Grey taking the Colonies. Lord Aberdeen fears much dissatisfaction
from Lord Canning, Mr Cardwell, and Mr Peel, and just dissatisfaction;
the Cabinet are very angry at the whole proceeding. Lord Granville
behaved exceedingly well, putting himself and his office entirely at
Lord Aberdeen's disposal.[38]
It is supposed that in the House expressions will be dropped in favour
of Lord Palmerston's taking the conduct of the War in his hands. The
Duke of Newcastle, whom we saw, also states the extreme difficulty of
_defining_ the duties of the Secretary of State, but promises to do
so, as far as possible, for the Queen's convenience.
ALBERT.
[Footnote 37: Lord John Russell had some time before proposed
the separation of the War and Colonial Departments, with a
view of filling the Colonial Office himself, "which, in every
point of view." wrote Lord Aberdeen to the Queen, "would have
been a most satisfactory arrangement."]
[Footnote 38: Lord Fitzmaurice, in his _Life of Lord
Granville_, points out that Mr Strutt was really the person
who had a right to complain. He was abruptly removed from the
Chancellorship of the Duchy, and replaced by Lord Granville to
suit Lord John's convenience.]
_Queen Victoria to the Earl of Aberdeen._
BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _26th June 1851._
The Queen has not yet acknowledged Lord Aberdeen's letter of the 24th.
She is very glad to hear that he will take an opportunity to-day of
dispelling misapprehensions which have arisen in the public mind in
consequence of his last speech in the House of Lords, and the effect
of which has given the Queen very great uneasiness.[39] She knows
Lord Aberdeen so well that she can fully enter into his feelings and
understand what he means, but the public, particularly under strong
excitement of patriotic feeling, is impatient and annoyed to hear at
this moment the first Minister of the Crown enter into an _impartial_
examination of the Emperor of Russia's character and conduct. The
qualities in Lord Aberdeen's character which the Queen values most
highly, his candour and his courage in expressing opinions even
if opposed to general feelings of the moment, are in this instance
dangerous to him, and the Queen hopes that in the vindication of his
own conduct to-day, which ought to be triumphant, as it wants in fact
_no_ vindication, he will not undertake the ungrateful and injurious
task of vindicating the Emperor of Russia from any of the exaggerated
charges brought against him and his policy at a time when there is
enough in it to make us fight with all might against it.
[Footnote 39: The speech of Lord Aberdeen, to which the Queen
here refers, had created a very unsatisfactory impression. On
the 19th of June the venerable Lord Lyndhurst had denounced
the aggressive policy and the perfidy of Russia; in the debate
which followed, Lord Aberdeen spoke coldly, in a strain of
semi-apology for Russia, and with an unlucky reference to the
Treaty of Adrianople. Popular feeling against Russia being
then at a white heat, the speech was considered indicative of
apathy on behalf of the Government in the prosecution of the
war. Accordingly, by moving on a later day for a copy of his
own despatch of 1829, relative to the Treaty, the
Premier obtained an opportunity of dispelling some of the
apprehensions which his speech had excited.]
[Pageheading: THE RUSSIAN LOAN]
_Queen Victoria to the Earl of Clarendon._
BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _27th June 1854._
The Queen observes in Lord Cowley's letter a suggestion of M. Drouyn
de Lhuys to stop, if possible, the Russian Loan. She thinks this of
the highest importance as _cutting_ the _sinews_ of war of the enemy.
The Queen does not know whether we have by law the power to forbid the
quotation of this stock in our market, but a short Act of Parliament
might be obtained for the purpose. The London and Paris markets
rejecting such paper would have the greatest influence upon its
issue.[40]
[Footnote 40: Lord Clarendon replied:--"... With reference to
your Majesty's note of this morning, Lord Clarendon begs to
say that having laid a case fully before the Law Officers, and
having ascertained from them that it would be high treason for
any subject of your Majesty's to be concerned in the Russian
Loan, he will give all possible circulation to the opinion,
and he has this evening sent it to Vienna, Berlin, and The
Hague...."]
[Pageheading: INSTRUCTIONS TO LORD RAGLAN]
_The Earl of Aberdeen to Queen Victoria._
LONDON, _29th June 1854._
Lord Aberdeen presents his humble duty to your Majesty. The Cabinet
assembled yesterday evening at Lord John Russell's, at Richmond, and
continued to a very late hour.[41]
A Draft of Instructions to Lord Raglan had been prepared by the
Duke of Newcastle, in which the necessity of a prompt attack upon
Sebastopol and the Russian Fleet was strongly urged. The amount of
force now assembled at Varna, and in the neighbourhood, appeared to be
amply sufficient to justify such an enterprise, with the assistance
of the English and French Fleets. But although the expedition to the
Crimea was pressed very warmly, and recommended to be undertaken with
the least possible delay, the final decision was left to the judgment
and discretion of Lord Raglan and Marshal St Arnaud, after they should
have communicated with Omar Pasha.
It was also decided to send the reserve force, now in England, of
5,000 men, to join Lord Raglan without delay. This will exhaust the
whole disposable force of the country at this time, and renders it
impossible to supply British troops for any undertaking in the Baltic.
A communication was therefore made yesterday to the French Government
to know whether they would be disposed to send 6,000 French troops, to
be conveyed in English transports, to the Baltic, in order to join in
an attack upon the Aland Islands,[42] which appeared to be attended
with no great difficulty; although any attempt upon Helsingfors, or
Cronstadt, was pronounced by Sir Charles Napier to be hopeless.
[Footnote 41: The war now entered upon a new phase. Though the
land forces of the Allies had hitherto not come into
conflict with the enemy, the Turks under Omar Pasha had been
unexpectedly successful in their resistance to the Russians,
whom a little later they decisively defeated at Giurgevo.
Silistria had been determinedly besieged by the Russians,
and its fall was daily expected. Yet, under the leadership of
three young Englishmen, Captain Butler and Lieutenants Nasmyth
and Ballard, the Russians were beaten off and the siege
raised. The schemes of the Czar against Turkey in Europe had
miscarried.
Mr Kinglake describes, in an interesting passage, the growth
in the public mind of a determination that the Crimea should
be invaded, and Sebastopol destroyed. The Emperor Napoleon
had suggested the plan at an earlier stage, and the _Times_
newspaper fanned popular enthusiasm in favour of it. The
improved outlook in the East warranted the attempt being made,
but the plan was not regarded with unqualified approval by the
commanders of the allied forces in the East. In the speech,
already referred to, of Lord Lyndhurst, the project had been
urged upon the Government, and Lord Raglan considered that the
despatch now sanctioned by the Cabinet, which is printed in
the _Invasion of the Crimea_, left him no discretion in the
matter.
The scheme had previously been considered in all its
aspects by the Cabinet, and Mr Kinglake gives an exaggerated
importance to the fact that some of the members of the Cabinet
gave way to sleep while the long draft of instructions was
being read to them at the after-dinner Council at Pembroke
Lodge.]
[Footnote 42: Bomarsund, a fortress on one of these islands,
was taken by Sir Charles Napier, aided by a French contingent
under General Baraguay d'Hilliers, on the 16th of August;
but the high expectations raised as to the success of the
operations in the Baltic were not realised.]
_The Earl of Aberdeen to Queen Victoria._
LONDON, _30th June 1854._
Lord Aberdeen presents his humble duty to your Majesty. He begs to
call your Majesty's attention to the circumstance that, in 1842, your
Majesty was graciously pleased to authorise Sir Robert Peel to declare
that your Majesty had determined that the Income Tax should be charged
upon the sum payable to your Majesty under the Civil List Act, and
that this declaration was received with marked satisfaction. Lord
Aberdeen humbly presumes that your Majesty will be disposed to follow
the same course with reference to the augmentation of the Tax; and
should this be the case, Lord Aberdeen begs to intimate that the time
for making it known has now fully arrived....
[Pageheading: HOME DEFENCES]
_Queen Victoria to the Duke, of Newcastle._
BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _3rd July 1854._
In consequence of the departure of these additional 5,000 men for the
East, the Queen feels very uneasy at the very defenceless state
in which the country will be left, not from any want of confidence
arising from the present conjuncture of affairs, but from a strong
sense of the impolicy and danger of leaving this great country in such
a helpless state under any circumstances, for we never can foresee
what events may not suddenly spring up at any moment (like Greece,
for instance[43]) which may require a force to be in readiness for any
particular purpose.
The Queen therefore wishes the Duke of Newcastle to give her detailed
answers upon the various points stated in the accompanying paper; but
the Queen wishes to have the "_effective_ state" and not "the state
upon paper only." The Duke will be able to obtain these reports from
the different departments.
What store of muskets are there _here?_
When will the new ones be ready?
What is the force of Artillery left in the country in men and horses?
What amount of troops are there in the country of Infantry (deducting
the 5,000 men under orders for the East), and of Cavalry, and where
are they stationed?
How much Militia has been and will be embodied?
What is the Naval Force at home?
How much serviceable ammunition is there both of Artillery and small
arms in the country?
[Footnote 43: A violently hostile feeling between the Turks
and Greeks had culminated earlier in the year in a formidable
insurrection among the Sultan's Greek subjects. It was
terminated on the 18th of June by an engagement at Kalampaka,
in Thessaly.]
_Queen Victoria to the Earl of Clarendon._
BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _4th July 1854._
The Queen approves the enclosed drafts, and wishes only to remark on
one passage, where Lord Clarendon says, "that he acts by the unanimous
desire of the Cabinet," which she thinks better altered or omitted. If
left, it might weaken the authority of future instructions emanating
from the Secretary of State alone; moreover, he acts constitutionally
under the authority of the Queen, on his own responsibility and not
that of the Cabinet.
_Queen Victoria to the Earl of Aberdeen._
BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _17th July 1854._
The Queen has just received Lord Aberdeen's letter, and has fully
considered the contents of it. She has finally decided to make no
change in her intended departure, from a conviction that her doing so
might shake confidence in the result of this night's Debate. Should
anything serious occur, she would be ready to return to-morrow or at
any time that her presence in town was considered of importance to the
public service.
_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._
OSBORNE, _19th July 1854._
The Queen has received Lord John Russell's letter of yesterday, and
was very glad to hear that both the meeting and the Debate went off so
well. The party which supports the Government is certainly "a strange
basis for a Government to rest upon," but such as it is we must
make the best of it, and nothing will contribute more to keeping
it together than to give it the impression that the Government is
thoroughly united.[44]
[Footnote 44: During a desultory discussion on the 13th of
July, Mr Disraeli had assailed the Government and its chief in
the Commons, to such purpose that Lord John Russell, stung
by his sarcasms, and mortified by his own failure, asked Lord
Aberdeen to relieve him of the Leadership of the House. The
Queen, to whom he had also written, entreated Lord John not to
let his opponent see that his object in making his attack had
been successful. A meeting of the Ministerialists was held
on the 17th at the Foreign Office, at which one hundred and
eighty members of the House of Commons were present, and some
diversity of opinion was expressed; the result of the meeting
was that the Government was more satisfactorily supported.]
[Pageheading: INDIAN AFFAIRS]
_Queen Victoria to the Marquis of Dalhousie._
BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _26th July 1854._
It is a very long time since the Queen has had the pleasure of hearing
from Lord Dalhousie, but she supposes that (fortunately) there is very
little to say, everything being so quiet and prosperous. The Queen
highly appreciates and values Lord Dalhousie's kind offer to remain
in India while there is any prospect of difficulty being caused by
the present War, which will be a source of great satisfaction and
tranquillity to her, as she feels that her Indian Dominions cannot be
in safer hands.
The Queen wishes to tell Lord Dalhousie how much interested and
pleased we have been in making the acquaintance of the young Maharajah
Dhuleep Singh.[45] It is not without mixed feelings of pain and
sympathy that the Queen sees this young Prince, once destined to so
high and powerful a position, and now reduced to so dependent a one
by her arms; his youth, amiable character, and striking good looks,
as well as his being a Christian, the first of his high rank who has
embraced our faith, must incline every one favourably towards him, and
it will be a pleasure to us to do all we can to be of use to him, and
to befriend and protect him.
It also interested us to see poor old Prince Gholam Mohammed, the last
son of the once so dreaded Tippoo Sahib.
We both hope that Lord Dalhousie's health is good, and the Prince
sends him his kind remembrance.
[Footnote 45: This young Prince was born in 1838, and was a
younger son of Runjeet Singh, Chief of the Sikhs, who, after a
loyal alliance with England for thirty years, died in 1839.
In 1843 Dhuleep Singh was raised to the throne, which had been
occupied successively by Runjeet's elder sons. After the Sikh
war in 1845, the British Government gave to the boy-king the
support of a British force. In 1849, after the destruction of
the Sikh army at Gujerat, and the annexation of the Punjab,
a pension was bestowed on the young Maharajah on condition
of his remaining loyal to the British Government. He became a
Christian and was at this time on a visit to England.]
[Pageheading: MILITARY APPOINTMENTS]
_Queen Victoria to Viscount Hardinge._
OSBORNE, _6th August 1854._
The Queen has received Lord Hardinge's letter of the 4th.[46] She
would for the future wish all papers for signature to be accompanied
by a descriptive list showing at a glance the purport of the
documents, as is done with papers from other Government offices.
The Queen has looked over the lists of Major-Generals made by the last
brevet which Lord Hardinge submitted, and must confess that it does
not afford a great choice; yet, leaving out the cavalry officers and
those disqualified by age or infirmities, there remain some few whom
she has marked with an "X," for whose exclusion no adequate reason
is apparent. An exclusion of officers who have served in the Guards,
_merely on that account_, the Queen would not wish to see adopted as
a principle, and the selection of Colonels of the Line (because there
are no Generals fit), in preference to Generals of the Guards who are
perfectly so, will amount to this. General Eden,[47] moreover, has
been in command of a Regiment of the Line, and General Knollys[48] has
not been promoted from the Guards, and, in accepting the Governorship
of Guernsey, specially begged that this might not exclude him from
active service--a circumstance which he mentioned to the Prince at the
time. Both these have the reputation of very good officers.
The Queen does not wish anything to be arranged prospectively now, but
would recommend the subject to Lord Hardinge's future consideration.
[Footnote 46: In reply to a letter from the Queen, stating
that she had inadvertently signed certain papers in the
ordinary course. Her attention had not been drawn to their
important features.]
[Footnote 47: Lieut.-General John Eden, C.B., nephew of the
first Lord Auckland.]
[Footnote 48: Sir William Knollys, K.C.B., 1797-1883, became
in 1855 the organiser of the newly formed Camp at Aldershot.]
[Pageheading: SPECIAL PRAYERS]
_Queen Victoria to the Earl of Aberdeen._
OSBORNE, _21st August 1854._
The Queen must repeat what she has frequently done, that she strongly
objects to these _special_ prayers which _are_, in fact, _not_ a sign
of gratitude or confidence in the Almighty--for if this is the
course to be pursued, we _ought_ to have one for every _illness_, and
certainly in '37 the influenza was notoriously more _fatal_ than the
cholera had ever been, and _yet no one_ would have thought of having
a prayer against _that_. Our Liturgy _has_ provided for these
calamities, and we may have frequent returns of the cholera--and yet
it would be difficult to _define_ the _number_ of deaths which are
to _make_ "a form of prayer" _necessary_. The Queen would, therefore,
strongly recommend the usual prayer being used, and no other, as is
the case for the prayer in time of War. What is the use of the prayers
in the Liturgy, which were no doubt composed when we were subject
to other equally fatal diseases, if a new one is always to be framed
specially for the cholera?
The Queen would wish Lord Aberdeen to give this as her decided opinion
to the Archbishop, at all events, for the present. Last year the
cholera quite decimated Newcastle, and was bad in many other places,
but there was _no special_ prayer, and _now_ the illness is in
_London_ but _not_ in any other place, a prayer is proposed by the
Archbishop. The Queen cannot see the difference between the one and
the other.
[Pageheading: CIVIL LIST PENSIONS]
_The Earl of Aberdeen to Queen Victoria._
LONDON, _1st September 1854._
Lord Aberdeen, with his humble duty, begs to lay before your Majesty
the pensions proposed to be granted on the Civil List at this time.
The only case requiring any special remark is that of the children
of Lord Nelson's adopted daughter. There seems little doubt that the
person referred to was really Lord Nelson's daughter, according to
evidence recently produced, and was recommended by him to the care of
the country, just before the battle of Trafalgar.[49]
A numerous party in the House of Commons wished that your Majesty's
Government should propose a special vote for this person and her
family; but the Cabinet thought that it would give rise to much
scandal and disagreeable debate, and finally recommended Lord Aberdeen
to place the three daughters on the Pension List. The circumstances of
the case are, no doubt, very peculiar; and although Lord Aberdeen does
not feel perfectly satisfied with the course pursued, he thinks it
very desirable to avoid the sort of Parliamentary debates to which the
discussion of such a subject would necessarily give rise.
[Footnote 49: Horatia, daughter of Nelson and Lady Hamilton,
was born on the 29th of January 1801, and married in 1822 the
Rev. Philip Ward of Tenterden. She died in 1881.]
_The Emperor of the French to Queen Victoria._[50]
BOULOGNE, _le 8 Septembre 1854._
MADAME ET BONNE S[OE]UR,--La presence du digne epoux de votre Majeste
au milieu d'un camp francais est un fait d'une grande signification
politique, puisqu'il prouve l'union intime des deux pays: mais j'aime
mieux aujourd'hui ne pas envisager le cote politique de cette visite
et vous dire sincerement combien j'ai ete heureux de me trouver
pendant quelques jours avec un Prince aussi accompli, un homme doue de
qualites si seduisantes et de connaissances si profondes. Il peut
etre convaincu d'emporter avec lui mes sentiments de haute estime et
d'amitie. Mais plus il m'a ete donne d'apprecier le Prince Albert,
plus je dois etre touche de la bienveillance qu'a eue votre Majeste de
s'en separer pour moi quelque jours.
Je remercie votre Majeste de l'admirable lettre qu'elle a bien
voulu m'ecrire et des choses affectueuses qu'elle contenait pour
l'Imperatrice. Je me suis empresse de lui en faire part et elle y a
ete tres sensible.
Je prie votre Majeste de recevoir l'expression de mes sentiments
respectueux et de me croire, de votre Majeste, le bon Frere,
NAPOLEON.
[Footnote 50: The French Emperor had established a camp
between Boulogne and St Omer, and early in the summer
had invited Prince Albert to visit him. It was reasonably
conjectured at the time that one of the chief purposes of
the invitation was by personal intercourse to overcome the
prejudice which the Emperor believed prevailed against him.
The visit lasted from the 4th till the 8th of September, and
the Prince's impressions were recorded in a memorandum, "the
value of which," writes Sir Theodore Martin, by way of preface
to his publication of it, "cannot be overstated; nor is it
less valuable for the light which it throws upon the Prince's
character, by the remarkable contrasts between himself and the
Emperor of the French, which were elicited in the unreserved
discussions which each seems equally to have courted."]
[Pageheading: PRINCE ALBERT AND THE EMPEROR]
_The Earl of Clarendon to Queen Victoria._
FOREIGN OFFICE, _22nd September 1854._
Lord Clarendon presents his humble duty to your Majesty....
Count Walewski told Lord Clarendon to-day that the Emperor had spoken
with enthusiasm of the Prince, saying that in all his experience
he had never met with a person possessing such various and profound
knowledge, or who communicated it with the same frankness. His Majesty
added that he had never learned so much in a short time, and was
grateful. He began his conversation with reproaching Count Walewski
for not having written to him much oftener respecting the Prince, and
endeavoured to ascertain the opinions of His Royal Highness upon all
important subjects.
With respect to the invitation, the Emperor's account of it to
Count Walewski was that he had apologised to the Prince for the bad
reception he had given His Royal Highness, and expressed a hope that
he might have an opportunity of _doing better_ at Paris, if your
Majesty and the Prince would honour him with a visit; and that His
Royal Highness had then said, "the Queen hopes to see your Majesty at
Windsor, and will be happy to make acquaintance with the Empress."
The Emperor, however, had only taken this as a courteous return to his
invitation, and not as intended for a positive invitation.
Lord Clarendon told Count Walewski that he believed the matter had
passed inversely, and that the Prince had first communicated your
Majesty's message.
Be that as it may, Count Walewski said the Emperor will be delighted
to avail himself of the Queen's gracious kindness; nothing will give
him so much pleasure....
[Pageheading: THE EMPEROR'S VISIT]
_Queen Victoria to the Earl of Clarendon._
BALMORAL, _24th September 1854._
The Queen returns the two letters from Lord Cowley. She is very sorry
to see doubts arise as to the correctness of the intelligence about
the safe debarkation of our whole expeditionary force in the Crimea,
but still clings to the hope of its being true.
Count Walewski's account of the Emperor's version of his conversation
with the Prince explains what the Prince suspected at one time
himself, that the Emperor had not understood the Prince's remark
as conveying a _direct_ invitation, but merely as a general term of
civility. What the Prince intended to convey was something between the
two, making it clear that he would be well received, and leaving it
entirely open to him to come or not according to his own political
views and circumstances. This appeared to the Prince the most polite
and delicate, preventing all appearance as if a counter-visit for his
own at Boulogne was expected. Lest the Emperor should not have rightly
understood the Prince, he repeated the wish to see the Emperor in
England, and the hope of the Queen to make the Empress's acquaintance
also, _more directly_ to Marshal Vaillant, who gave the same answer as
the Emperor had done--he hoped we should come to Paris in return.
Matters stand as well as possible with regard to the visit; in the
Queen's opinion, the Emperor can come if he likes, and if prevented,
is bound to nothing. Should he ask when his visit would be most
agreeable to the Queen, the middle of November would be the time.
_Queen Victoria to the Earl of Clarendon._
BALMORAL, _30th September 1854._
The Queen returns the enclosed letters. The French show their usual
vivacity in pressing so hard for decision upon what is to be done
with Sebastopol when taken.[51] Surely we ought to have taken it first
before we can dispose of it, and everything as to the decision about
it must depend upon the state in which we receive it, and the opinion
of the Military and Naval Commanders after they find themselves in
possession of it. The Queen hopes, therefore, that Lord Clarendon will
succeed in restraining French impatience as he has often done before.
[Footnote 51: Lord Clarendon had given the Queen the two
reasons for which the French were pressing, in anticipation,
the retention of the Crimea, viz. as affording suitable winter
quarters, and as a guarantee in case of peace negotiations.
On the 7th of September the allied forces had sailed for the
Crimea; on the 21st the Queen learned by telegram that 25,000
English, 25,000 French, and 8,000 Turks had landed safely
without encountering resistance, and begun the march to
Sebastopol. The Queen, with her usual kindly solicitude for
the health and comfort of her Ministers, had summoned Lord
Aberdeen from London to have the benefit of the Scotch air; he
remained at Balmoral from the 27th till the 30th, when he went
to his own house at Haddo. Immediately after his departure, a
telegram arrived from Lord Clarendon announcing the victory of
the Alma.]
[Pageheading: BATTLE OF THE ALMA]
_The Earl of Aberdeen to Queen Victoria._
HADDO HOUSE, _1st October 1854._
Lord Aberdeen presents his humble duty to your Majesty. He had the
honour of receiving your Majesty's box this morning at nine o'clock
by post; and he now sends a Messenger to Aberdeen, with Despatches
received this morning from London, to meet the special conveyance to
Balmoral this evening.
Lord Aberdeen humbly presumes to offer his most cordial
congratulations to your Majesty on the great intelligence received
by telegraph this morning. The account sent by Lord Stratford of
the victory on the Alma must be correct; the report mentioned by Mr
Colquhoun[52] may possibly be so too. At all events, we may fairly
hope that the fall of Sebastopol cannot long be delayed.
Lord Aberdeen has written to Lord Clarendon this morning on the
subject of the fortifications of Sebastopol, which although, somewhat
embarrassing at the moment, is not attended with any great practical
importance.
Lord Aberdeen regrets that the speedy return of the post prevents him
from sending your Majesty a copy of his letter, which in substance,
however, was to the following effect. Without attaching any undue
importance to the decision, he was inclined to adhere to his first
proposition of the immediate and entire destruction of the works.
He did not see the advantage of doing the thing by halves; while the
destruction of the sea defences only might give rise to erroneous
impressions and would be of an equivocal character. The fall of
Sebastopol would in fact be the conquest of the Crimea, and the Allies
might winter there with perfect security, as, by occupying the
lines of Perekop,[53] any access to the Crimea would effectually be
prevented by land. Lord Aberdeen thought that with a view to peace,
and the restitution of the Crimea to Russia, it would be more easy
for the Emperor to accept the destruction of the fortifications when
accomplished, than to agree to any stipulation having such an object.
On the whole, Lord Aberdeen was inclined to think that if the place
should not be at once destroyed, it might be better to preserve it in
its present state, until the matter should be further considered.
The Allies would always have it in their power to act as they thought
best, and the question might in some degree be affected by future
events. The great objection to leaving the matter undecided for the
present appeared to be from the possibility of differences hereafter
between France and England upon the subject. After the astounding
proposition made to Lord Raglan by the French Generals when actually
embarked and at sea, it would be well to leave nothing in doubt. The
Turks, too, might perhaps desire to have a voice in the matter, and
might become troublesome....
[Footnote 52: Mr (afterwards Sir) Robert Gilmour Colquhoun
(1803-1870), Agent and Consul-General at Bucharest.]
[Footnote 53: A district on the isthmus of Crimea, guarded by
a wall and a ditch, the name meaning "Cross-ditch." The whole
isthmus is now often called Perekop.]
[Pageheading: INDIAN AFFAIRS]
[Pageheading: INDIA AND RUSSIA]
_The Marquis of Dalhousie to Queen Victoria._
GOVERNMENT HOUSE, _2nd October 1854._
The Governor-General presents his most humble duty to your Majesty,
and begs to offer his respectful thanks for the very gracious manner
in which your Majesty has been pleased to acknowledge the offer he has
made to retain still the Government of India during the ensuing year.
The Governor-General does not affect to say that he makes no sacrifice
in so doing. Many things unite to warn him that it is time he were
gone: and his family circumstances, in which your Majesty has long
shown so gracious an interest, have rendered the prospect of his
remaining longer absent from England a source of much anxiety and
perplexity to him. But he felt that this was no time for any man, high
or low, to leave his post. And as a seven-years' experience must needs
have rendered him more capable of immediate usefulness than any other,
though a far abler man, without such experience could possibly be,
he did not hesitate to offer the continued service which your Majesty
might most justly expect, and which he is proud to render cheerfully.
Your Majesty's remark on the absence of any letter from the
Governor-General of late would have disquieted him with apprehensions
that he had been thought neglectful, but that your Majesty at the same
time ascribed the silence to its real cause. Since the announcement
of the termination of the Burmese War there has, in truth, been no
occurrence which, of itself, seemed worthy of being made the subject
of a report to your Majesty. India has been tranquil in all her
borders. And although no event could well be more gratifying than this
continuous tranquillity was in itself, still the periodical report of
peace and quiet on all sides seemed likely to be as uninteresting
as the monotonous, though satisfactory, "All's well" of a ring of
sentries.
At Christmas the Governor-General anticipated having the honour of
narrating to your Majesty the events of a year which he hoped would,
before its close, have been fruitful of great results....
Very recently an interesting mission has arrived from the Khan of
Kokan, a state to the north of Bokhara, reporting the capture of their
fort of Ak Mussid by the Russians.
The fact was known before; but the mission is important from the
certainty it imparts to us that all the Turcomans, the people of
Kokan, of Khiva, and of Bokhara, all detest as much as they dread the
Muscovites, with whose approach they are threatened.
The Khan asks for aid. We can render him but little. The only real
bulwark which can be raised for these states of Central Asia--the only
real barrier to the progress of Russia which can be set up there--must
have their foundations in the Treaty, which may be framed by the
Allied Powers after the present war shall have brought the spirit of
Russia into temporary subjection.
The war in which your Majesty has engaged with that great Power has
not been directly felt in this part of your Majesty's dominions; but
its indirect influence is most sensibly apparent.
The notions entertained of Russia, and the estimate formed of her
powers, by the nations of India, are exaggerated in the extreme.
Although our pride must wince on hearing it, it is an unquestionable
fact that the general belief in India at this moment is that Russia
gravely menaces the power of England, and will be more than a match
for her in the end.
This feeling cannot prudently be disregarded. The Governor-General
need hardly say to your Majesty that he believes that any direct
attack by Russia on these dominions at the present time is utterly
impracticable; and that there is no more risk of an invasion of
India by the Emperor Nicholas than of another by Mahmood of Ghuznee.
Nevertheless, the uneasy feeling which now prevails among native
States and among ourselves, partly of alarm, partly of indefinite
expectation, ought to be guarded against; and the means of meeting any
difficulties which may arise out of it should be at our command.
Earnestly desirous to contribute every possible aid to your Majesty's
arms in the great contest now going on in Europe, the Governor-General
has respectfully placed at the disposal of your Majesty's Ministers
all the four regiments of Royal Cavalry now serving in India. The
Infantry is already hardly adequate for our own necessities: and while
the Governor-General will be quite ready to accept and to face any
additional responsibilities which he may be called upon to bear, he
has felt it to be his duty to state that, beyond the four regiments
of Cavalry, European troops cannot safely be spared from India at the
present time.
The Governor-General, however, feels that he is not indulging in any
vain boast when he ventures to assure your Majesty that, under God's
good blessing, these, your Dominions in the East, are at present
absolutely safe.... Your Majesty's most obedient, most humble, and
devoted Subject and Servant,
DALHOUSIE.
[Pageheading: DEPOSED INDIAN PRINCES]
[Pageheading: MAHARAJAH DHULEEP SINGH]
_Queen Victoria to the Marquis of Dalhousie._
BALMORAL, _2nd October 1854._
As the Queen knows that the East India Company are chiefly guided by
Lord Dalhousie's advice with respect to all Indian affairs in public
as well as of a more private nature, she thinks that she cannot do
better than write to him upon a subject which she _feels_ strongly
upon, and which she is sure that Lord Dalhousie will enter into. It
is the position of those unfortunate Indian Princes who have, either
themselves or their fathers, been for public reasons deposed. Two
instances are now before the Queen's eyes upon which she wishes to
state her opinion.
The first is old Prince Gholam Mohammed, and his son Prince Feroz
Shah. The Queen understands (though she is not sure of the fact) that
the old man is here in order to try to obtain his pension continued
to his son. This is very natural, and it strikes the Queen to be an
arrangement difficult to be justified, in a moral point of view, to
give these poor people--who after _all_ were once so mighty--_no_
security beyond their lives. Whilst we remain permanently in
possession of their vast Empire, they receive a pension, which is not
_even_ continued to their descendants. Would it not be much the
best to allow them, instead of a pension, to hold, perhaps under the
Government, a property, which would enable them and their descendants
to live respectably, maintaining a certain rank and position? The
Queen believes that Lord Dalhousie himself suggested this principle in
the case of the Ameers of Scinde.
Nothing is more painful for _any_ one than the thought that their
children and grandchildren have no future, and may become absolutely
beggars. How much more _dreadful_ must this be to proud people, who,
like Prince Gholam, are the sons and grandsons of great Princes like
Hyder Ali and Tippoo Sahib! Besides it strikes the Queen that the more
kindly we treat Indian Princes, whom _we_ have _conquered_, and the
more consideration we show for their birth and former grandeur, the
more we shall attach Indian Princes and Governments to us, and the
more ready will they be to come under our rule.
The second instance is that of the young Maharajah Dhuleep Singh (and
the Queen must here observe that the favourable opinion she expressed
of him, in her last letter to Lord Dalhousie, has only been confirmed
and strengthened by closer acquaintance). This young Prince has the
_strongest_ claims upon our generosity and sympathy; deposed, for _no_
fault of his, when a little boy of ten years old, he is as innocent
as any private individual of the misdeeds which compelled us to depose
him, and take possession of his territories. He has besides since
become a Christian, whereby he is for ever cut off from his own
people. His case therefore appears to the Queen still stronger than
the _former_ one, as he was not even a conquered enemy, but merely
powerless in the hands of the Sikh soldiery.
There is something too painful in the idea of a young deposed
Sovereign, once so powerful, receiving a pension, and having _no_
security that his children and descendants, and these moreover
Christians, should have any home or position.
The Queen hears that Lord Dalhousie himself would wish and advise his
pension to be exchanged for a property on which the Maharajah might
live, which he might improve (giving thereby a most valuable example)
and transmit some day to his descendants, should he have any; she
hopes therefore that this may be so settled, and that he may, on
attaining the age of eighteen, have a comfortable and fitting position
worthy his high rank.
Where such a property might be must be of course left to Lord
Dalhousie to decide, but the Queen hopes that Lord Dalhousie will give
it his serious attention.
[Pageheading: THE AUSTRIAN PROPOSALS]
_Queen Victoria to the Earl of Clarendon._
BALMORAL, _10th October 1854._
The Queen has received Lord Clarendon's letters of the 8th.[54] She
cannot consider it wise to reject the Austrian proposals _altogether_,
although we may usefully amend them. The success in the Crimea ought
to be followed up by strengthening the alliance of the European
powers, else it may turn out a sterile victory, and the English blood
will have flowed in vain; for supposing even the whole Crimea to fall
into our hands, it is not likely that the war will be concluded on
that account. How are England and France to bring it to a termination
single-handed? Our Army in the Crimea is the only one we have....
It is true that the Austrian proposal promises little performance on
her part, yet the stipulation by Treaty that she will never let the
Russians pass the Pruth again is a positive advantage to us; and the
other, that a defensive and offensive alliance with us is to follow
the breaking out of the war by Russia against Austria, although being
entirely at _our_ expense, yet realises the chief condition which
will make Austria hesitate less to bring it to a war with Russia.
She always (and not without reason) dreaded to have to fight Russia
single-handed, and the allied armies in the Crimea could not assist
her. What reason could Austria put forward and justify to Prussia and
Germany, for going to war at this moment? To obtain the evacuation
of the Principalities was a tangible one, indeed the same _we_ put
forward when _we_ declared war; but this is now obtained.
We must certainly not allow our policy to be mixed up with the
miserable German squabbles, but we must acknowledge that Austria, as a
member of the Confederation, is not and cannot be independent of them.
The Queen would accordingly advise a temperate consideration of the
Austrian proposals and an amendment of them in those points which seem
to require them, and which Lord Clarendon clearly points out in his
letter, and the avoidance of anything which could weaken the _accord
Europeen_.[55]
The Emperor Napoleon's answer to Lord Cowley with reference to this
visit to England renders it probable to the Queen that he was not
anxious to have the general invitation changed into a special one,
_obliging_ him to come or to refuse. The answer is almost a refusal
now, and has not improved our position. The Queen would wish that
no anxiety should be shown to obtain the visit, now that it is quite
clear to the Emperor that he will be _le bienvenu_ at any time. His
reception here ought to be a boon to him and not a boon to us.
The Queen fully enters into the feelings of exultation and joy at the
glorious victory of the Alma, but this is somewhat damped by the sad
loss we have sustained, and the thought of the many bereaved families
of all classes who are in mourning for those near and dear to them.
[Footnote 54: In one of which, in reference to Austria's
desire for an offensive and defensive treaty with Great
Britain, Lord Clarendon had described the Austrian terms as
irritating, and the discussion of them a mere waste of time.]
[Footnote 55: The Cabinet, at its meeting on the 20th, decided
to meet the Austrian proposals in the most conciliatory manner
possible.]
[Pageheading: THE ALMA]
_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._
HULL, _13th October 1854._
MY DEAREST UNCLE,--Already far away from my loved beautiful Highlands
and Mountains, I find a few minutes to write and thank you for your
kind letter of the 2nd, with such lively and glowing descriptions of
such glorious and beautiful scenery, which I hope and trust to see
_some day_. Still, with all its beauties, I would not exchange it for
our northern beauties, which really they are--for a _lovelier_ country
with a _more beautiful_ combination of wood and mountain, and river,
and cultivation with the greatest wildness, at the same time close
at hand, cannot, I am sure, be seen; Stockmar is in the greatest
admiration of it. We left it yesterday morning, slept at Holyrood last
night, and came here this evening; the good people of this large
port, having since two years entreated us to come here. We shall reach
Windsor to-morrow.
We are, and indeed the whole country is, _entirely_ engrossed with one
idea, one _anxious_ thought--the _Crimea_. We have received all the
_most_ interesting and _gratifying_ details of the _splendid_ and
decisive victory of the Alma; alas! it was a bloody one. Our loss
was a heavy one--many have fallen and many are wounded, but my noble
Troops behaved with a _courage_ and _desperation_ which was beautiful
to behold. The Russians expected their position would hold out three
weeks; their loss was immense--the whole garrison of Sebastopol
was out. Since that, the Army has performed a wonderful march to
Balaklava, and the bombardment of Sebastopol has begun. Lord Raglan's
behaviour was worthy of the old Duke's--such coolness in the midst of
the hottest fire. We have had all the details from young Burghersh[56]
(a remarkably nice young man), one of Lord Raglan's Aides-de-camp whom
he sent home with the Despatches, who was in the midst of it all. I
feel so _proud_ of my dear noble Troops, who, they say, bear their
privations, and the sad disease which still haunts them, with such
courage and good humour.
George did enormously well, and was not touched. Now with Albert's
love, ever your devoted Niece,
VICTORIA R.
[Footnote 56: Francis, Lord Burghersh, afterwards twelfth Earl
of Westmorland (1825-1891).]
[Pageheading: FRANCE AND AUSTRIA]
_Queen Victoria to the Earl of Clarendon._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _5th November 1854._
The Queen has received Lord Clarendon's letter referring to the new
Draft of a Treaty with Austria proposed by the French Government,
and has since attentively perused the Treaty itself.[57] Vague and
inconclusive as it is as to _co-operation_ (which is the main object
of our desire), it is a step in advance, and has the advantage of
assuring Austria of our alliance should the war between her and Russia
break out. The Queen regrets to find a Clause omitted which stood
in the former French project (rejected by us about three weeks ago),
stipulating that Austria was to prevent the re-entry of Russia into
the Principalities. Although she would of her own accord have to do
this, a treaty obligation towards the _belligerents_ to that effect
would have made a considerable inroad into her position as a _neutral_
power, and secured a co-operation in the war--_ad hoc_ at least.
Austria ought to be told, in the Queen's opinion, that this project
of treaty contains almost nothing; and that her signing it _at once_
would give a moral pledge of her sincerity towards the Western Powers,
who have to pay with the lives of their best troops every day that
Austria hesitates to do what in the end she must find it in her own
interest to do.
As to M. Olozaga's proposal,[58] the Queen thinks it ought to be
treated like all the former ones, viz. met with the remark that we
cannot discuss eventualities implying the dethronement of a Sovereign
with whom we are on a footing of amity.
[Footnote 57: Lord Clarendon wrote that he and Lord John
Russell approved of the treaty, but that Lord Aberdeen thought
that Austria would not accept it; while Lord Palmerston felt
confident that Austria, even if her co-operation were not now
secured, would at least not lend her support to the King of
Prussia's scheme.
At this date only partial and misleading accounts had arrived
of the battle of Balaklava, and it was believed that four
English (not Turkish) redoubts had been taken; and, while the
disastrous charge of the Light Brigade had been announced, the
success of the heavy cavalry was not yet known. Anxiety began
accordingly to be felt at home as to the adequacy of the
allied forces to encounter the Russian army, augmented as
it now was by the troops which had recently evacuated the
Principalities. Accordingly fresh efforts were being made to
engage Austria in effectual alliance with the Western Powers.]
[Footnote 58: The document containing this proposal does
not seem to have been preserved among the papers. It was not
impossibly a scheme for betrothing King Pedro to the infant
Princess of the Asturias, thereby uniting the two Crowns, and
bringing about the dethronement of Queen Isabella.]
_Queen Victoria to the Earl of Clarendon._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _9th November 1854._
The Queen returns the letters from Lord Cowley and Count Walewski.[59]
No consideration on earth ought to stand in the way of our sending
what ships we can lay hold of to transport French reinforcements to
the Crimea, as the safety of our Army and the honour of the Country
are at stake. The Queen is ready to give her own yacht for a transport
which could carry 1,000 men. Every account received convinces the
Queen more and more that numbers alone can ensure success in this
instance, and that without them we are running _serious_ risks.
[Footnote 59: The Count wrote that France was ready to send
20,000 men to the Crimea, if England could furnish transports.
Lord Clarendon added: "We have not a single available steamer,
as all must be left in the Baltic until the ice sets in, and
the stores, ammunition, and clothing for the Army are going
out in sailing vessels."]
_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _14th November 1854._
MY DEAREST UNCLE,--I am quite shocked to find that I missed writing my
letter to-day--but really _la tete me tourne_. I am so bewildered and
excited, and my mind so entirely taken up by the news from the Crimea,
that I really forget, and what is worse, I get so confused about
everything that I am a very unfit correspondent. My whole soul and
heart are in the Crimea. The conduct of our _dear noble_ Troops is
_beyond praise_; it is quite heroic, and really I feel a pride to
have _such Troops_, which is only equalled by my grief for their
sufferings. We now know that there has been a pitched battle on the
6th, in which we have been victorious over much greater numbers, but
with great loss on both sides--the greatest on the Russian. But we
know _nothing_ more, and now we must live in a suspense which is
indeed dreadful. Then to think of the numbers of families who are
living in _such_ anxiety! It is terrible to think of all the wretched
wives and mothers who are awaiting the fate of those nearest and
dearest to them! In short, it is a time which requires courage and
patience to bear as one ought.
Many thanks, dearest Uncle, for your kind letter of the 11th, which I
received on Saturday. The Brabants will soon leave you; I shall write
to Leo to-morrow or next day, _quand je pourrais un peu rassembler mes
idees_. I must now conclude, dearest Uncle. With Albert's affectionate
love, ever your devoted Niece,
VICTORIA R.
[Pageheading: INKERMAN]
_Queen Victoria to Lord Raglan._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _18th November 1854._
The Queen has received with pride and joy the telegraphic news of the
glorious, but alas! bloody victory of the 5th.[60] These feelings of
pride and satisfaction are, however, painfully alloyed by the grievous
news of the loss of so many Generals, and in particular Sir George
Cathcart--who was so distinguished and excellent an officer.[61]
We are most thankful that Lord Raglan's valuable life has been spared;
and the Queen trusts that he will not expose himself more than is
absolutely necessary.
The Queen cannot sufficiently express her high sense of the great
services he has rendered and is rendering to her and the country, by
the very able manner in which he has led the bravest troops that ever
fought, and which it is a pride to her to be able to call her own. To
mark the Queen's feelings of approbation she wishes to confer on
Lord Raglan the Baton of Field-Marshal. It affords her the sincerest
gratification to confer it on one who has so nobly earned the highest
rank in the Army, which he so long served in under the immortal
hero, who she laments could not witness the success of a friend he so
greatly esteemed.
Both the Prince and Queen are anxious to express to Lord Raglan their
unbounded admiration of the heroic conduct of the Army, and their
sincere sympathy in their sufferings and privations so nobly borne.
The Queen thanks Lord Raglan for his kind letter of the 28th ultimo.
[Footnote 60: The English loss at the battle of Inkerman was
over 2,500 killed and wounded; the French lost 1,800. The
loss of the enemy was doubtful, but the Russian estimate (much
smaller than our own) was about 12,000 killed, wounded, and
prisoners. The Grand Dukes Nicholas and Michael both fought in
the battle.]
[Footnote 61: Besides Sir George Cathcart, Brigadier-Generals
Strangways and Goldie were killed. Sir George Brown was shot
through the arm, Major-Generals Bentinck and Codrington, and
Brigadier-General Adams were all severely wounded, but not so
seriously. Sir de Lacy Evans a few days earlier, being then
in shattered health, had had a fall from his horse, and was
absent from the battle.]
[Pageheading: LORD JOHN RUSSELL'S PROPOSAL]
_The Earl of Aberdeen to Queen Victoria._
LONDON, _23rd November 1854._
Lord Aberdeen presents his most humble duty to your Majesty. He
regrets, at a moment of such public interest and importance, to
trouble your Majesty with domestic difficulties; but he thinks it his
duty to lay before your Majesty the enclosed correspondence without
delay.[62] Lord Aberdeen has for some time past expected a proposition
of this kind, and it is impossible not to see that it may be attended
with very serious consequences. At first Lord Aberdeen was in doubt
whether the proposition was made by Lord J. Russell in concert with
Lord Palmerston; but this appears not to be the case. Much will
therefore depend on the decision of Lord Palmerston. Should he join
with Lord John, matters will probably be pushed to extremity; but
should he decline, Lord Aberdeen does not think that Lord John will
venture to act alone.
[Footnote 62: Lord John Russell urged, in this correspondence,
that Lord Palmerston should supersede the Duke of Newcastle at
the War Office.]
[Pageheading: MAHARAJAH DHULEEP SINGH]
_Queen Victoria to the Marquis of Dalhousie._
_24th November 1854._
The Queen thanks Lord Dalhousie for his long and most interesting and
satisfactory letter of the 2nd of October.
It is peculiarly gratifying to hear of such quiet and prosperity in
her vast Indian dominions, in which the Queen ever takes the liveliest
interest, and at the present moment of intense anxiety, when
England's best and noblest blood is being profusely shed to resist the
encroaching spirit of Russia. The heroism of our noble Troops in the
midst of herculean difficulties and great privations is unequalled,
and will fill Lord Dalhousie's loyal and patriotic heart with pride
and admiration. Though entirely concurring in his opinion that Russia
can undertake no invasion of India, her spirit of encroachment on the
north frontier must be carefully watched and, if possible, put a stop
to, when peace is made.
The progress of the railroad will make an immense difference in India,
and tend more than anything else to bring about civilisation, and will
in the end facilitate the spread of Christianity, which hitherto has
made but very slow progress.
The Queen was already aware of the idea formerly entertained by the
Maharajah Dhuleep Singh of marrying the young Princess of Coorg.[63]
Agreeing as she does with Lord Dalhousie in the wisdom of advising the
young man to pause before he makes his choice of a wife, she thinks
such a marriage between these two most interesting young Christians
most desirable; indeed, as Lord Dalhousie himself observes, the
difficulty of any other marriage for either must be great. The young
people have met and were pleased with each other, so that the Queen
hopes that their union will, in the course of time, come to pass. Her
little god-daughter has been here lately, and though still childish
for her age (she is nearly fourteen) is pretty, lively, intelligent,
and going on satisfactorily in her education.
Of the young Maharajah, who has now been twice our guest, we can only
speak in terms of praise. He promises to be a bright example to
all Indian Princes, for he is thoroughly good and amiable, and most
anxious to improve himself.
[Footnote 63: A few years earlier, while still holding his
ancestral creed, Dhuleep Singh, had made overtures to the
ex-Rajah of Coorg with a view to his betrothal to the eldest
daughter of the latter; but at that time the matter was
dropped. After becoming a Christian, and having also heard of
the baptism of the Princess of Coorg, the Maharajah renewed
his proposal, which, however, was not eventually accepted. The
Princess married an English officer, and died in 1864, aged
twenty-four.]
[Pageheading: BATTLE OF INKERMAN]
_Prince Edward of Saxe-Weimar[64] to Queen Victoria._
CAMP BEFORE SEBASTOPOL, _28th November 1854._
MADAM,--Your Majesty's very kind letter reached me by the last mail. I
avail myself of your permission to write to you again, although there
is not much to say since I last wrote to Prince Albert on the 7th or
8th of this month. I wrote to him soon after the battle of Inkerman,
when I was still under the excitement of that fearful scene, and I am
afraid that I made use of expressions that I was afterwards sorry that
I had done. I believe I made some reflections on our Commanders, which
are at all times wrong. By this time your Majesty will, of course,
be in possession of all the details of that fearful day, on which our
loss was so very great.[65] I made a mistake in stating the number of
dead in the Grenadiers; it was much larger than I stated. I think we
must have suffered more than any other Corps, for, on the following
day, when the roll was called, two hundred and twenty-five men
were absent; of these one hundred and one were killed, and the rest
wounded. There cannot be any doubt that we allowed ourselves to be
surprised, for the first notice we had of the Russians was receiving
their heavy shot in the camp of the 2nd Division. Nearly all their
tents were torn by round shot. It is even said that a shell lodged
in an officer's portmanteau, burst, and, of course, scattered all his
goods to the winds. Experience has made us wise, or rather Lord Raglan
wise, for since that day the French and ourselves have been busy in
entrenching our right; it is now so strong that no enemy can attack us
there with the slightest chance of success; it is only a pity it
was not done before. The Turks were chiefly employed making these
redoubts, which is in fact the only thing they have done except
burying the dead Russians. Never shall I forget the sight of the dead
and dying Russians on the field. Some of these poor wretches had to
lie on the field for at least sixty hours before they were removed to
the hospital tents; the majority of course died. I am afraid this is
one of the necessities of war, for we had to remove our own people
first. I went round the hospitals next morning. It was a horrid sight
to see the bodies of the men who had died during the night stretched
before the tents, and to see the heaps of arms and legs, with the
trousers and boots still on, that had been cut off by the surgeons.
The Russians were so near that most of the officers had to use their
swords and revolvers. Many single acts of daring took place; among
others, Colonel Percy,[66] of our Regiment, dashed in front of his
Company, sword in hand, into a dense body of Russians who were in
a battery. I was not in the thick of it, but was engaged with an
outlying picquet on the left of the attack. George was in the very
thick of it, and, not seeing me, kept asking some of our men where I
was. They did not know. He tells me that he thought for a long time I
was killed, and even fancied that he had seen me lying on the ground;
it turned out later to have been poor Colonel Dawson's[67] body which
he mistook for me.
On the 14th we had a terrible storm, such a one as, fortunately for
mankind, does not happen but very rarely. All our tents of course were
blown down, and we passed the day very uncomfortably; but at sea it
was terrible. At Balaklava alone more than two hundred and sixty souls
perished, and eleven ships went down. George will have been able
to give you a perfect account of it, for, for many hours, the
_Retribution_ was in imminent danger. I went a few days after the
storm to see him on board.[68] ... He had a little fever or ague on
him, but was otherwise well. He has now gone to Constantinople....
May I beg of your Majesty to remember me kindly to Prince Albert and
the Duchess of Kent. I have the honour, etc.
EDWARD OF SAXE-WEIMAR.
[Footnote 64: Son of Duke Charles Bernard and Duchess Ida, the
latter being a Princess of Saxe-Meiningen and sister to Queen
Adelaide. The Prince was at this time Lieut.-Colonel and
A.D.C. to Lord Raglan. He was afterwards A.D.C. to the Queen
and ultimately Commander of the Forces in Ireland. He died in
1902.]
[Footnote 65: See _ante_, 18th November, 1854, note 60.]
[Footnote 66: Colonel Henry Hugh Manvers Percy, 1817-1877,
whose father afterwards became the fifth Duke of
Northumberland. The Legion of Honour, the Medjidie, and the
V.C. were all subsequently conferred on him.]
[Footnote 67: Hon. Thomas Vesey Dawson, brother of the third
Lord Cremorne (created Earl of Dartrey).]
[Footnote 68: In this terrible hurricane the _Prince_, a
new and magnificent steamer, with a cargo of the value of
L500,000, including powder, shot and shell, beds, blankets,
warm clothing for the troops, and medical stores for the
hospitals, was lost; six men only of a crew of one hundred and
fifty were saved; but the soldiers of the Forty-sixth, whom
she was conveying to Balaklava, had happily been landed.
Thirty of our transports, as well as the French warship _Henri
IV._, were wrecked. A thousand men were lost, and many more
escaped drowning, only to fall into the hands of the
Cossacks and be carried to Sebastopol. One solitary source
of consolation could be found in the circumstance that the
tempest did not occur at an earlier period, when six hundred
vessels, heavily laden and dangerously crowded together, were
making their way from Varna to Old Fort.]
[Pageheading: THE CRIMEAN MEDAL]
_Queen Victoria to the Duke of Newcastle._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _30th November 1854._
The Queen thinks that no time should be lost in announcing the
intention of the Queen to confer a _medal_ on all those who have been
engaged in the arduous and brilliant campaign in the Crimea.
The medal should have the word "_Crimea_" on it, with an appropriate
device (for which it would be well to lose no time in having a design
made) and _clasps_--like to the Peninsular Medal, with the names
_Alma_ and _Inkerman_ inscribed on them, according to who had been in
one or both battles. _Sebastopol_, should it fall, or any other name
of a battle which Providence may permit our brave troops to gain, can
be inscribed on other clasps hereafter to be added. The names _Alma_
and _Inkerman_ should likewise be borne on the colours of all the
regiments who have been engaged in these bloody and glorious actions.
The Queen is sure that nothing will gratify and encourage our noble
troops more than the knowledge that this is to be done.
We have just had two hours' most interesting conversation with General
Bentinck,[69] whose sound good sense and energy make us deeply regret
that he is not now on the spot; he is, however, ready to go out again
next year, as Lord Raglan wishes to give him a Division. We hope that,
after two or three months' rest, he may be able to go out again.
[Footnote 69: General (afterwards Sir Henry) Bentinck had been
wounded at Inkerman; he returned to the Crimea to command a
Division.]
[Pageheading: LORD JOHN RUSSELL]
_The Earl of Aberdeen to Queen Victoria._
LONDON, _7th December 1854._
Lord Aberdeen presents his humble duty to your Majesty. He would have
been desirous of personally submitting to your Majesty the result of
the meeting of the Cabinet last night; but he was apprehensive that
his sudden journey to Windsor Castle this morning would give rise
to speculations and conjectures which, in the present state of the
Ministry, it is as well to avoid.
Lord Aberdeen thinks he may venture to assure your Majesty that the
correspondence recently circulated is regarded by all the Members of
the Cabinet precisely in the same light; and that the propositions
of Lord John Russell are considered by all as quite untenable. Lord
Palmerston forms no exception; and, whatever may be his views in
future, it is clear that at present he contemplates no changes in the
Government. Lord John was himself fully aware of this unanimity, and
remained entirely silent with respect to his former suggestions. He
dwelt in general terms on the absence of vigour in the prosecution
of the war, and stated his conviction that the same course would
be observed in future. He referred to his position in the House of
Commons with much bitterness, and declared that he would never pass
such another Session of Parliament as the last. He attributed the
frequent defeats of the Government in the House of Commons to the
Reform Bill having been withdrawn, by which it was shown that hostile
attacks might be made with impunity.
It was obvious, however, that the drift of his observations tended to
the substitution of himself as the Head of the Government rather than
to any change of Departments; and this he did not deny, when Lord
Aberdeen pointed out the inference to be drawn from his remarks.
Finally, Lord John said that he had quite made up his mind. He was
ready to continue in office during the short Session before Christmas,
and to defend all that had been done; but that he was determined to
retire after Christmas. An observation being made that it would be
unconstitutional to go into Parliament with such a determination, he
replied that, if such was the opinion, he would request Lord Aberdeen
to convey his resignation to-morrow morning to your Majesty, which, at
all events, would be perfectly constitutional.
Lord Aberdeen feels it to be his duty to state to your Majesty that,
whatever may be the real cause, Lord John has made up his mind to act
in the manner he has announced.
In this situation it is Lord Aberdeen's desire to come to your
Majesty's assistance by any means in his power. Lord John's defection
will be a great blow, from which it is very doubtful if the Government
could recover; but Lord Aberdeen will come to no conclusion or form
any decided opinion until he shall have had the honour of seeing your
Majesty.
[Pageheading: CABINET DISSENSIONS]
_Memorandum by the Prince Albert._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _9th December 1854._
Lord Aberdeen arrived yesterday evening, leaving the Cabinet sitting,
revising the Speech from the Throne.[70] He had come to no decision.
Sir James Graham and Mr Gladstone had been anxious that he should
accept Lord John's resignation at once. He himself felt reluctant to
do anything which might be considered harsh towards Lord John, and
might make him a martyr hereafter. There was no doubt, however, that
they could not go on with Lord John. The universal feeling of the
Cabinet seemed to be one of indignation ... at Lord John's conduct.
Nobody had expressed himself stronger about it than Lord Lansdowne to
Lord Clarendon, feeling it, as he said, "quite a necessity to speak
out." The Chancellor said he owed his political allegiance to Lord
John as well as his office; but as a man of honour he could not go
with him. Lord Granville feels the same. Lord Palmerston had written
a long and very able letter to Lord John, proving the impossibility
of joining the offices of Secretary at War and Secretary of State for
War. Lord John had now, however, dropped his proposal altogether,
and made it quite clear that it was Lord Aberdeen he wished to have
removed. He said to Lord Palmerston: "When the Cabinet was formed,
I always understood that Lord Aberdeen would soon give me up my old
place; it has now lasted more than two years, and he seemed to get
enamoured with office, and I could not meet the House of Commons in
the position I was in last Session."
[Footnote 70: Parliament was to meet on the 12th, chiefly for
the purpose of passing a Foreign Enlistment Bill, authorising
the immediate enlistment of 15,000 (afterwards reduced to
10,000) foreigners, to be drilled in this country.]
In answer to Lord Palmerston's enquiry what he would do, and how he
could expose the Country to such fearful risks at such a moment, he
said that he would support the Government out of office. "You will
support it at the head of a very virulent Opposition," was Lord
Palmerston's reply; "and when you have succeeded in overthrowing the
Government, which has difficulty enough to hold its ground even with
your assistance, what will you say to the Country? Will you say:
'Here I am. I have triumphed, and have displaced, in the midst of most
hazardous operations, all the ablest men the Country has produced;
but I shall take their place with Mr Vernon Smith, Lord Seymour, Lord
Minto, and others....'"
Sir Charles Wood is the only person who says it is all nothing, and he
knows Lord John, and it is sure to blow over.
Lord Aberdeen said it is come to a point where this is no longer
possible, as he laid his ground not only on the position that the war
had been badly conducted, but that it _would_ be so for the future.
At the Cabinet yesterday a significant incident occurred: Lord John
asked what should become of Reform. Lord Aberdeen's answer was, that
it had been set aside on account of the war, and that as the war was
now raging at its height, it could not be brought on again. Later,
when they came to the passage about Education, Lord John made an
alteration in the Draft, adding something about strengthening the
institutions of the Country. Lord Palmerston started up and asked:
"Does that mean Reform?" Lord John answered: "It might or might not."
"Well, then," said Lord Palmerston, with a heat of manner which struck
the whole Cabinet, and was hardly justified by the occasion, "I wish
it to be understood that I protest against any direct or indirect
attempt to bring forward the Reform question again!" Lord John,
nettled, muttered to himself, but loud enough to be heard by
everybody: "Then I shall bring forward the Reform Bill at once."
It is evident to me that after this a junction between Lord Palmerston
and Lord John is impossible, and that it must have been Lord
Palmerston's object to make this clear to the Cabinet. Lord Aberdeen
has declared that he is quite willing to yield his post to Lord
John--but that it would not suffice to have got a head--that there
must be some Members also, and where are they to be found? He is
certain that not one of the present Cabinet could now serve under Lord
John. An attempt to solve the question how the present Government is
to be maintained, naturally leads everybody to the same conclusion:
that Lord Palmerston must be substituted for Lord John as the Leader
of the House of Commons. Disagreeable as this must be ... to Lord
Aberdeen, and dangerous as the experiment may turn out, we agreed with
Lord Aberdeen that he should make the offer to him with the Queen's
consent. An alternative proposed by Lord Clarendon, that Lord
Aberdeen should ask Lord John what he advised him to do under the
circumstances, was strongly condemned by me, as depriving Lord
Aberdeen of all the advantage of the initiative with Lord Palmerston.
Lord Aberdeen states his great difficulty to be not only the long
antecedent and mutual opposition between him and Lord Palmerston, but
also the fact that Lord Palmerston loved war for war's sake, and he
peace for peace' sake.... He consoled himself, however, at last by the
reflection that Lord Palmerston was not worse than Lord John in
that respect, and, on the other hand, gave greater weight to the
consideration of what was practicable. It remains open for the present
whether Lord John is to act as the organ for the Government during the
short Session, and resign afterwards, or to resign now.
ALBERT.
[Pageheading: LORD ROKEBY]
_Queen Victoria to Viscount Hardinge._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _10th December 1854._
The Queen is glad to hear of Lord Rokeby's readiness to go out, as she
is sure that he will prove himself an efficient officer in command of
that noble Brigade of Guards.[71]
The Queen must repeat again her opinion relative to General Bentinck.
She thinks that he ought to go out again, and that, if a division
were offered to him, he would not hesitate (when he has recruited his
health) to go out. For the sake of example it would be most desirable,
for there evidently is an inclination to ask for leave to go home,
which would be very detrimental to the Army.
[Footnote 71: Lord Rokeby had on the previous evening been
offered and had accepted the command.]
[Pageheading: LORD JOHN RUSSELL]
_The Earl of Aberdeen to Queen Victoria._
LONDON, _16th December 1854._
Lord Aberdeen presents his humble duty to your Majesty. The Cabinet
met to-day, and discussed various measures, with a view to their
introduction into Parliament during the course of the ensuing Session.
In this discussion Lord John Russell took an active part, and must
have greatly astonished his colleagues, after their knowledge of
all that had recently passed. Lord Aberdeen had been previously made
aware, although not by himself, of the change which had taken place
in Lord John's intentions. After the meeting of the Cabinet, Lord John
came to Lord Aberdeen, and spoke of the affair of Mr Kennedy,[72] but
did not seem disposed to advert to any other subject. Lord Aberdeen
therefore took an opportunity of referring to the correspondence which
had taken place, and the notice which had been given by Lord John.
Without any embarrassment, or apparent sense of inconsistency, he at
once admitted that he had changed his intention, and attributed it
chiefly to a conversation yesterday with Lord Panmure, who, although a
great military reformer, had convinced him that the present was not a
fitting time for his proposed changes.
Lord Aberdeen had not seen any member of the Cabinet this evening
since the meeting terminated, and does not know how they may be
affected by this change. Some, he feels sure, will be disappointed;
but, on the whole, he feels disposed to be well satisfied. It is true
that there can be no security for a single week; and it is impossible
to escape from a sense of self-degradation by submitting to such an
unprecedented state of relations amongst colleagues; but the scandal
of a rupture would be so great, and the evils which might ensue so
incalculable, that Lord Aberdeen is sincerely convinced it will be
most advantageous for your Majesty's service, and for the public,
to endeavour, by a conciliatory and prudent course of conduct, to
preserve tranquillity and union as long as possible. This does not
exclude the necessity of firmness; and in the present case Lord
Aberdeen has yielded nothing whatever, but he has received Lord John's
change without resentment or displeasure.
[Footnote 72: Mr Kennedy (who was remotely connected by
marriage with Lord John) had been removed by Mr Gladstone from
an office he held. Lord John took it up as a family matter.]
[Pageheading: THE SCUTARI HOSPITAL]
_The Duke of Newcastle to Queen Victoria._
WAR DEPARTMENT, _22nd December 1854._
... The Duke of Newcastle assures your Majesty that the condition
of the Hospital at Scutari, and the entire want of all method and
arrangement in everything which concerns the comfort of the Army, are
subjects of constant and most painful anxiety to him, and he wishes
most earnestly that he could see his way clearly to an early and
complete remedy.[73]
Nothing can be more just than are all your Majesty's comments upon the
state of facts exhibited by these letters, and the Duke of Newcastle
has repeatedly, during the last two months, written in the strongest
terms respecting them--but hitherto without avail, and with little
other result than a denial of charges, the truth of which must now be
considered to be substantiated.
Your Majesty is aware that the Duke of Newcastle sent out a Commission
to enquire into the whole state of the Medical Department nearly three
months ago, and he expects a report very soon.
In the meantime, the Duke of Newcastle will again write in the sense
of your Majesty's letter to him.
[Footnote 73: Early in November, a band of capable and
devoted nurses, under the superintendence of Miss Florence
Nightingale, had arrived at Scutari, the experiment having
been devised and projected by Mr Sidney Herbert, who was a
personal friend of Miss Nightingale. The party was accompanied
by Mr and Mrs Bracebridge, whose letters describing the
condition of the hospitals had been sent by the Queen to the
Duke of Newcastle.]
_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _30th December 1854._
MY DEAREST UNCLE,--Once more, in this old and very _eventful_ year,
allow me to address you, and to ask you for the continuation of that
love and affection which you have ever borne me! May God bless you
and yours in this New Year--and though the old one departs in war and
blood, may we hope to see this year restore peace to this troubled
world, and may _we_ meet again also!
With the affectionate wishes of all the children, believe me always,
your most devoted Niece,
VICTORIA R.
INTRODUCTORY NOTE
TO CHAPTER XXIV
At the end of the year 1854, negotiations had been on foot with a
view to terminating the war, on terms which were known as the "Four
Points," the third of which was designed to extinguish Russian
preponderance in the Black Sea; and a conference of the Powers
ultimately assembled at Vienna for the purpose. Early in 1855,
Sardinia, under the influence of Cavour, her Premier, joined the
Western Alliance against Russia. On Parliament re-assembling in
January, Mr Roebuck gave notice of a motion for the appointment of a
Committee to enquire into the conduct of the war. Lord John Russell,
finding himself unable to resist the motion, at once resigned, and the
Ministry was overwhelmingly defeated by a majority of more than two
to one. Lord Derby, as Leader of the Conservative Opposition, was
summoned to form a Ministry, but failed to do so; the age of Lord
Lansdowne prevented his accepting the Premiership; and Lord John
Russell, whose action had largely contributed to the defeat of the
coalition, then attempted the task, but found that he could not
command the support even of his old Whig colleagues. The Queen
accordingly desired Lord Palmerston, whom the voice of the country
unmistakably indicated for the Premiership, to construct a Government;
he was successful in the attempt, the Cabinet being a reconstruction
of that of Lord Aberdeen, with Lord Panmure substituted for the Duke
of Newcastle at the War Office, while Lord John Russell was appointed
British Plenipotentiary at the Vienna Conference. The new Premier
desired to prevent the actual appointment of the Committee which Mr
Roebuck's motion demanded, the displacement of the late Ministry--the
real objective of the attack--having been effected; but as the House
of Commons manifested a determination to proceed with the appointment
of the Committee, the Peelite section of the Cabinet (Sir James
Graham, Mr Gladstone, and Mr Sidney Herbert) withdrew, and Lord John
Russell, who was then on his way to Vienna, accepted the Secretaryship
of the Colonies. Early in March, the Czar Nicholas died suddenly of
pulmonary apoplexy, and the expectation of peace increased; shortly
afterwards, the Emperor and Empress of the French paid a state visit
to this country, and were received with much enthusiasm, the Emperor
being made a Knight of the Garter.
In February, a determined attack by the Russians upon Eupatoria was
repulsed by the Turks; the defenders of Sebastopol, however, succeeded
in occupying and fortifying an important position, afterwards known as
the "Mamelon." The bombardment was resumed by the Allies in April,
and a successful attack made upon Kertsch, from which the supplies
of Sebastopol were mainly drawn; while a squadron under Captain Lyons
destroyed the Russian magazines and stores in the Sea of Azov. General
Canrobert was succeeded in the French command by General Pelissier,
and on the 7th of June the Mamelon was taken by the French. A
desperate but, as it proved, unsuccessful assault was then made by
the Allies on the Redan and Malakhoff batteries; at this juncture Lord
Raglan died, and was succeeded in the command by General Simpson.
The Vienna Conference proved abortive, Russia refusing to accept the
third point, and though a compromise was proposed by Austria, which
was favoured by the British and French Plenipotentiaries, their
respective Governments did not ratify their views. The negotiations
accordingly broke down, and Lord John Russell, on his return, used
language in Parliament quite inconsistent with the view which it
afterwards appeared he had urged at Vienna. He was loudly denounced
for this, and, to avoid Parliamentary censure, again resigned office.
Among the measures which became law during the session, were those
for enabling companies to be formed with limited liability, and for
granting self-government to some of the Australasian Colonies. The
Committee appointed by the House of Commons held its meetings in
public (after a proposal to keep its investigations secret had been
rejected), and, by the casting vote of the Chairman, reported that the
late Cabinet, when directing the expedition to the Crimea, had had
no adequate information as to the force they would have to encounter
there; but a motion to "visit with severe reprehension" every member
of the Cabinet was parried by carrying the "previous question."
In August, the Queen and Prince Albert paid a return visit to the
French Emperor, and were received with great magnificence in Paris,
while later in the year King Victor Emmanuel of Sardinia visited this
country, and was made a Knight of the Garter. On the 9th of August,
Sweaborg was severely bombarded by the allied fleets in the Baltic,
and a forlorn attempt to raise the siege of Sebastopol resulted in
another decisive success at the Tchernaya, the Sardinian contingent
fighting with great bravery. Sebastopol fell on the 8th of September,
after a siege of three hundred and forty-nine days; the citadel of
Kinburn was bombarded and surrendered in October, after which General
Simpson retired, in favour of Sir William Codrington. On the other
hand, the fortress of Kars in Armenia, which had been defended by
General Fenwick Williams, had to surrender to the Russian General
Mouravieff, in circumstances, however, so honourable, that the
officers were allowed to retain their swords, and their General
received a Baronetcy and a pension of L1000 a year.