandum by Queen Victoria._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _25th January 1855._
Lord Aberdeen arrived at six o'clock to report the result of the
meeting of the Cabinet, which was so far satisfactory that they
agreed upon retaining office at present for the purpose of meeting Mr
Roebuck's Motion. They expect (most of them, at least) to be beat and
to have to resign, but they think it more honourable to be driven out
than to run away. They will meet Parliament therefore without making
any changes in the offices. Lord Aberdeen and the Duke of Newcastle
fancy even that they will have a chance of defeating Mr Roebuck's
Motion. Sir George Grey has declared, however, that, perfectly willing
as he is not to desert his post at this moment, he will consider
himself at liberty to resign even after success, as he thinks the
Government has no chance of standing with Lord John in Opposition.
The other Whigs would in that case very likely do the same, and the
Government come to an end in this way; but it is not impossible that
Sir George Grey may be prevailed upon by the Queen to stay. Much must
depend upon the nature of the Debate.
Lord Aberdeen seems to have put the Queen's desire that the Cabinet
should reconsider their former decision in the strongest words, which
seems to have brought about the present result. He saw Lord John this
morning who, though personally civil towards himself, was very much
excited and very angry at a letter which he had received from the
Queen. He said he would certainly vote with Mr Roebuck. The Houses are
to be adjourned to-day, and the whole discussion comes on to-morrow.
Lord Aberdeen brought a copy of a letter Lord Palmerston had written
to Lord John. The Peelites in the Cabinet, viz. the Dukes of Newcastle
and Argyll, Sir J. Graham, Mr Gladstone, and Mr S. Herbert, seem to be
very bitter against Lord John, and determined to oppose him should
he form a Government, whilst they would be willing to support a Derby
Government.
VICTORIA R.
_Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._
CHESHAM PLACE, _26th January 1855._
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and is
very grateful for your Majesty's communication of yesterday.
He confesses his resignation was very abrupt, but it is the
consequence of many previous discussions in which his advice had been
rejected or overruled.
Lord John Russell acknowledges the repeated instances of your
Majesty's goodness in permitting him to leave the Foreign Office,
and subsequently to serve without office as Leader of the House
of Commons. These changes, however, were not made without due
consideration. To be Leader of the House of Commons and Foreign
Secretary is beyond any man's strength. To continue for a long time
Leader without an office becomes absurd. Lord Aberdeen at first
meant his own continuance in office to be short, which justified the
arrangement.
[Pageheading: MR ROEBUCK'S MOTION]
_Viscount Palmerston to Queen Victoria._[7]
144 PICCADILLY, _26th January 1855._
Viscount Palmerston presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and begs
to state that Lord John Russell having made his statement, concluding
with an announcement that he did not mean to vote on Mr Roebuck's
Motion, and Viscount Palmerston having made a few remarks on that
statement, Mr Roebuck rose to make his Motion; but the paralytic
affection under which he has for some time laboured soon overpowered
him, and before he had proceeded far in his speech he became so unwell
that he was obliged to finish abruptly, make his Motion, and sit down.
Mr Sidney Herbert, who was to reply to Mr Roebuck, rose therefore
under great disadvantage, as he had to reply to a speech which had not
been made; but he acquitted himself with great ability, and made an
excellent statement in explanation and defence of the conduct of the
Government. He was followed by Mr Henry Drummond,[8] Colonel North
for the Motion, Mr Monckton Milnes against it; Lord Granby who, in
supporting the Motion, praised and defended the Emperor of Russia; Mr
Layard, who in a speech of much animation, gave very strong reasons
to show the great impropriety of the Motion, and ended by saying he
should vote for it; Sir George Grey, who made a spirited and excellent
speech; Mr Walpole, who supported the Motion and endeavoured, but
fruitlessly, to establish a similarity between the enquiry proposed by
Mr Roebuck and the enquiry in a Committee of the whole House into the
conduct of the Walcheren Expedition when the operation was over and
the Army had returned to England. Mr Vernon Smith declared that his
confidence in the Government had been confined to three Members--Lord
Lansdowne, Lord John Russell, and Lord Palmerston--and that it was
greatly diminished by the retirement of Lord John Russell. Colonel
Sibthorp,[9] Sir John Fitzgerald, and Mr Knightley[10] followed, and
Mr Disraeli having said that his side of the House required that the
Debate should be adjourned, an adjournment to Monday was agreed to;
but Viscount Palmerston, in consenting to the adjournment, expressed a
strong hope that the Debate would not be protracted beyond that night.
Viscount Palmerston regrets to say that the general aspect of the
House was not very encouraging.
[Footnote 7: His first letter to the Queen as Leader of the
House of Commons.]
[Footnote 8: M.P. for West Surrey.]
[Footnote 9: Sibthorp, whose name is almost forgotten, earned
some fame as an opponent of the Exhibition of 1851, and
remained faithful to Protection, after Lord Derby and his
party had dropped it. His beard, his eye-glass, and his
clothes were a constant subject for the pencil of Leech.]
[Footnote 10: Mr (afterwards Sir) Reginald Knightley, M.P. for
South Northamptonshire, 1852-1892. In the latter year he was
created Lord Knightley of Fawsley.]
[Pageheading: THE DEBATE]
_The Earl of Aberdeen to Queen Victoria._
LONDON, _27th January 1855._
Lord Aberdeen presents his humble duty to your Majesty. It is probable
that your Majesty may have heard from Lord Palmerston some account
of the debate in the House of Commons last night; but perhaps your
Majesty may not object to learn the impressions which Lord Aberdeen
has received on the present state of affairs both in and out of the
House.
There can be no doubt that Lord John Russell has injured his position
by the course which he has pursued. His own friends having remained in
the Cabinet, is his practical condemnation. He made a very elaborate
and dexterous statement; but which, although very plausible, did not
produce a good effect. It had been decided that he should be followed
by Mr Gladstone, who was in full possession of the subject; but at the
Cabinet yesterday held before the meeting of the House, it was decided
that Lord Palmerston should follow Lord John, in order to prevent the
appearance of a division in the Cabinet between the Whig and Peelite
Members. As Lord Palmerston was to act as Leader of the House, the
substitution of Mr Gladstone would have appeared strange. But the
decision was unfortunate, for by all accounts the speech of Lord
Palmerston was singularly unsuccessful.
In the debate which followed, the impression in the House was strongly
against the War Department; and the indications which occasionally
appeared of the possibility of Lord Palmerston filling that office
were received with great cordiality. Sir George Grey made an excellent
speech, and his censure must have been deeply felt by Lord John.
Lord Aberdeen has waited until the Cabinet had met to-day before he
had the honour of writing to your Majesty, in order that he might
learn the impressions and opinions of the Members, especially of those
who are in the House of Commons. All agree that if the division had
taken place last night, Mr Roebuck's Motion would have been carried by
a large majority. This still seems to be the prevailing opinion, but
there is considerable difference. The Motion is so objectionable and
so unconstitutional that delay is likely to be favourable to those who
oppose it. A little reflection must produce considerable effect. Lord
Aberdeen sees that Mr Gladstone is preparing for a great effort, and
he will do whatever can be effected by reason and eloquence.
It is said that Lord Derby shows some reluctance to accept the
responsibility of overthrowing the Government; but the part taken last
night by Mr Walpole, and the notice of a Motion in the House of Lords
by Lord Lyndhurst, would appear to denote a different policy. The
result of the Division on Monday will depend on the course adopted by
his friends, _as a party_. It is said that Mr Disraeli has signified a
difference of opinion from Mr Walpole.
[Pageheading: DEFEAT OF THE MINISTRY]
_Viscount Palmerston to Queen Victoria._
144 PICCADILLY, _30th January 1855._
(2 A.M.)
Viscount Palmerston presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and
begs to state that Mr Roebuck's Motion has been carried by 305 to 148,
being a majority of 157 against the Government, a great number of the
Liberal party voting in the majority.
The debate was begun by Mr Stafford,[11] who gave a very interesting
but painful account of the mismanagement which he had witnessed in the
Hospitals at Scutari and Sebastopol, while he gave due praise to the
conduct of His Royal Highness the Duke of Cambridge toward the men
under his command, and related the cheering effect produced by your
Majesty's kind letter, when read by him to the invalids in Hospital.
He was followed by Mr Bernal Osborne,[12] who found fault with all
the military arrangements at home, and with the system under which
Commissions in the Army are bought and sold, but who declared that he
should vote against the Motion.
Mr Henley then supported the Motion, directing his attack chiefly
against the management of the Transport Service.
Admiral Berkeley,[13] in reply, defended the conduct of the Admiralty.
Major Beresford supported the Motion, but defended Lord Raglan against
the attacks of the newspapers. Mr. Rice, Member for Dover, opposed the
Motion. Mr Miles[14] found fault with the Commissariat, and supported
the Motion, saying that the proposed enquiry would apply a remedy to
the evils acknowledged to exist in the Army in the Crimea; and Sir
Francis Baring, after ably pointing out the inconveniences of the
proposed Committee, said he should vote against it, as tending to
prevent those evils from being remedied. Mr Rich criticised the
composition of the Ministry, and the conduct of the war, and supported
the Motion as a means of satisfying public opinion. Sir Edward Lytton
Bulwer supported the Motion in a speech of considerable ability, and
was replied to by Mr Gladstone in a masterly speech, which exhausted
the subject, and would have convinced hearers who had not made up
their minds beforehand.
He was followed by Mr Disraeli, who in the course of his speech made
use of some expressions in regard to Lord John Russell, which drew
from Lord John some short explanations as to the course which he
had pursued. Viscount Palmerston then made some observations on
the Motion, and, after a few words from Mr Muntz,[15] Mr Thomas
Duncombe[16] asked Mr Roebuck whether, if he carried his Motion,
he really meant to name and appoint the Committee and prosecute the
enquiry, saying that he hoped and trusted that such was Mr Roebuck's
intention. Mr Roebuck declared that he fully meant to do so, and after
a short speech from Mr Roebuck, who lost the thread of his argument in
one part of what he said, the House proceeded to a division.
The Conservative Party abstained, by order from their Chiefs, from
giving the cheer of triumph which usually issues from a majority after
a vote upon an important occasion....
[Footnote 11: Augustus Stafford (formerly Stafford O'Brien),
Secretary of the Admiralty in the Derby Ministry of 1852.]
[Footnote 12: Secretary of the Admiralty, who, contrary to
modern practice, criticised on this occasion the action of his
own colleagues.]
[Footnote 13: Maurice Frederick Fitzhardinge Berkeley,
1788-1867, M.P. for Gloucester 1831-1857.]
[Footnote 14: M.P. for Bristol.]
[Footnote 15: M.P. for Birmingham.]
[Footnote 16: M.P. for Finsbury.]
[Pageheading: LORD ABERDEEN RESIGNS]
[Pageheading: LORD DERBY SUMMONED]
_Memorandum by Queen Victoria._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _30th January 1855._
Lord Aberdeen arrived here at three. He came from the Cabinet, and
tendered their unanimous resignation. Nothing could have been better,
he said, than the feeling of the members towards each other. Had it
not been for the incessant attempts of Lord John Russell to keep
up Party differences, it must be confessed that the experiment of a
coalition has succeeded admirably. We discussed future possibilities,
and agreed that there remained nothing to be done but to offer the
Government to Lord Derby, whose Party was numerically the strongest,
and had carried the Motion. He supposed Lord Derby would be prepared
for it, although he must have great difficulties, unless he took in
men from other Parties, about which, however, nothing could be known
at present.
Lord Aberdeen means to behave more generously to Lord Derby than he
had done to him, and felt sure that his colleagues would feel a desire
to support the Queen's new Government.
He said Lord Grey's plan[17] had not met with the approbation of the
House of Lords. The indignation at Lord John's conduct on all sides
was strongly on the increase.
Lord Aberdeen was much affected at having to take leave of us.
VICTORIA R.
[Footnote 17: For concentrating in a single department the
business connected with the administration of the Army.]
_Queen Victoria to the Earl of Derby._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _30th January 1855._
The Queen would wish to see Lord Derby at Buckingham Palace (whither
she is going for a few hours) to-morrow at half-past eleven.
_Queen Victoria to the Duke of Newcastle._
BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _31st January 1855._
The Queen has just received the Duke of Newcastle's letter.
She readily grants him the permission he asks,[18] and seizes this
opportunity of telling him how much she feels for him during this
trying time, and what a high sense she shall ever entertain of
his loyal, high-minded, and patriotic conduct, as well as of his
unremitting exertions to serve his Sovereign and Country.
[Footnote 18: The Duke, in order to refute Lord John Russell,
asked leave to state what had passed in the Cabinet.]
[Pageheading: INTERVIEW WITH LORD DERBY]
[Pageheading: THE LEADERSHIP]
_Memorandum by Queen Victoria._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _31st January 1855._
We went up to Buckingham Palace and saw Lord Derby at half-past
eleven. The Queen informed him of the resignation of the Government,
and of her desire that he should try to form a new one. She addressed
herself to him as the head of the largest Party in the House of
Commons, and which had by its vote chiefly contributed to the
overthrow of the Government. Lord Derby threw off this responsibility,
saying that there had been no communication with Mr Roebuck, but that
his followers could not help voting when Lord John Russell told them
on authority that there was the most ample cause for enquiry, and the
whole country cried out for it. Moreover, the Government, in meeting
the Motion, laid its chief stress upon its implying a want of
confidence in the Government--a confidence which they certainly did
not enjoy. He owned that his Party was the most compact--mustering
about two hundred and eighty men--but he had no men capable of
governing the House of Commons, and he should not be able to present
an Administration that would be accepted by the country unless it was
strengthened by other combinations; he knew that the whole country
cried out for Lord Palmerston as the only man fit for carrying on
the war with success, and he owned the necessity of having him in the
Government, were it even only to satisfy the French Government, the
confidence of which was at this moment of the greatest importance;
but he must say, speaking without reserve, that whatever the ignorant
public might think, Lord Palmerston was totally unfit for the task. He
had become very deaf as well as very blind, was seventy-one years
old, and ... in fact, though he still kept up his sprightly manners
of youth, it was evident that his day had gone by.[19] ... Lord Derby
thought, however, he might have the Lead of the House of Commons,
which Mr Disraeli was ready to give up to him. For the War Department
there were but two men--both very able, but both liable to objections:
the first was Lord Grey, who would do it admirably, but with whom he
disagreed in general politics, and in this instance on the propriety
of the war, which he himself was determined to carry on with the
utmost vigour; then came his peculiar views about the Amalgamation
of Offices, in which he did not at all agree. The other was Lord
Ellenborough, who was very able, and would certainly be very popular
with the Army, but was very unmanageable; yet he hoped he could keep
him in order. It might be doubtful whether Lord Hardinge could go on
with him at the Horse Guards. We agreed in the danger of Lord Grey's
Army proposal, and had to pronounce the opinion that Lord Ellenborough
was almost mad. This led us to a long discussion upon the merits of
the conduct of the war, upon which he seemed to share the general
prejudices, but on being told some of the real facts and difficulties
of the case, owned that these, from obvious reasons, could not be
stated by the Government in their defence, and said that he was aware
that the chief fault lay at headquarters in the Crimea. Lord Raglan
ought to be recalled, as well as his whole staff, and perhaps he could
render this less painful to him by asking him to join the Cabinet,
where his military advice would be of great value.
[Footnote 19: Lord Derby's judgment was not borne out by
subsequent events. Lord Palmerston was Prime Minister when
he died on the 18th of October 1865, ten years later. "The
half-opened cabinet-box on his table, and the unfinished
letter on his desk, testified that he was at his post to the
last,"--Ashley's _Life of Lord Palmerston_, vol. ii. p. 273.]
To be able to meet the House of Commons, however, Lord Derby said he
required the assistance of men like Mr Gladstone and Mr S. Herbert,
and he was anxious to know whether the Queen could tell him upon what
support he could reckon in that quarter. We told him we had reason to
believe the Peelites would oppose a Government of Lord John Russell,
but were inclined to support one of Lord Derby's; whether they were
inclined to join in office, however, appeared very doubtful. The Queen
having laid great stress on a good selection for the office of Foreign
Affairs, Lord Derby said he would have to return to Lord Malmesbury,
who, he thought, had done well before, and had now additional
experience.
Should he not be able to obtain strength from the Peelites, he could
not be able to form a creditable Government; he must give up the task,
and thought the Queen might try some other combinations with Lord John
Russell or Lord Lansdowne, etc.
He did not think a reconstruction of the old Government would be
accepted by the country; however, whatever Government was formed to
carry on the war, should not only not be opposed by him, but have
his cordial support, provided it raised no question of general
constitutional importance.
Should all attempts fail, he would be ready to come forward to the
rescue of the country with such materials as he had, but it would be
"a desperate attempt."
Lord Derby returned a little before two from Lord Palmerston, to whom
he had gone in the first instance. Lord Palmerston was ready to accept
the Lead of the House of Commons, and acknowledged that the man
who undertook this could not manage the War Department besides. He
undertook to sound Mr Gladstone and Mr S. Herbert, but had, evidently
much to Lord Derby's surprise, said that it must be a coalition, and
not only the taking in of one or two persons, which does not seem
to suit Lord Derby at all--nor was he pleased at Lord Palmerston's
suggestion that he ought to try, by all means, to retain Lord
Clarendon at the Foreign Office. Lord Palmerston was to sound the
Peelites in the afternoon, and Lord Derby is to report the result to
the Queen this evening.
VICTORIA R.
[Pageheading: LORD CLARENDON]
_The Earl of Derby to Queen Victoria._
ST JAMES' SQUARE, _31st January 1855._
(9:30 P.M.)
Lord Derby, with his humble duty, hastens to submit to your Majesty
the answer which he has this moment received from Viscount Palmerston
to the communication which he made to him this morning by your
Majesty's command. Lord Derby has not yet received from Mr Sidney
Herbert and Mr Gladstone the answers referred to in Lord Palmerston's
letter; but, from the tenor of the latter, he fears there can be no
doubt as to their purport. With respect to Lord Clarendon, Lord
Derby is fully sensible of the advantage which might accrue to your
Majesty's service from the continuance in office of a Minister of
great ability, who is personally cognizant of all the intricate
negotiations and correspondence which have taken place for the last
two years; and neither personally nor politically would he anticipate
on the part of his friends, certainly not on his own part, any
difficulty under existing circumstances, in co-operating with Lord
Clarendon; but the present political relations between Lord Clarendon
and Lord Derby's friends are such that, except upon a special
injunction from your Majesty, and under your Majesty's immediate
sanction, he would not be justified in making any overtures in that
direction.[20] Should Lord Derby receive any communication from Mr
Gladstone or Mr. Sidney Herbert before morning, he will send it down
to your Majesty by the earliest opportunity in the morning. Lord Derby
trusts that your Majesty will forgive the haste in which he writes,
having actually, at the moment of receiving Lord Palmerston's answer,
written a letter to say that he could not longer detain your Majesty's
messenger. Lord Derby will take no farther step until he shall have
been honoured by your Majesty's farther commands.
The above is humbly submitted by your Majesty's most dutiful Servant
and Subject,
DERBY.
[Pageheading: LORD DERBY'S REFUSAL]
_Memorandum by the Prince Albert._
_1st February 1855._
Lord Derby came down here at eleven o'clock, and brought with him two
letters he had received from Mr Gladstone and Mr Sidney Herbert, who
both declared their willingness to give Lord Derby's Government an
independent support, but on mature consideration their impossibility
to take office in his Administration. Lord Derby said, as to
the independent support, it reminded him of the definition of an
independent Member of Parliament, viz. one that could not be depended
upon. Under the circumstances, he would not be able to form such an
Administration as could effectively carry on the Government.
[Footnote 20: Although opposed to the ordinary procedure
of party government, there were recent precedents for such
overtures being made. When the Whigs displaced Peel in 1846,
Lord John Russell attempted to include three of the outgoing
Ministers in his Cabinet, and on the formation of the
Coalition Ministry, negotiations were on foot to retain Lord
St. Leonards on the woolsack.]
He thought that Lord Palmerston had at first been willing to join,
but it was now evident that the three letters had been written in
concert.[21]
[Footnote 21: Lord Palmerston wrote that, upon reflection, he
had come to the conclusion that he would not, by joining
the Government, give to it that stability which Lord Derby
anticipated. He, however, gave the promise of his support to
any Government which would carry on the war with energy and
vigour, and maintain the alliances which had been formed.]
He was anxious to carry any message to any other statesman with which
the Queen might wish to entrust him. This the Queen declined, with her
best thanks. He then wanted to know what statement Lord Aberdeen would
make to-night in the House, stating it to be very important that it
should not appear that the Administration had gone from Lord Aberdeen
through any other hands than the ones which should finally accept it.
It would be well known that he had been _consulted_ by the Queen, but
there was no necessity for making it appear that he had undertaken to
form an Administration. The fact was, that he had consulted none of
his Party except Mr Disraeli, and that his followers would have reason
to complain if they thought that he had put them altogether out of the
question. We told him that we did not know what Lord Aberdeen meant to
say, but the best thing would be on all accounts to state exactly the
truth as it passed.
After he had taken leave of the Queen with reiterated assurances of
gratitude and loyalty, I had a further long conversation with him,
pointing out to him facts with which he could not be familiar,
concerning our Army in the Crimea, our relations with our Ally,
negotiations with the German Courts, the state of public men and the
Press in this country, which convinced me that this country was in
a crisis of the greatest magnitude, and the Crown in the greatest
difficulties, which could not be successfully overcome unless
political parties would show a little more patriotism than hitherto.
They behaved a good deal like his independent Member of Parliament,
and tried to aggravate every little mishap in order to get Party
advantages out of it. I attacked him personally upon his ...
opposition to the Foreign Enlistment Bill, and pointed to the fact
that the French were now obtaining the services of that very
Swiss Legion we stood so much in need of. His defence was a mere
Parliamentary dialectic, accusing the clumsy way in which Ministers
had introduced their Bill, but he promised to do what he could to
relieve the difficulties of the country. In conclusion I showed him,
under injunctions of secrecy, the letter I had received from Count
Walewski, which showed to what a state of degradation the British
Crown had been reduced by the efforts on all sides for Party objects
to exalt the Emperor Napoleon, and make his will and use the sole
standard for the English Government.[22]
[Footnote 22: This curious letter of the Count stated in
effect that the alliance of England and France, and the
critical circumstances of the day, made Lords Palmerston and
Clarendon indispensable members of any Ministry that might be
formed.]
Lord Derby called it the most audacious thing he had ever seen, adding
that he had heard that Count Walewski had stated to somebody with
reference to the Vienna Conferences: "What influence can a country
like England pretend to exercise, which has no Army and no
Government?"
I told him he was right, as every one here took pains to prove that
we had no Army, and to bring about that the Queen should have no
Government.
[Pageheading: LORD LANSDOWNE CONSULTED]
[Pageheading: LORD JOHN RUSSELL SUGGESTED]
_Memorandum by the Prince Albert._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _2nd February 1855._
Lord Lansdowne arrived late yesterday evening. The Queen, after having
stated that Lord Derby had given up the task of forming a Government,
asked his advice under the present circumstances, to which he replied
that he had little advice to give. I interrupted that at least he
could impart knowledge to the Queen, upon which she could form
a decision. The first and chief question was, What was Lord John
Russell's position? Lord Lansdowne declared this to be the most
difficult question of all to answer. He believed Lord John was not at
all dissatisfied with the position he had assumed, and was under the
belief that he could form an Administration capable of standing,
even without the support of the Peelites. He (Lord Lansdowne) would
certainly decline to have anything to do with it, as it could
receive its support only from the extreme Radical side, which was not
favourable to Lord John, but shrewd enough to perceive that to obtain
a Government that would have to rest entirely upon themselves would
be the surest mode of pushing their own views. Lord John, although not
intending it, would blindly follow this bias, excusing himself with
the consideration that he must look for support somewhere. He himself
doubted, however, even the possibility of Lord John succeeding; but
till he was brought to see this no strong Government was possible.
We asked about the Peelites, Lord Palmerston, etc. He did not
know whether the Peelites would serve with Lord John Russell--they
certainly would not under him. There was a strong belief, however,
particularly on the part of Lord Clarendon, and even shared by Lord
Palmerston, that without Lord John a stable Government could not
be formed. The Queen asked whether they could unite under him (Lord
Lansdowne). He replied he had neither youth nor strength to make an
efficient Prime Minister, and although Lord John had often told him
"If you had been in Aberdeen's place my position would have been quite
different," he felt sure Lord John would soon be tired of him and
impatient to see him gone. He thought an arrangement might be possible
by which Lord Clarendon might be Prime Minister, Lord John go to the
House of Lords and take the Foreign Office, and Lord Palmerston
the Lead in the House of Commons. We told him that would spoil two
efficient men. Lord Clarendon had no courage for Prime Minister, and
Lord John had decidedly failed at the Foreign Office.
Lord Lansdowne had had Lord Palmerston with him during the Derby
negotiation, and clearly seen that at first he was not unwilling to
join, but had more and more cooled upon it when he went further into
the matter. Lord Derby and Lord Palmerston had had a full discussion
upon Lord Grey, and discarded him as quite impracticable.... After
much farther discussion it was agreed that Lord Lansdowne should go
up to Town this day, see first Lord Palmerston, then the Peelites,
and lastly Lord John, and come to Buckingham Palace at two o'clock,
prepared to give answers upon the question what was feasible and what
not. He inclines to the belief that we shall have to go through the
ceremony at least of entrusting Lord John with the formation of an
Administration.
Lord John was not without large following amongst the Whigs, and
whatever was said about his late conduct in the higher circles,
he believed that it is well looked upon by the lower classes. His
expression was, that it would be found that the first and second class
carriages in the railway train held opposite opinions.
_Memorandum by Queen Victoria._
BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _2nd February 1855._
Lord Lansdowne arrived at two o'clock, and reported that he had seen
all the persons intended, but he could not say that he saw his
way more clearly. They all gave pledges generally to support any
Government, but were full of difficulties as to their participation in
one.
Mr Gladstone would clearly not serve under Lord John--might possibly
with him--if much pressed by Lord Aberdeen to do so. He would probably
serve under Lord Palmerston. Mr S. Herbert expressed apprehension at
the effect upon the prospects of peace which would be produced by Lord
Palmerston's being at the head of the Government.
Lord John Russell would not serve under Lord Palmerston, and fancies
he might form a Whig Administration himself, of which Lord Palmerston,
however, must be the chief member. Lord Palmerston would not like
to serve under Lord John Russell--would be ready to form an
Administration, which could not have duration, however, in his
opinion, if Lord John Russell held aloof!
He found Lord John fully impressed with the fact of his having
brought the Queen into all these difficulties, and of owing her what
reparation he could make. Lord Palmerston also felt that he had
some amends to make to the Queen for former offences. We asked Lord
Lansdowne whether they could not be combined under a third person. He
felt embarrassed about the answer, having to speak of himself. Both
expressed their willingness to serve under him--but then he was
seventy-five years old, and crippled with the gout, and could not
possibly undertake such a task except for a few months, when the whole
Administration would break down--of which he did not wish to be the
cause. In such a case, Lord John had stated to him that the man to be
Leader of the House of Commons was Lord Palmerston, meaning himself
to be transferred to the House of Lords, in his former office as
President of the Council.
Without presuming to give advice, Lord Lansdowne thought that under
all circumstances it would do good if the Queen was to see Lord John
Russell, and hear from himself what he could do. She could perfectly
keep it in her power to commission whom she pleased hereafter, even if
Lord John should declare himself willing to form a Government.
VICTORIA R.
[Pageheading: LORD JOHN RUSSELL SUMMONED]
_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._
BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _2nd February 1855._
The Queen has just seen Lord Lansdowne. As what he could tell her has
not enabled her to see her way out of the difficulties in which the
late proceedings in Parliament have placed her, she wishes to see Lord
John Russell in order to confer with him on the subject.
[Pageheading: INTERVIEW WITH LORD JOHN]
[Pageheading: NEGOTIATIONS]
_Memorandum by Queen Victoria_[23]
BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _2nd February 1855._
Lord John Russell came at five o'clock.
The Queen said she wished to consult him on the present crisis, and
hear from him how the position of Parties stood at this moment. He
said that immediately at the meeting of Parliament a general desire
became manifest for a modification of the Government; that the
Protectionists were as hostile to the Peelites as they had been in the
year '46; that the old Whigs had with difficulty been made to support
the late Government; that the dissatisfaction with the conduct of the
war was general, and the country cried out for Lord Palmerston at the
War Department; that he considered it of the greatest importance
that Lord Clarendon should remain at the Foreign Office, where he had
gained great reputation, and nobody could replace him. On the
question whether Lord Palmerston would be supported if he formed an
Administration, he said everybody would give a general support, but he
doubted the Whigs joining him. He did not know what the Peelites
would do, but they would be an essential element in the Government,
particularly Mr Gladstone; the best thing would be if Lord Palmerston
took the lead of the House of Commons. A Government formed by Lord
Lansdowne or Lord Clarendon would ensure general support, but Lord
Lansdowne had declared that he would not undertake it for more than
three months, and then the Government would break down again; and we
objected that Lord Clarendon ought, as he had said, not to be moved
from the Foreign Office, to which he agreed. He himself would prefer
to sit on the Fourth Bench and support the Government. The Queen asked
him whether he thought he could form a Government. After having taken
some time for reflection, he said he thought he could,[24] but he
thought it difficult without the Peelites, and next to impossible
without Lord Palmerston; he did not know whether both or either would
serve with or under him; he would offer Lord Palmerston the choice
between the Lead of the House of Commons and the War Department--and
in case he should choose the former, ask himself to be removed to the
House of Lords; he had been Leader of the House of Commons since '34,
and as far as being able to support his title, he was enabled to do
so, as his brother, the Duke of Bedford, intended to leave an estate
of L5000 a year to his son. The Queen asked him whether he would do
the same under the Administration of Lord Lansdowne, for instance;
he begged to be allowed time to consider that. He acknowledged to the
Queen--on her remark that he had contributed to bring her into the
present difficulties--that he was bound to do what he could to help
her out of them; and on the Queen's question what he could do, he
answered that depended very much on what the Queen would wish him to
do.
[Footnote 23: This Memorandum, though signed by the Queen, was
written by the Prince.]
[Footnote 24: Colonel Phipps thus describes Lord Aberdeen's
comment on Lord John Russell's words:--"I told Lord Aberdeen
that Lord John had said that he thought that he could form a
Government. He laughed very much, and said: 'I am not at all
surprised at that, but whom will he get to serve under him?
Has he at present any idea of the extent of the feeling that
exists against him?' I replied that I thought not, that it was
difficult for anybody to tell him, but that I thought that it
was right that he should know what the feeling was, and that
he would soon discover it when he began to ask people to join
his Government. Lord Aberdeen said that was very true...."]
She commissioned him finally to meet Lord Lansdowne and Lord
Palmerston, to consult together, and to let Lord Lansdowne bring her
the result of their deliberation this evening, so that she might see a
little more clearly where the prospect of a strong Government lay.
We had some further discussion upon Mr Roebuck's Committee, which
he thinks will not be as inconvenient as all his friends suppose.
It would meet with great difficulties, and might be precluded from
drawing up a report. On Lord Grey's Motion[25] and the Army question
he declared that he held to his Memorandum of the 22nd January which
the Duke of Newcastle had read to the House of Lords, and acknowledged
the necessity of maintaining the office of the Commander-in-Chief,
although subordinate to the Secretary of State, and retaining the Army
Patronage distinct from the Political Patronage of the Government.
[Footnote 25: See _ante_, 30th January, 1855, note 17.]
I omitted to mention that Lord John, in answer to the question whether
Lord Clarendon would serve under Lord Palmerston, answered that he
could not at all say whether he would; he had mentioned to him the
possibility, when Lord Clarendon drew up and made a long face.
VICTORIA R.
_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._
BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _2nd February 1855._
The Queen has just seen Lord Lansdowne after his return from his
conference with Lord John Russell and Lord Palmerston. As moments are
precious, and the time is rolling on without the various consultations
which Lord Lansdowne has had the kindness and patience to hold with
the various persons composing the Queen's late Government having led
to any positive result, she feels that she ought to entrust some one
of them with the distinct commission to attempt the formation of a
Government. The Queen addresses herself in this instance to Lord John
Russell, as the person who may be considered to have contributed to
the vote of the House of Commons, which displaced her late Government,
and hopes that he will be able to present her such a Government
as will give a fair promise successfully to overcome the great
difficulties in which the country is placed. It would give her
particular satisfaction if Lord Palmerston could join in this
formation.
[Pageheading: LORD JOHN RUSSELL'S ATTEMPT]
_Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._
CHESHAM PLACE, _2nd February 1855._
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty. He
acknowledges that having contributed to the vote of the House of
Commons, which displaced your Majesty's late Government (although the
decision would in any case have probably been unfavourable), he is
bound to attempt the formation of a Government.
As your Majesty has now entrusted him with this honourable task, and
desired that Lord Palmerston should join in it, Lord John Russell will
immediately communicate with Lord Palmerston, and do his utmost to
form a Government which will give a fair promise to overcome the
difficulties by which the country is surrounded.
Lord John Russell considers Lord Clarendon's co-operation in this task
as absolutely essential.
_Memorandum by the Prince Albert._
BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _3rd February 1855._
Lord John Russell arrived at half-past one o'clock, and stated that
he had to report some progress and some obstacles. He had been to Lord
Palmerston, and had a long and very free discussion with him. He (Lord
Palmerston) told him although the general voice of the public had
pointed him out as the person who ought to form a Government, he
had no pretensions himself or personal views, and was quite ready to
accept the lead of the House of Commons under Lord John in the House
of Lords; but that he thought that, if the Queen would see him, now
that she had seen Lord Derby, Lord John, and Lord Lansdowne, it would
remove any impression that there were personal objections to him
entertained by the Queen, which would much facilitate the position of
the new Government. They then discussed the whole question of
offices, agreed that Lord Panmure would be the best person for the War
Department; that Lord Grey could not be asked to join, as his views
on the Foreign Policy differed so much from theirs, and he had always
been an intractable colleague; that if Mr Gladstone could not be
prevailed upon to join, Mr Labouchere,[26] although an infinitely
weaker appointment, might be Chancellor of the Exchequer, and Sir F.
Baring replace Sir J. Graham, if he could not be got to stay.
[Footnote 26: He had been President of the Board of Trade in
the former administration of Lord John Russell.]
Lord John then saw Mr S. Herbert, who declared to him that it was
impossible for any of the Peelites to join his Government, connected
as they were with Lord Aberdeen and the Duke of Newcastle, but that
they would infinitely prefer a Government of Lord John's to one of
Lord Palmerston, whose views on Foreign Policy, uncontrolled by Lord
Aberdeen, they sincerely dreaded.
Lord John then went to Lord Clarendon, and was surprised to find that
he could not make up his mind to remain at the Foreign Office under
his Government. Lord John thought that the expression of a wish on
the part of the Queen would go a great way to reconcile him. His
objections were that he had always received the handsomest support
from the Peelites, and thought the Government too weak without their
administrative ability.
Lord John had seen none of his own friends, such as Sir G. Grey, Sir
C. Wood, Lord Lansdowne, and Lord Granville, but had not the smallest
doubt that they would cordially co-operate with him.
Lord John is to come again at a quarter before six o'clock. The Queen
has appointed Lord Palmerston for three o'clock, and Lord Clarendon at
four.
[Pageheading: ATTITUDE OF THE PEELITES]
[Pageheading: THE FOREIGN OFFICE]
[Pageheading: LORD CLARENDON]
_Memorandum by Queen Victoria._[27]
BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _3rd February 1855._
[Footnote 27: This Memorandum, though signed by the Queen, was
written by the Prince.]
In the Audience which the Queen has just granted to Lord Palmerston,
he thanked her for the message which she had sent him through Lord
John Russell, and declared his readiness to serve her in any way he
could under the present difficulties. He had preferred the lead of
the House of Commons to the War Department, having to make a choice
between two duties which no man could perform together.
In answer to a question from the Queen, he said he hoped that the
present irritation in the Whig party would subside, and that he would
be able to complete a Government. He regretted that the Peelites
thought it impossible for them to join, which would make it very
difficult for Lord John. He had just heard from Count Walewski that
Lord Clarendon was very much disinclined to remain at the Foreign
Office under Lord John. They were to have a meeting at Lord John's at
five, where he hoped to find that he had waived his objections; but he
must say that if Lord Clarendon persisted he must himself withdraw, as
he had indeed made it a condition with Lord John. The Queen asked him
whether, if this attempt failed, she could reckon upon his services in
any other combination. His answer was that it was better not to answer
for more than one question at a time; we must now suppose that this
will succeed.
What he stated with reference to the Army question and the Committee
of the House of Commons was perfectly satisfactory.
Lord Clarendon, whom we saw at four o'clock, complained very much of
the unfairness of Lord John in making him personally answerable for
impeding the progress of Lord John's Government. The fact was that his
opinion was only that of every other member of the late Government,
and of the public at large; which could be heard and seen by anybody
who chose to listen or to read. So impossible had it appeared to the
public that Lord John should be blind enough to consider his being
able to form a Government feasible, that it was generally supposed
that he had been urged to do so by the Queen, in order to escape
the necessity of Lord Palmerston. He acknowledged that the Queen's
decision in that respect had been the perfectly correct and
constitutional one, and perhaps necessary to clear the way; but he
hoped that for her own sake, and to prevent false impressions
taking root in the public mind, the Queen would give afterwards Lord
Palmerston his fair turn also, though he could not say that he would
be able to form an Administration. The Queen said that this was her
intention, that she never had expected that Lord John would be able
to form one, but that it was necessary that his eyes should be opened;
Lord Clarendon only regretted the precious time that was lost.
He must really say that he thought he could do no good in joining Lord
John; his Government would be "a stillborn Government," which "the
country would tread under foot the first day," composed as it would be
of the same men who had been bankrupt in 1852, minus the two best men
in it, viz. Lord Lansdowne and Lord Grey, and the head of it ruined
in public opinion. If he were even to stay at the Foreign Office, his
language to foreign countries would lose all its weight from being
known not to rest upon the public opinion of England, and all this
would become much worse when it became known that from the first day
of Lord John's entering into Lord Aberdeen's Government, he had only
had one idea, viz. that of tripping him up, expel the Peelites, and
place himself at the head of an exclusive Whig Ministry. Besides,
he felt that the conduct of all his colleagues had been most
straightforward and honourable towards him, and he was not prepared
"to step over their dead bodies to the man who had killed them." The
attempt of Lord John ought _not_ to succeed if public morality were
to be upheld in this country. He had avoided Lord John ever since his
retirement, but he would have now to speak out to him, as when he was
asked to embark his honour he had a right to count the cost.
Lord Lansdowne had no intention to go to Lord John's meeting, as he
had originally taken leave of public life, and had only entered the
Coalition Government in order to facilitate its cohesion; among a
Government of pure Whigs he was not wanted, for there was no danger
of their not _cohering_. Sir C. Wood declared he had no business to be
where Lord Lansdowne refused to go in.
He thought Lord Palmerston would have equal difficulty in forming an
administration, but when that had failed some solid combination would
become possible.
Lord Lansdowne had declared that he could not place himself at the
head for more than three months, but that was a long time in these
days.
VICTORIA R.
[Pageheading: FRESH DIFFICULTIES]
_Memorandum by Queen Victoria._
Lord John Russell returned at six o'clock from his meeting, much
put out and disturbed. He said he had nothing good to report. Mr
Gladstone, whom he had seen, had declined to act with him, saying that
the country did not wish for Coalitions at this moment. Sir J. Graham,
whom he had visited, had informed him that the feeling against him was
very strong just now, precluding support in Parliament; he gave him
credit for good intentions, but said the whole difficulty was owing
to what he termed his (Lord John's) _rashness_. He felt he could not
separate from Lord Aberdeen, and had no confidence in the views of
Foreign Affairs of Lord Palmerston.
He had then seen Sir George Grey, who told him he had no idea that
a Government of Lord John's could stand at this moment; the country
wanted Lord Palmerston either as War Minister or as Prime Minister.
He must hesitate to engage himself in Lord John's Government, which,
separated from the Peelites, would find no favour. Lord Clarendon
had reiterated his objections, saying always that this must be gone
through, and something new would come up at the end, when all these
attempts had failed. He could not understand what this should be. Did
Lord Clarendon think of himself as the head of the new combination? I
asked what Lord Lansdowne had said. He answered he had a letter from
him, which was not very agreeable either. He read it to us. It was
to the purport--that as Lord John had been commissioned to form an
Administration, and he did not intend to join it, he thought it better
not to come to his house in order to avoid misconstruction. Lord John
wound up, saying that he had asked Lord Clarendon and Sir G. Grey to
reflect further, and to give their final answer to-morrow morning.
The loss of the Peelites would be a great blow to him, which might
be overcome, however; but if his own particular friends, like Lord
Clarendon and Sir G. Grey, deserted him, he felt that he could go on
no farther, and he hoped the Queen would feel that he had done all he
could.
VICTORIA R.
[Pageheading: LORD JOHN'S FAILURE]
_Memorandum by Queen Victoria._[28]
BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _3rd February 1855._
[Footnote 28: This Memorandum, though signed by the Queen, was
written by the Prince.]
Lord Lansdowne arrived at half-past nine in the evening, and met our
question whether he had anything satisfactory to report, with the
remark that he saw his way less than ever, and that matters had rather
gone backward since he had been here in the morning. He had been
in the afternoon at Sir James Graham's bedside, who had had a
consultation with Mr Gladstone, and declared to him that the country
was tired of Coalitions, and wanted a united Cabinet; that they (the
Peelites) could not possibly serve under Lord John or even with him
after what had happened; that he felt the strongest objections to
serving under Lord Palmerston. They were one and all for the vigorous
prosecution of the war, but in order to attain a speedy peace. Lord
Palmerston was known to entertain ulterior views, on which he was
secretly agreed with the Emperor of the French; and when it came to
the question of negotiations, the Government was sure to break up on
a ground most dangerous to the country. Lord Lansdowne could but agree
in all this, and added he had been tempted to feel his pulse to know
how much it had gone down since he had been with Sir James.
The meeting between Lord Palmerston and Lord John had just taken place
in his presence. They had discussed everything most openly, but being
both very guarded to say nothing which could lead the other to believe
that the one would serve under the other. He confessed everything was
darker now than before. They both seemed to wish to form a Government,
but he could really not advise the Queen what to do under the
circumstances.
I summed up that the Queen appeared to me reduced to the necessity
of now entrusting one of the two with a _positive_ commission. It
was very important that it should not appear that the Queen had any
personal objection to Lord Palmerston; on the other hand, under such
doubtful circumstances, it would be safest for the Queen to follow
that course which was clearly the most constitutional, and this was,
after having failed with Lord Derby, to go to Lord John, who was the
other party to the destruction of the late Government. The Queen might
write such a letter to Lord John as would record the political reasons
which led to her determination. Lord Lansdowne highly approved of
this, and suggested the addition of an expression of the Queen's hope
of seeing Lord Palmerston associated in that formation.
I drew up the annexed draft which Lord Lansdowne read over and
entirely approved.
He has no idea that Lord John will succeed in his task, but thinks it
a necessary course to go through, and most wholesome to Lord John to
have his eyes opened to his own position, of which he verily believed
he was not the least aware.
VICTORIA R.
_Queen Victoria to the Earl of Aberdeen._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _4th February 1855._
The Queen quite approves of the pension to Sir G. Grey, which he has
fully earned, but would wish Lord Aberdeen well to consider the exact
moment at which to offer it to him, as Sir George is so very delicate
in his feelings of honour. Lord John Russell will probably have
to give up the task of forming an Administration on account of Sir
George's declining to join him. If the pension were offered to him by
Lord Aberdeen during the progress of negotiations, he could not help
feeling, she thinks, exceedingly embarrassed.
_Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._
CHESHAM PLACE, _4th February 1855._
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty. He saw
last night Sir George Grey, who is extremely averse to the formation
of a purely Whig Government at this time. Since that time he has
received the two notes enclosed: one from Lord Palmerston, the other
early this morning from Lord Clarendon.[29]
It only remains for him to acknowledge your Majesty's great kindness,
and to resign into your Majesty's hands the task your Majesty was
pleased to confide to him.
[Footnote 29: Lord Palmerston wrote:--
"144 PICCADILLY, _3rd February 1855._
"MY DEAR JOHN RUSSELL,--I certainly inferred from what
Clarendon said this afternoon at your house, that he had
pretty well made up his mind to a negative answer, and I could
only say to you that which I said to Derby when he asked me
to join him, that I should be very unwilling, in the present
state of our Foreign relations, to belong to any Government in
which the management of our Foreign Affairs did not remain in
Clarendon's hands.
"George Grey, by your account, seems to tend to the same
conclusion as Clarendon, and I think, from what fell from
Molesworth, whom I sat next to at the Speaker's dinner this
evening, that he would not be disposed to accept any offer
that you might make him.
--Yours sincerely, PALMERSTON."
Lord Clarendon wrote:--
"GROSVENOR CRESCENT, _3rd February 1855._
"MY DEAR LORD JOHN,--The more I reflect upon the subject, the
more I feel convinced that such a Government as you propose to
form would not satisfy the public nor command the confidence
of the Country.
"To yourself personally I am sure it would be most injurious
if you attempted to carry on the Government with inadequate
means at this moment of national danger.
"On public and on private grounds, therefore, I should wish to
take no part in an Administration that cannot in my opinion be
either strong or permanent. Yours sincerely,
CLARENDON."]
[Pageheading: LORD PALMERSTON PREMIER]
_Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _4th February 1855._
Lord John Russell having just informed the Queen that he was obliged
to resign the task which the Queen confided to him, she addresses
herself to Lord Palmerston to ask him whether he can undertake to form
an Administration which will command the confidence of Parliament and
efficiently conduct public affairs in this momentous crisis? Should he
think that he is able to do so, the Queen commissions him to undertake
the task. She does not send for him, having fully discussed with him
yesterday the state of public affairs, and in order to save time.
The Queen hopes to receive an answer from Lord Palmerston as soon as
possible, as upon this her own movements will depend.
_Viscount Palmerston to Queen Victoria._
144 PICCADILLY, _4th February 1855._
Viscount Palmerston presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and with
a deep sense of the importance of the commission which your Majesty
asks whether he will undertake, he hastens to acknowledge the gracious
communication which he has just had the honour to receive from your
Majesty.
Viscount Palmerston has reason to think that he can undertake with a
fair prospect of success to form an Administration which will command
the confidence of Parliament and effectually conduct public affairs in
the present momentous crisis, and as your Majesty has been graciously
pleased to say that if such is his opinion, your Majesty authorises
him to proceed immediately to the accomplishment of the task, he will
at once take steps for the purpose; and he trusts that he may be
able in the course of to-morrow to report to your Majesty whether his
present expectations are in the way to be realised.
[Pageheading: WHIG SUPPORT]
_Viscount Palmerston to Queen Victoria._
PICCADILLY, _5th February 1855._
(5 P.M.)
Viscount Palmerston presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and has
had the honour to receive your Majesty's communication of to-day; and
in accordance with your Majesty's desire, he begs to report the result
of his proceedings up to the present time.
The Marquis of Lansdowne, the Lord Chancellor, the Earl of Clarendon,
the Earl Granville, Sir George Grey, Sir Charles Wood, have expressed
their willingness to be members of the Administration which Viscount
Palmerston is endeavouring to form, provided it can be constructed
upon a basis sufficiently broad to give a fair prospect of duration.