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Transcriber's note:
[ae] and [oe] are used for the diphthongs/ligatures in (mostly)
French words. (e.g. c[oe]ur, heart; s[oe]ur, sister; ch[oe]ur;
choir).
The original page headings have been retained and moved to
appropriate positions at the beginning of letters and text to
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INDEX
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[Illustration: H.M. QUEEN VICTORIA, H.R.H. THE PRINCE CONSORT, AND
CHILDREN
From the picture by F. Winterhalter at Buckingham Palace
_Frontispiece, Vol. III._]
THE LETTERS OF QUEEN VICTORIA
A Selection from Her Majesty's
Correspondence between the Years
1837 and 1861
Published by Authority of His Majesty The King
Edited by
ARTHUR CHRISTOPHER BENSON, M.A.
and
VISCOUNT ESHER, G.C.V.O., K.C.B.
In Three Volumes
VOL. III.--1854-1861
London
John Murray, Albemarle Street, W.
1908
_Copyright in Great Britain and Dependencies, 1907, by_
H.M. THE KING.
_In the United States by_ Messrs LONGMANS, GREEN & CO.
_All rights reserved._
TABLE OF CONTENTS
CHAPTER XXIII
1854
PAGES
The Eastern Question--Attack on the Prince--The French
alliance--The Orleans family--The Reform Bill--The Baltic
command--The British ultimatum--Departure of the Guards--War
declared--Cabinet dissensions--Austrian interests--The
Sultan--Prussian policy--Marshal St Arnaud--Invasion of
the Principalities--Separation of Departments--The Russian
loan--Debates on the War--Prince Albert and the Emperor
Napoleon--The Crimea--Battle of the Alma--Maharajah Dhuleep
Singh--Attack on Sebastopol--Battle of Inkerman--Death of
Sir G. Cathcart--A hurricane--Lord John Russell and the
Premiership--Miss Nightingale's mission 1-62
CHAPTER XXIV
1855
Peace proposals--The Four Points--Offer of the Garter to the
Premier--Sufferings of the troops in the Crimea--Resignation
of Lord John--The Queen's disapproval--Lord Palmerston as
Leader--The Ministry defeated--Lord Derby sent for--Lord
Palmerston and the Leadership--Lord Derby's failure--Lord
Lansdowne consulted--Lord John sent for--Disappointment of
Lord John--Lord Palmerston to be Premier--Intervention of Lord
Aberdeen--The new Cabinet--The Vienna Conference--Resignation
of the Peelites--Death of the Czar--Lord Panmure at the War
Office--Negotiations at Vienna--Visit of the Emperor--Russia
and the Black Sea--Estimate of the Emperor--Retirement
of Canrobert--Death of Lord Raglan--General Simpson in
command--Lord John resigns--Battle of the Tchernaya--Visit
to Paris--At the tomb of Bonaparte--Fall of Sebastopol--Life
Peerages--Prince Frederick William of Prussia--Offer to Lord
Stanley--France and Austria--Visit of the King of Sardinia
63-157
CHAPTER XXV
1856
The Conference--The Queen's determination--Russia accepts
the terms--Sardinia and the Conference--Protection of
neutrals--The Crimean enquiry--Incorporation of Oudh--Canning
succeeds Dalhousie--Unclouded horizon in India--Future of the
Principalities--Birth of the Prince Imperial--The Princess
Royal--The Treaty of Paris--End of the War--Garter for Lord
Palmerston--The Title of Prince Consort--Position of the
Queen's husband--Retirement of Lord Hardinge--Appointment of
the Duke of Cambridge--Lord Granville's mission--Coronation of
the Czar--A Royal proposal--Russian procrastination--Death
of Lord Hardinge--The Archduke Maximilian--Affair of
Neuchatel--Death of Prince Charles of Leiningen--Dispute with
the United States 158-222
CHAPTER XXVI
1857
The China War--Position of Parties--Defeat of the
Government--The General Election--The Divorce
Bill--Betrothal of Princess Charlotte of Belgium--The Indian
Mutiny--Delhi--Cawnpore--Marriage of Princess
Charlotte--Visit of the Emperor Napoleon--Death of Sir
Henry Lawrence--Condition of Lucknow--Sir Colin
Campbell--Reinforcement of Lucknow--Death of the Duchesse
de Nemours--Crisis in the City--Future Government of
India--Clemency of Lord Canning--Death of Havelock 223-260
CHAPTER XXVII
1858
Marriage of Princess Royal--The Orsini _attentat_--The
Conspiracy Bill--Resignation of the Government--Lord Derby
summoned--The new Cabinet--Trial of Bernard--The Emperor and
the Carbonari--Capture of Lucknow--Confirmation of the Prince
of Wales--The second India Bill--The Oudh Proclamation--Lord
Ellenborough's despatch--A crisis--Lord Derby's despatch--Lord
Aberdeen consulted--Prerogative of Dissolution--Collapse
of the attack--Views of Sir James Outram--Offer to
Mr Gladstone--Purification of the Thames--Visit to
Cherbourg--British Columbia--The Ionian Islands--The
Princess Royal in Prussia The India Office--Lord Canning's
Proclamation--Napoleon and Italy 261-306
CHAPTER XXVIII
1859
The Emperor Napoleon and M. Huebner--Attitude of the
Pope--Northern Italy--The Queen's first grandchild--Advice
to the Emperor Napoleon--Meeting of Parliament--The Indian
forces--The Prince of Wales at Rome--Advice to Emperor of
Austria--Mission of Lord Cowley--Question of a Conference--The
summons to Sardinia--Revolution in the Duchies--The compact
of Plombieres--The general election--Policy of the
Emperor Napoleon--Meeting a new Parliament--Question of
neutrality--Debate on the Address--The Ministry defeated--The
Garter for Lord Derby--Lord Granville summoned--The rival
leaders--Lord Palmerston Premier--Offer to Mr Cobden--India
pacified--Victory of the French--The Emperor Napoleon's
appeal--End of the War--Ascendancy of France--Views of the
Pope--Cavour's disappointment--Meeting of the Emperors--The
provisions of Villafranca--Italian policy--Sardinia
and Central Italy--The Emperor Napoleon and Lord
Palmerston--Invitation from President Buchanan--Pro-Italian
Ministers--Objections to Sir J. Hudson--Divorce Court reports
307-378
CHAPTER XXIX
1860
The Emperor Napoleon's pamphlet, _The Pope and
the Congress_--Annexation of Savoy--Meeting of
Parliament--Sardinian designs--Mr Gladstone's Budget--Scene
at the Tuileries--The Emperor and Lord Cowley--The Swiss
protest--Death of Prince Hohenlohe--The Indian Civil
Service--The Paper Duties--The Lords and Money Bills--Mr
Gladstone and resignation--The Prince of Wales's tour--The
Volunteer Review--Flight of the King of Naples--The King's
appeal to Queen Victoria--Tour of Prince Alfred--Sardinia
and Naples--The Empress of Austria--Betrothal of Princess
Alice--Episcopal appointments--Visit of the Empress Eugenie
379-419
CHAPTER XXX
1861
Conservative overtures to Lord Palmerston--Illness of King of
Prussia--His death--The absorption of Naples--Garter for
new King of Prussia--The Provostship of Eton--Lord John and
Garibaldi--Death of Duchess of Kent--Bereavement--The war in
America--Recognition of the South--Death of Cavour--Death of
Lord Campbell--The new Foreign Office--Earldom for Lord John
Russell--Swedish politics--The Emperor Napoleon's aims--At
Frogmore--Visit to Ireland--Tranquillity of Ireland--The
Orleans Princes--The Prussian Coronation--Fetes at
Berlin--_The Times_ and Prussia--Death of King of
Portugal--The affair of the _Trent_--The Compiegne
interview--An ultimatum--The Prince's last letter--Illness of
the Prince--The Crisis--Sympathy--Bereavement--Death of Lady
Canning--A noble resolve--Comfort and hope 420-478
INDEX 479-520
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
H.M. QUEEN VICTORIA, H.R.H. THE PRINCE CONSORT,
AND CHILDREN. _From the picture by F. Winterhalter
at Buckingham Palace_ _Frontispiece_
H.M. EUGENIE, EMPRESS OF THE FRENCH. _From a miniature
by Sir W. K. Ross at Windsor Castle_ _Facing p._ 120
VISCOUNT PALMERSTON, K.G. _From the drawing by
Sir George Richmond, R.A., in the possession of
the Earl of Carnwath_ " 232
H.R.H. THE PRINCE OF WALES. _From a drawing by
F. Winterhalter, 1859_ " 320
H.R.H. THE PRINCE CONSORT, 1861. _From the picture
by Smith, after Corbould, at Buckingham Palace_ " 472
INTRODUCTORY NOTE
TO CHAPTER XXIII
At the meeting of Parliament, on the 31st of January 1854, the
Ministry were able triumphantly to refute the charge of illegitimate
interference in State affairs which had been made by a section of the
Press against Prince Albert; they were, however, severely attacked for
not acting with greater vigour in Eastern affairs. In February, the
Russian Ambassador left London, the Guards were despatched to the
East, and the Russian Government was peremptorily called upon by Great
Britain and France to evacuate the Principalities. The Peace Party,
Bright, Cobden, and others, were active, but unheeded; the Society of
Friends sending a pacific but futile deputation to the Czar. In March,
the demand for evacuation being disregarded, war was declared, and a
treaty of alliance signed between England and France; Lord Raglan and
Marshal St Arnaud were appointed to command the respective armies,
Vice-Admiral Sir James Dundas and Sir Charles Napier having command
of the Mediterranean and Baltic Fleets respectively. The attitude of
Austria was ambiguous, and, after England and France were committed to
war, she contracted an offensive and defensive alliance with Prussia,
each country engaging to make limited preparations for war. At home,
with a view to greater efficiency, the duties of the Secretary
of State for War and the Colonies, till then united in a single
Secretaryship, were divided, the Duke of Newcastle assuming the former
office, while Sir George Grey became Colonial Secretary; Lord John
Russell also resumed office as President of the Council. The Russians
were unsuccessful in their operations against the Turks, notably at
Silistria and Giurgevo, while, as the summer advanced, public opinion
in support of an invasion of the Crimea rose steadily, the _Times_
indicated the taking of Sebastopol as indispensable, and Lord
Aberdeen's hand was forced. On the 28th of June, the Cabinet
sanctioned a despatch to Lord Raglan, urging (almost to the point of
directing) an immediate attack upon Sebastopol; the French Emperor
was in favour of the plan, though both Commanders-in-Chief entertained
doubt as to whether it was immediately feasible. On the 7th of
September, the allied forces (58,000 strong) sailed from Varna, a
landing being effected a few days later at Old Fort, near Eupatoria;
at about the same time an important interview took place at Boulogne
between Prince Albert and the Emperor Napoleon. The signal victory at
the Alma, on the 20th of September, was followed by the death of St
Arnaud, and the appointment of Canrobert as his successor. Decisive
successes were next obtained at Balaklava on the 25th of October, and
at Inkerman on the 5th of November; but on the 14th a fierce gale did
immense damage to life and property, both at Balaklava and on the
sea. Meanwhile, indignation at home was aroused by the tidings of
the breakdown of the commissariat and transport departments, and the
deplorable state of the hospitals; Miss Florence Nightingale, who had
sailed from England with a number of nurses, arrived at Scutari early
in November, and proceeded to remedy deficiencies as far as possible;
while Lord John Russell vainly urged on the Premier the substitution
of Lord Palmerston for the Duke of Newcastle as Secretary for War.
Sir Charles Napier, who, previously to his departure with the Baltic
Fleet, had been feted at the Reform Club, and extravagantly lauded
by Cabinet Ministers, was by the month of October engaged in a
recriminatory correspondence with the First Lord of the Admiralty.
At about the same time the Patriotic Fund was established under the
presidency of Prince Albert.
In Parliament, the last vestige of the old Navigation System, limiting
the coasting trade to British ships, was repealed, and a Bill also
passed for preventing corrupt practices at elections. Owing to the
war, the Reform Bill was withdrawn, Lord John Russell, on announcing
the fact in Parliament, being overcome, and giving way to tears.
In the short session, which took place during the latter half of
December, a Foreign Enlistment Act was passed, providing for a force
of 10,000 foreigners, to be drilled in this country.
The Exhibition Building, which had been constructed in Hyde Park
in 1851, and had been re-erected at Sydenham, was opened with great
ceremony by the Queen, and was henceforth known as the Crystal Palace.
CHAPTER XXIII
1854
_The Earl of Aberdeen to Queen Victoria._
LONDON, _6th January 1854._
LORD ABERDEEN presents his humble duty to your Majesty. He cannot
wonder at the indignation expressed by your Majesty at the base and
infamous attacks made upon the Prince during the last two or three
weeks in some of the daily papers.[1] They are chiefly to be found in
those papers which represent ultra-Tory or extreme Radical opinions;
but they are not sanctioned by the most respectable portion of the
Press. Lord Aberdeen has received some information respecting the
origin of these attacks; but it is vague and uncertain. At all events
he believes that your Majesty may safely make yourself at ease upon
the subject, as he is satisfied that these hostile feelings are shared
by few. It is much to be desired that some notice of the subject may
be taken in Parliament, when, by being treated in a proper manner,
it may be effectually stopped. Lord Aberdeen has spoken to Lord
John Russell, who will be quite prepared to moot it in the House of
Commons.
It cannot be denied that the position of the Prince is somewhat
anomalous, and has not been specially provided for by the Constitution;
but the ties of Nature, and the dictates of common sense are more
powerful than Constitutional fictions; and Lord Aberdeen can only say
that he has always considered it an inestimable blessing that your
Majesty should possess so able, so zealous, and so disinterested an
adviser. It is true that your Ministers are alone responsible for the
conduct of public affairs, and although there is no man in England whose
opinion Lord Aberdeen would more highly respect and value, still if he
had the misfortune of differing from His Royal Highness, he would not
hesitate to act according to his own convictions, and a sense of what
was due to your Majesty's service.
The Prince has now been so long before the eyes of the whole country,
his conduct so invariably devoted to the public good, and his life
so perfectly inattackable, that Lord Aberdeen has not the slightest
apprehension of any serious consequences arising from these
contemptible exhibitions of malevolence and faction.
Your Majesty will graciously pardon Lord Aberdeen for writing thus
plainly; but there are occasions on which he almost forgets your
Majesty's station, and only remembers those feelings which are common
to all ranks of mankind.
[Footnote 1: A section of the Press, favourable to Lord
Palmerston, had insinuated that his resignation was due to
"an influence behind the throne." Similar attacks were made
by other journals, and not abandoned upon Lord Palmerston's
re-admission to the Cabinet: the most extravagant charges of
improper interference in State affairs were made against the
Prince, and it was even rumoured that he had been impeached
for high treason and committed to the Tower! The cartoons
in _Punch_ usually present a faithful reflection of current
popular opinion, and in one of them the Prince was depicted as
skating, in defiance of warning, over dangerous ice.]
[Pageheading: PERSIA]
_Queen Victoria to the Earl of Clarendon._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _9th January 1854._
The Queen thanks Lord Clarendon for his letter just received with the
enclosures.
As the proposed answer to the Emperor contains perhaps necessarily
only a repetition of what the Queen wrote in her former letter,[2] she
inclines to the opinion that it will be best to defer any answer for
the present--the more so, as a moment might possibly arrive when
it would be of advantage to be able to write and to refer to the
Emperor's last letter.
With respect to the Persian Expedition[3] the Queen will not object
to it--as the Cabinet appears to have fully considered the matter, but
she must say that she does not much like it in a moral point of view.
We are just putting the Emperor of Russia under the ban for trying
"to bring the Sultan to his senses" by the occupation of part of his
territory after a diplomatic rupture, and are now going to do exactly
the same thing to the Shah of Persia!
[Footnote 2: See _ante_, vol. ii, 18th October-26th November,
1853, notes 30, 31, 32.]
[Footnote 3: Under the belief that Persia had declared war
against Turkey, and that diplomatic relations between England
and Persia were suspended, the Cabinet had agreed upon the
occupation of the Island of Karak by a British force.]
_The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria._
LAEKEN, _9th January 1854._
MY DEAREST VICTORIA,--I wrote you a most abominable scrawl on Friday,
and think myself justified in boring you with a few words to-day.
The plot is thickening in every direction, and we may expect a great
confusion. The dear old Duke used to say "You cannot have a little
war." The great politicians of the Press think differently. The Duke
told me also once: "At the place where you are you will always have
the power to force people to go to war." I have used that power to
_avoid_ complications, and I still think, blessed are the peacemakers.
How the Emperor could get himself and everybody else into this
infernal scrape is quite incomprehensible; the more so as I remain
convinced that he did not aim at conquest. We have very mild weather,
and though you liked the cold, still for every purpose we must prefer
warmth. Many hundred boats with coal are frozen up, and I am told that
near two hundred ships are wanting to arrive at Antwerp....
I am much plagued also by little parliamentary nonsense of our own
here, a storm in a bottle; this is the way of human kind, and in such
cases it always pleases me to think that I am not bound to be always
their working slave, and I cast a sly look at my beautiful villa on
the Lake of Como, _quite furnished_.... My beloved Victoria. Your
devoted Uncle.
LEOPOLD R.
[Pageheading: THE PRESS]
[Pageheading: THE FRENCH ALLIANCE]
_The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria._
LAEKEN, _13th January 1854._
MY BELOVED VICTORIA,--I grieve to see how unjustly you are plagued,
and how wonderfully untrue and passionate are the attacks of part
of the Press. Abuse is somewhat the _staff of life in England_,
everything, everybody is to be abused; it is a pity, as nothing
more unproductive as this everlasting abuse can well be imagined. As
nothing ever gave the slightest opening to this abuse, it is to be
hoped that it will be soon got over--the meeting of Parliament will
now do good in this respect. As far as your few continental relations
are concerned, I don't think they will be able to fix anything upon
your faithful servant. I have done England at all times good services,
in the sense of her best interests. I hold a position of great
geographical importance for England, just opposite the mouth of the
Thames. Successes of vanity I am never fishing for in England,
nor anywhere else. The only influence I may exercise is to prevent
mischief where I can, which occasionally succeeds; if war can be
avoided, and the same ends obtained, it is natural _that_ THAT _should
be tried first_. Many English superficial newspaper politicians
imagine that threatening is the thing--I believe it the worst of all
systems. The Emperor Nicholas and Menschikoff wanted by threatening
the Turks to get certain things, and they have by that means got a
very troublesome and expensive affair on their hands. I wish England
too well to like to see it, but one of these days they will get into
some scrape in the same way. The foolish accusation that we are doing
all we can to break up the French Alliance is certainly the _most
absurd of all_; if anything can be for our local advantage, it is to
see England and France closely allied, and for a long period--for ever
I should say....
I have heard, and that from the Prussian Quarter, that great efforts
are making on the part of Russia, to _gain over_ Louis Napoleon. I
understand, however, that though Louis Napoleon is _not_ anxious for
war, that his opinion is favourable to the continuation of a good
understanding with England. That it should be so is, I must say,
highly desirable. The poor Orleans will be grieved and hurt by all
these things. The death of the child of the poor Queen of Spain will
not be a favourable omen for Spain.[4]...
With my best love to Albert. Believe me ever, my beloved Victoria,
your truly devoted Uncle,
LEOPOLD R.
[Footnote 4: A daughter had been born to the Queen of Spain on
the 5th of January, and lived only three days.]
[Pageheading: THE ORLEANS FAMILY]
_Queen Victoria to the Earl of Aberdeen._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _16th January 1854._
The Queen sends the answer she has this morning received from the Duc
de Nemours, which she hopes is on the whole satisfactory as regards
the reported visit of the Count de Chambord.[5] The Duke does not see
in so strong a light as _we_ do, the danger of even the _report_ being
believed--probably from living so much out of the world as he does.
What would Lord Aberdeen wish her to do farther, and what does he
think can be done in the way of contradiction? The Queen wishes
likewise to have Lord Aberdeen's opinion and advice on the following
subjects. He knows that we have invariably received the poor Orleans
family (in particular our own near relations, the Nemours) from time
to time _here_ and in London, and that the Queen has _always_ from
the first year done this _openly_ but _unostentatiously_. It is by _no
means_ her intention to change her conduct in this respect--but since
the great noise caused by the "fusion" she thought it better _not_
to invite the Nemours either to Osborne or here, hoping that by
_this time_ these tiresome rumours would have ceased. They have not,
however, and we think that perhaps it would be wiser _not_ to see them
here, _at any rate_ till after the meeting of Parliament, though it is
very painful to the Queen to hurt their feelings by apparent neglect.
Is Lord Aberdeen of this opinion, and does he think that it will _not_
be misconstrued into an _admission_ of having encouraged _intrigues_
or of _submission_ to the will and pleasure of Louis Napoleon?
For the Queen would never submit to such an accusation, nor would she
continue (after the excitement is past) to exclude these poor exiles
from occasional visits--which have been paid and received ever since
_'48_, and which would be unworthy and ungenerous conduct.
Likewise does Lord Aberdeen think that a morning visit to the Duchess
of Aumale to enquire after her health would be imprudent?
It goes much against the Queen's feelings of generosity and kindness
to neglect the poor exiles as she has done this winter, but the
present moment is one of _unparalleled_ excitement and of
great political importance, which requires great prudence and
circumspection. There is an admirable article in the _Morning
Chronicle_ of to-day, taking quite the _right line_ upon the infamous
and _now_ almost ridiculous attacks on the _Queen_ and Prince. Has
Lord Aberdeen any idea who could have written it?
The Queen sends a letter she had received from her Uncle, which
may amuse and interest him. To make the statement of the Queen's
intercourse with the Orleans family quite clear, she should add, that
when the family visit the Queen or she visits them, that it is put
into the Court Circular, and this of course gets copied into country
papers and foreign papers; but after consideration the Queen thought
this the wiser course, for with all the spies who are no doubt
about--if this were not done, and the Queen's visits and _vice versa_
were suppressed and _yet_ found out--it would give them an air of
_mystery_ which is just what we wish to avoid.
[Footnote 5: Son of the Duc de Berri, and known formerly as
the Duc de Bordeaux. (See _ante_, vol. i., 9th October, 1843,
note 72). The Duc de Nemours denied all knowledge of the
rumoured visit, and thought its importance had been exaggerated.]
_The Earl of Aberdeen to Queen Victoria._
LONDON, _17th January 1854._
... With respect to your Majesty's custom of seeing the French Royal
Family, Lord Aberdeen humbly thinks that there is no good reason
for making any change. It has always taken place without parade or
ostentation; and knowing, as Lord Aberdeen does, that no political
object is in view, he would feel ashamed to advise your Majesty to do
anything at variance with that sympathy which your Majesty has been
careful to keep within the bounds of prudence and moderation....
Lord Aberdeen hopes that he may venture to congratulate your Majesty
on the commencement of a change with respect to the newspaper attacks
upon the Prince. He observed the article, to which your Majesty
refers, in the _Morning Chronicle_ of yesterday; and he believes he
may certainly say that it was written by Mr Gladstone, although he
would not wish it to be known. There was also a very sensible letter
in the _Standard_ of last night, signed D. C. L. This is the signature
always assumed by Mr Alexander Hope,[6] in his contributions to the
Press, and Lord Aberdeen does not doubt that it is written by him.
It is only a wonder to find it in such a quarter; and it shows some
disposition on the part of that scurrilous paper to alter its course.
There is perhaps no great objection to the papers dealing with the
subject as they think proper, before the meeting of Parliament,
provided the _Times_ takes no part at present; for as this paper is
supposed to be influenced by the Government, this belief would injure
the effect of anything that might appear in its columns.[7]...
[Footnote 6: Mr. A. J. Hope (afterwards Beresford-Hope), at
this time out of Parliament, had written over the signature
"D.C.L." a series of letters to the Press on the Papal
claims.]
[Footnote 7: On the re-assembling of Parliament, the charges
against the Prince were at once refuted by the Prime Minister
and Lord John Russell; and his right to assist the Queen
completely established by those Ministers, with the
concurrence of Lord Derby and Mr Walpole, on behalf of the
Opposition, and Lord Campbell, the Chief Justice of the
Queen's Bench.]
[Pageheading: THE REFORM BILL]
_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _21st January 1854._
The Queen has received Lord John Russell's letter of the 19th, and the
Bill as now agreed upon by the Cabinet, which she hopes may meet the
wishes of the Country and pass into law.[8] From what she understands
the chief argument used in opposition to the measure will be, that
corruption and bribery is the evil which the Country really complains
of, and not an unequal distribution of the representation, and that a
new distribution or even extension of the franchise will not touch
the evil, and may be said perhaps in some instances to tend towards
increasing it. The success of the measure will therefore, she
concludes, in some degree depend upon the Bribery Bills which will
accompany it. How far are these advanced? and what expectation has
Lord John Russell of succeeding in framing such a measure as would
remove that ground of objection to the Reform Bill?
[Footnote 8: Notwithstanding the impending war, the Government
considered itself bound in honour to bring in a Reform Bill.
Lord Palmerston and his special supporters were opposed to the
project, but the measure was brought forward on the 13th of
February. After a chequered career it was withdrawn. The
Bill for the prevention of corrupt practices at elections
was introduced on the 10th of February, and after many
vicissitudes and several Ministerial defeats in the Commons as
well as in the Lords, it was, in a modified form, carried.]
_Queen Victoria to Mr Gladstone._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _7th February 1854._
The Queen must apologise for having kept the enclosed papers so long,
and in now sending them back she does so without feeling sure in
her mind that she could with safety sanction Mr Gladstone's new and
important proposal.[9] The change it implies will be very great in
principle and irretrievable, and the Queen must say that Lord John
Russell's apprehensions as to the spirit it is likely to engender
amongst the future civil servants of the Crown have excited a
similar feeling in her mind. Where is moreover the application of the
principle of public competition to stop, if once established? and must
not those offices which are to be exempted from it necessarily degrade
the persons appointed to them in public estimation?
[Footnote 9: Mr Gladstone had written on the 26th of January
on the subject of competitive examinations for the Civil
Service; in reply to the Queen's letter, he referred to
the discontent existing in the Service with the system of
appointment by favour, and of promotion by seniority alone.]
[Pageheading: THE BALTIC COMMAND]
[Pageheading: SIR CHARLES NAPIER]
_Sir James Graham to Queen Victoria._
ADMIRALTY, _9th February 1854._
Sir James Graham, with humble duty, begs to lay before your Majesty
certain important considerations which were discussed at the Cabinet
yesterday with respect to the selection of a Commander-in-Chief for
the Fleet about to be appointed for Service in the Baltic.[10]...
[Footnote 10: War had not yet been declared, but the Russian
Ambassador left London on the 7th of February, and Sir
Hamilton Seymour was recalled from St Petersburg on the same
day.]
Lord Dundonald[11] is seventy-nine years of age; and though his
energies and faculties are unbroken, and though, with his accustomed
courage, he volunteers for the Service, yet, on the whole, there is
reason to apprehend that he might deeply commit the Force under his
command in some desperate enterprise, where the chances of
success would not countervail the risk of failure and of the fatal
consequences, which might ensue. Age has not abated the adventurous
spirit of this gallant officer, which no authority could restrain; and
being uncontrollable it might lead to most unfortunate results. The
Cabinet, on the most careful review of the entire question, decided
that the appointment of Lord Dundonald was not expedient....
[Footnote 11: This was the Lord Cochrane who had been unjustly
convicted in 1814, under the direction of Lord Ellenborough,
Chief Justice, of conspiracy to defraud. His naval honours
were restored to him in 1832. He is said to have stipulated,
on this occasion, that he should be allowed to destroy
Cronstadt by a chemical process invented by himself.]
Sir Charles Napier is an excellent seaman, and combines boldness with
discretion.[12] He has served in large squadrons, and he has commanded
them. As a Second, he may not have been submissive; as a Chief, he has
been successful in command. His appointment will give confidence both
to officers and men; and his name is not unknown both to enemies and
allies. If he has the faults of his family, he is not without their
virtues; courage, genius, love of country are not wanting; and the
weighty responsibilities of high command, without oppressing him,
would give steadiness to his demeanour.
He behaved ill to Lord John Russell and to Sir Francis Baring; and on
shore he has given just cause of complaint; but at sea and in command
he is a different person; and Lord John Russell in the Cabinet
yesterday, regardless of all former displeasure, pronounced an opinion
favourable to the appointment of Sir Charles Napier. Lord Aberdeen,
also, together with the entire Cabinet, came to the same conclusion;
and Sir James Graham on their behalf, and in concurrence with his own
opinion, ventures to ask the permission of your Majesty to appoint Sir
Charles Napier to this important Naval command.[13]
The above is humbly submitted by your Majesty's dutiful Subject and
Servant,
J. R. G. GRAHAM.
[Footnote 12: He had had a long naval career. In 1833 he
commanded the Portuguese Fleet for Donna Maria, and won a
small engagement against Dom Miguel. He was "not submissive"
at Beyrout, where, having command of the land forces, and
being told to retire and hand over the command, he advanced
and won a victory, resulting in the evacuation of the city. He
also disobeyed orders at Acre.]
[Footnote 13: The inadequate results of an appointment which
promised so well are described in Parker's _Sir James Graham_,
vol. ii. pp. 229 _et seq_.]
_Queen Victoria to Mr Gladstone._
BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _17th February 1854._
The Queen has received Mr Gladstone's letter and memorandum, and had
heard from the Prince the further explanation of the grounds upon
which he, Mr Gladstone, thinks the new regulations respecting the
Civil Service necessary. The Queen, although not without considerable
misgivings, sanctions the proposed plan, trusting that Mr Gladstone
will do what he can, in the arrangements of the details of it, to
guard against the dangers, which she has pointed out in her former
letter and through the Prince when he saw Mr Gladstone. A check,
for instance, would be necessary upon the admission of candidates
to compete for employment, securing that they should be otherwise
eligible, besides the display of knowledge which they may exhibit
under examination. Without this a young man might be very ineligible,
and still after having been proclaimed to the world as first in
ability, it would require very strong evidence of misconduct to
justify his exclusion by the Government.
[Pageheading: COMPETITIVE EXAMINATIONS]
_Mr Gladstone to Queen Victoria._
DOWNING STREET, _17th February 1854._
The Chancellor of the Exchequer presents his humble duty to your
Majesty, and has the honour to acknowledge your Majesty's gracious
letter.
He takes blame to himself for having caused your Majesty trouble by
omitting to include in his short memorandum an explanation of the
phrase "qualified persons."
Experience at the universities and public schools of this country has
shown that in a large majority of cases the test of open examination
is also an effectual test of character; as, except in very remarkable
cases, the previous industry and self-denial, which proficiency
evinces, are rarely separated from general habits of virtue.
But he humbly assures your Majesty that the utmost pains will be
taken to provide not only for the majority but for all cases, by the
strictest enquiries of which the case will admit; and he has the most
confident belief that the securities for character under the
system, although they cannot be unerring, will be stronger and more
trustworthy than any of which the present method of appointment is
susceptible.
_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._
BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _21st February 1854._
MY DEAREST UNCLE,--... War is, I fear, _quite_ inevitable. You will
have seen that the Emperor Nicholas has not given a favourable
answer to _our Brother_ Napoleon (which I hear has disappointed him
extremely, as he expected very great results from it); and the last
proposals or attempts made by Buol[14] it is to be hoped will not be
accepted by Russia, for France and England could _not_ accept them;
but if Austria and Prussia go with us--as we hope they will--the War
will only be a local one. Our beautiful Guards sail to-morrow.
Albert inspected them yesterday. George is quite delighted to have a
division....
I must now conclude, with Albert's affectionate love. Believe me
always, your devoted Niece,
VICTORIA R.
[Footnote 14: Austrian Premier and Minister of Foreign
Affairs.]
[Pageheading: THE BRITISH ARMY]
_Queen Victoria to the Earl of Aberdeen._
BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _24th February 1854._
The Queen must write to Lord Aberdeen on a subject which at this
moment appears to her of paramount importance--viz., the augmentation
of the Army. The ten thousand men by which it has been ordered to be
augmented can hardly be considered to have brought it up to more than
an improved PEACE _establishment_, such as we have often had during
profound peace in Europe; but even these ten thousand men are not
yet obtained. We have nearly pledged ourselves to sending twenty-five
thousand men to the East, and this pledge will have to be redeemed.
To keep even such a force up in the field will require a strong,
available reserve at home, of which we shall be quite denuded. But we
are going to make war upon Russia! encouraging Austria and Prussia to
do so likewise, whereby we assume a moral obligation not to leave them
without assistance. We engage in a War which may assume in its course
a totally different character from that of its beginning. Who can say
it is impossible that our own shores may be threatened by powers now
in alliance with us? We are powerless for offence or defence without
a _trained_ Army; to obtain this will require considerable time. The
Queen must, therefore, urge Lord Aberdeen to consider with the Cabinet
whether it will not be essential to augment the Army at once, and by
at least thirty thousand men. Considerations of home policy make this
also advisable; the country is eager for War at this moment, and ready
to grant men and money. It will be a great facility hereafter to have
obtained what is most needed at first. If the force should finally not
be wanted, retrenchments may very easily be made. The Crown should
at least have the power of raising the men without the necessity for
further application to Parliament.
[Pageheading: THE BRITISH ULTIMATUM]
_The Earl of Aberdeen to Queen Victoria._
LONDON, _26th February 1854._
Lord Aberdeen, with his humble duty, begs to inform your Majesty that
another Cabinet was held to-day, in order to consider the draft of
a letter which it is proposed that Lord Clarendon should address to
Count Nesselrode, and in which he should summon the Russian Government
to evacuate the Principalities. The messenger will be directed to wait
six days for an answer, and the British Government will consider
the refusal or the silence of Count Nesselrode as equivalent to a
declaration of War, and proceed to act accordingly.[15]
An assurance has been received, in general terms, of the intention
of Austria to support this demand; and a telegraphic message has been
sent to Vienna with a desire to know whether the Austrian Government
will join in this summons, or in what manner support will be
given.[16] No answer has yet been received, and Lord Aberdeen would
think it right not to make the summons until Austria has declared her
intention; but the Cabinet appears to desire that the letter should be
sent to-morrow evening.
The period fixed for the complete evacuation of the Principalities is
the 30th of April.
As it cannot be supposed that the Emperor of Russia will listen to
such a demand as this, immediate hostilities must be expected, with
all their consequences.
[Footnote 15: This summons to evacuate the Principalities, and
an ultimatum to a similar purport from Paris, were delivered
to the Czar on the 14th of March; on their receipt the Czar
intimated that he did not think it fitting (_convenable_) that
he should make any reply. His decision was known in London on
the 24th.]
[Footnote 16: The attitude of Austria caused great perplexity.
Count Orloff had gone to Vienna to obtain a pledge of
neutrality in the event of war, but refused to give the
Emperor Francis Joseph satisfactory assurances as to the
Czar's future policy, and, in particular, as to the evacuation
of the Principalities at the close of the war. The Austrian
Government accordingly announced its intention of acting as
circumstances might dictate, but subsequently limited the
assistance which it now expressed itself willing to give
to England and France in insisting upon the evacuation, to
diplomatic support.]
_Queen Victoria to the Earl of Aberdeen._
BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _26th February 1854._
The Queen has received Lord Aberdeen's letter of this day.
To be able to form a judgment on the important question to which it
refers, the Queen would require to be furnished with the exact terms
of "the general assurance" which Austria has given with respect to it.
The Queen, however, does not doubt for a moment that the gain of a day
or two in making the summons to Russia could not be compared to the
advantage of being able to make the summons conjointly with Austria.
She must therefore wish that the answer to the telegraphic message
should be awaited before the messenger is sent off.
[Pageheading: DEPARTURE OF THE GUARDS]
_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._
BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _28th February 1854._
MY DEAREST UNCLE,--... The news from Austria are quite excellent,
and much more than we had any reason to expect. It will make a great
difference in the nature and duration of the War. Our summons to
Russia went last night _via_ Paris, Berlin, and Vienna, and if they
are received either with silence, or the Emperor refuses to evacuate
the Principalities--_War_ will be considered as declared. The French
send a similar summons. The messenger is to wait _six_ days for an
answer, but no longer.
The last battalion of the Guards (Scots Fusiliers) embarked to-day.
They passed through the courtyard here at seven o'clock this morning.
We stood on the balcony to see them--the morning fine, the sun
rising over the towers of old Westminster Abbey--and an immense crowd
collected to see these fine men, and cheering them immensely as they
with difficulty marched along. They formed line, presented arms,
and then cheered us _very heartily_, and went off cheering. It was a
_touching and beautiful_ sight; many sorrowing friends were there, and
one saw the shake of many a hand. My best wishes and prayers will be
with them all....
_Queen Victoria to the Earl of Aberdeen._
[_Undated._]
The Queen was rather annoyed at the manner in which Lord Clarendon
pressed the Duke of Cambridge's going to the Tuileries last night.[17]
She thought it an immense boon upon her part to allow the Duke of
Cambridge _to go to Paris_--and instead of its being considered as
such by Lord Clarendon and Count Walewski, the Queen was told it would
offend the Emperor if the Duke did not go to the Tuileries also. The
Queen observed that it was unnecessary and unusual for the Duke, or
any Prince almost, to live at the _Palace_ of the Sovereign, unless he
was a very particular friend or near relation. The Duke of Genoa had
refused going there, though he had received other civilities here; in
the same manner _no Prince_ comes to this _Palace_ unless he is a very
_near relation_ or particular friend. To this Lord Clarendon replied
that it was "because the _Emperor wished_ it," which rather shocked
the Queen, and she spoke _strongly_ to him upon the subject. The
result was that the Queen said she would speak to the Duke of
Cambridge about it, and see, as the Emperor made _so great a point of
it_, and Lord Clarendon considered that the _Alliance depended upon
it_, what he would do....
The Queen must and _will_ protest, for she cannot mix up personal
friendship with a political Alliance. The former is the _result_ of
the _experience_ of years of mutual friendship, and cannot be _carried
by storm_....
There would be nothing unusual in apartments being offered to the Duke
of Cambridge, and declined by him. This was done by the King of the
Belgians only last summer at Berlin and Vienna, without anybody's
construing it into an affront. The Queen adds a list of the Royal
personages who have been in England and never resided at the Palace.
Lord Aberdeen may show this letter to Lord Clarendon.
[Footnote 17: The Duke was going to the Crimea, and it was
arranged that he should stop at Paris on the way.]
[Pageheading: STABILITY OF THE GOVERNMENT]
_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._
BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _1st March 1854._
The Queen has to acknowledge Lord John Russell's letter of this
morning. Much as she must regret the postponement of the second
reading of the Reform Bill, she must admit its wisdom under the
present peculiar circumstances;[18] but she doubts the advantage
of naming a precise day after Easter on which it is to come on.
Considering the _importance_ to the country of _preserving_ the
present Government and of not allowing it to be beat on so vital a
question, the opportunity should not be lost of ascertaining the state
of feeling both in the House of Commons and in the country after the
reassembling of Parliament, before the Government decide on entering
upon the struggle which the carrying through of the measure might
entail. It is quite impossible _now_ to conjecture with certainty what
that state of feeling and the general political circumstances at home
and abroad may be at that time. Possibly the country may be more eager
_then for_ the measure--or the War may _disincline_ it _altogether_
towards it.
The Queen seizes this opportunity of expressing her sense of the
_imperative importance_ of the Cabinet being _united_ and of one mind
at this moment, and not to let it _appear_ that there are differences
of opinion within it. The knowledge that there are such is a cause of
GREAT _anxiety_ to the Queen, at a time when she is to enter upon a
European War, of which nobody can confidently predict the extent.
[Footnote 18: See the Queen's letter of the 4th of March,
_post_.]
_Queen Victoria to the Earl of Aberdeen._
BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _2nd February (? March) 1854._
In returning these letters to Lord Aberdeen the Queen must express to
him that there are _hints_ in them which give her great uneasiness.
The stability of this Government is not only of _paramount importance_
at the _commencement_ of the War, but throughout it; the moment for
negotiation may arrive much sooner than we now expect--and _then_,
more than _now even_, the Government ought to be composed of the
_ablest and most moderate_ men which this Country can produce.
_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._
BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _4th March 1854._
The Queen thanks Lord John Russell for his letter received this
morning. She has read the proceedings in the House of Commons with
much interest.[19] She was particularly pleased with Lord John's
second speech, in which he affirmed the principle that public men
ought not to oppose the regard for personal honour or reputation to
the well-understood interests of the Country. Indeed, the Queen cannot
conceive the possibility of their collision, as an exclusive regard
for the well-understood interests of the Country must always redound
to the honour and reputation of a Statesman.
[Footnote 19: Lord John Russell had announced the decision of
the Government to postpone till the 27th of April the second
reading of the Reform Bill, and, in reply to some sarcastic
comments from Mr Disraeli, stated that he would be ashamed
of himself if he preferred anything connected with his own
personal reputation to the interest of the country. He added
that the security of the country depended upon its confidence
in the character of public men.]
[Pageheading: THE BALTIC FLEET]
_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._
OSBORNE, _14th March 1854._
MY DEAREST UNCLE,--Your kind letter of the 9th arrived here on Saturday
just when we returned from a splendid and never-to-be-forgotten sight--
the sailing of our noble Fleet for the Baltic;[20] the Navy and Nation
were particularly pleased at _my leading them out_, as they call it,
which in fact was the case, as, in our little _Fairy_ we went on and
lay to, to see them all come out, which (the wind being fair) they did,
with sails set, each passing us close by, and giving us three hearty
cheers, as I think none but British tars _can_ give. Gloriously they
bore along, followed by the prayers and good wishes of all. You should
read the account in yesterday's _Times_. Another sailing squadron goes
to-morrow. The Captains and Admirals all took leave on board, and
seemed much impressed with the solemnity of the moment.... Ever your
truly devoted Niece,
VICTORIA R.
[Footnote 20: The Fleet, under Sir Charles Napier, had been
assembled at Spithead.]
[Pageheading: THE KING OF PRUSSIA]
[Pageheading: PRUSSIAN NEUTRALITY]
[Pageheading: WAR DECLARED]
_Queen Victoria to the King of Prussia._
[_Translation._]
OSBORNE, _17th March 1854._
DEAR SIR AND BROTHER,--General Count von der Groeben has brought me the
official letter of your Majesty, as well as the confidential one,[21]
and I send your kind messenger back, with these two answers to you. He
will be able to tell you, orally, what I can express only imperfectly
in writing, how deep my pain is, after our going so far, faithfully,
hand in hand, to see you, at this weighty moment, separating yourself
from us. My pain is still further increased by the fact that I cannot
even conceive the grounds which move your Majesty to take this step.
[Footnote 21: The Prussian Court considered itself under no
obligation to engage in the impending struggle, till its own
interests became directly involved; it would not (said Baron
Manteuffel, President of the Ministry, on the 18th of March)
take part, for the protection of the integrity of the Ottoman
Empire, "in a conflict, the full scope of which cannot yet be
apprehended, and the original subject matter of which does not
affect the interests of our fatherland."]
The most recent Russian proposals came as an answer to the _last_
attempt for an understanding which the Powers believed could be
arrived at honourably, and they have been rejected by the Vienna
Conference, not because they were not in accordance with the literal
wording of the programme, but because they were contrary to the
intention of it. Your Majesty's Ambassador has taken part in this
Conference and its decision, and when your Majesty now says: "The task
of Diplomacy ceases at the exact point where that of the Sovereigns
emphatically begins"; I am unable to assent to such a definition. For
what my Ambassador does, he does in my name, and I feel myself not
only bound in honour thereby, but also placed under an obligation
to take upon myself the _consequences_ which the step which he is
directed to take may lead to.
The dreadful and incalculable consequences of a War weigh upon my
heart not less than on your Majesty's. I also know that the Emperor of
Russia does not wish for it. He, none the less, demands from the Porte
things which all the Powers of Europe--among them, yourself--have
solemnly declared to be incompatible with the independence of the
Porte, and the European balance of power. In view of this declaration
and of the presence of the Russian Army of invasion in the
Principalities, the Powers could not but be ready to confirm their
word by action. If "the Turk" now goes into the background, and if
the approaching War appears to you as a "War of tendency" this is
the case only because the very motives which may induce the Emperor to
insist on his demands--in defiance of the opposition of the whole of
Europe, and with the danger of a War that may devastate the world, do
betray a _distinct tendency_, and because the grave consequences of
the War must appear much more momentous than the original ostensible
cause of it, which at first appeared only as the request for a key to
the back door of a mosque.
Your Majesty asks me "to examine the question in a spirit of love for
peace, and even now to build a bridge for the Imperial honour." Ah, my
dear Sir and Brother, all the inventive gifts, all the architecture
of diplomacy and of goodwill, have been uselessly wasted during these
last nine months in this bridge-building! The _Projets de Notes, de
Conventions, de Protocoles_, etc., etc., have proceeded, by the dozen,
from the Chancelleries of the different Powers, and one might call
the ink wasted on them another Black Sea. But everything has been
shipwrecked against the self-will of your honourable brother-in-law.
If now your Majesty informs me "_that now you mean to persist in
complete neutrality_," and if, on this occasion, you refer us to your
Nation, who are said to exclaim with sound common sense: "Acts of
violence have been done by the Turks, the Turk has good friends
in large numbers, and the Emperor has done us no harm"--I do not
understand you. Certainly I should understand this language if I
heard it from the Kings of Hanover or of Saxony. But I have, hitherto,
looked upon Prussia as one of the Great Powers which, since the peace
of 1815, have been guarantors of treaties, guardians of civilisation,
defenders of the right, the real arbiters of the Nations; and for
my part I have felt the divine responsibility of this sacred office,
without undervaluing at the same time the heavy obligation, not
unconnected with danger, which it imposes on me. If you, dear Sir
and Brother, abdicate these obligations, you have also abdicated that
position for Prussia. And should such an example find imitators, then
the civilisation of Europe would be delivered up to the play of winds;
right will then no longer find a champion, the oppressed will find no
longer an umpire.
Let not your Majesty believe that what has been said in this letter
is aimed at persuading you to change your resolves; it flows from the
affectionate heart of a sister, who could not pardon herself, were she
not, at so weighty a moment, to let you see into her inmost soul. So
little is it my intention to desire to win you over to our view, that
nothing has grieved me more than the suspicion, expressed in your name
by General von der Groeben, that England had desired to seduce you from
your purpose by opening a prospect of advantages to be gained. The
baselessness of such a supposition is evident from the Treaty itself
which had been offered to you, and whose most important clause
consisted in the promise of the contracting parties, _not to desire in
any case to derive from the War any advantage for themselves_.
Your Majesty could not have given a more powerful proof of your
unselfishness than by the very fact of attaching your signature to
this Treaty.
To come to a close. You suppose that War may already have been
declared; you express, however, at the same time, the hope that it may
not already have actually broken out. I cannot unfortunately hold out
any hope that the sentence will be followed by any stay of execution.
Shakespeare's words:
"Beware
Of entrance to a quarrel; but, being in,
Bear it that the opposer may beware of thee,"
are deeply engraved on the hearts of all Englishmen. Sad that they
are to find an application at this crisis, in a nation with whom
previously nothing prevailed but friendship and affection! And how
much more melancholy must be the present emotions of your Majesty's
heart and mind to see such words applied to a beloved brother-in-law,
whom yet--however much you love him--your conscience cannot absolve
from the crime of having brought upon the world wilfully and
frivolously such awful misery!
May the Almighty take you under His protection!
With Albert's most cordial compliments, and our united greetings
to the dear Queen, I remain, my much honoured Sir and Brother, your
Majesty's faithful Sister and Friend,
VICTORIA R.[22]
[Footnote 22: The King afterwards agreed to the proposed
protocol for the preservation of the integrity of Turkey,
which was signed at Vienna on the 7th of April.]
_Queen Victoria to the Earl of Aberdeen._
_1st April 1854._
The Queen rejoices to see the Debate was favourable in the House of
Lords, and that it was concluded in the House of Commons.[23]
She is rather startled at seeing Lord Aberdeen's answer to Lord Roden
upon the subject of a day of humiliation, as he has never mentioned
the subject to her, and it is one upon which she feels strongly.
The only thing the Queen ever heard about it was from the Duke of
Newcastle, who suggested the _possibility_ of an _appropriate_ prayer
being introduced into the Liturgy, in which the Queen quite agreed;
but he was strongly against a day of humiliation, in which the Queen
also entirely agreed, as she thinks we have recourse to them far too
often, and they thereby lose their effect. The Queen therefore hopes
that this will be reconsidered carefully, and a _prayer_ substituted
for the _day of humiliation_. Were the services selected for these
days of a different kind to what they are--the Queen would feel
less strongly about it; but they always select chapters from the Old
Testament and Psalms which are so totally inapplicable that it does
away with all the effect it ought to have. Moreover, really to say
(as we probably should) that the _great sinfulness of the nation_ has
brought about this War, when it is the selfishness and ambition of
_one_ man and his servants who have brought this about, while our
conduct has been throughout actuated by unselfishness and honesty,
would be too manifestly repulsive to the feelings of every one, and
would be a mere act of hypocrisy. Let there be a prayer expressive of
our great thankfulness for the benefits we have enjoyed, and for the
immense prosperity of this country, and entreating God's help and
protection in the coming struggle. In this the Queen would join heart
and soul. If there is to be a day set apart, let it be for prayer in
this sense.
[Footnote 23: On the 27th of March the Queen announced to
Parliament that the negotiations with the Czar had terminated,
and that she felt bound "to afford active assistance to her
ally, the Sultan." Next day the Declaration of War was issued,
containing a narrative of the events which finally led to the
rupture. The debates on the Address in answer to the message
took place on the 31st of March, Mr Bright, in the Commons,
censuring the declaration, and being replied to by Lord
Palmerston. The addresses were presented to the Queen on the
3rd of April.]
[Pageheading: THE REFORM QUESTION]
_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._
BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _9th April 1854._
The Queen is anxious to express to Lord John Russell the extreme
satisfaction she experiences at the communication Lord Aberdeen
yesterday evening made her of the settlement of the Reform Question,
viz., of its postponement for the present Session, with the
understanding that it is to be brought forward again whenever the
state of affairs will admit of its being fairly and calmly considered
by Parliament.[24] The sacrifice of personal feeling which no doubt
this may cost Lord John will, she is certain, be amply compensated by
the conviction that he has done so for the interest and tranquillity
of his Sovereign and Country, to whom a dissolution of the present
Government would have been a source of immense danger and evil.
[Footnote 24: From a memorandum, made by Prince Albert, of
interviews with Lord Aberdeen, it appears that before the
Cabinet of the 8th of April Lord Palmerston declared that
under neither present nor any future conditions could he vote
for the second reading of the Reform Bill. Lord John thereupon
tendered his resignation; this Lord Aberdeen asked him to
suspend until after the meeting of the Cabinet.]
[Pageheading: DISSENSION IN THE CABINET]
[Pageheading: LORD JOHN RUSSELL]
_Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._
PEMBROKE LODGE, _9th April 1854._
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty; he cannot
think it consistent with fairness to conceal from your Majesty the
deep feelings of mortification which affect him on reviewing the
proceedings of the Cabinet yesterday.[25]
Lord Aberdeen was the only person who behaved with due regard to the
honour of the Administration. The rest appeared ready to sacrifice
everything in order to keep the Ministry together; and Lord John
Russell feels bound to warn your Majesty that, although he was quite
willing to waive the consideration of the Reform Bill for the present
Session, he is not ready to consent that it shall be entirely set
aside in order to keep together a Ministry whose continuance would
be dearly bought at the price of the welfare of the Country, and the
consistency of public men. Lord John Russell must reflect further on
this subject before he comes to a final determination.
[Footnote 25: Lord John Russell's actions at this period
of his career seem often incomprehensible; but his private
domestic anxieties seem to have weighed him down. Having made
the great sacrifice, for an ex-Premier, of taking office under
an old opponent, he was now engaged in trying to regain the
first place for himself. Lord Aberdeen had always contemplated
retiring in his favour, but would not give up the Premiership
in the face of the dangers threatening the country. Moreover,
he had believed his continuance in office to be a guarantee
for peace. Lord John Russell, after accepting the Foreign
Office, had then insisted on being a Minister without office;
later still, by displacing Mr Strutt and transferring Lord
Granville to the Duchy, he himself became Lord President of
the Council, an office which no commoner had held since the
reign of Henry VIII. By such action, coupled with perpetual
threats of resignation, he marred his prospects of succeeding
Lord Aberdeen, and, as will be seen, failed in his attempt to
construct an Administration when the opportunity was offered
him.]
_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._
BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _10th April 1854._
The Queen received Lord John Russell's letter last night. She is much
grieved that he should be "affected by deep feelings of mortification
on reviewing the proceedings of the Cabinet." From all the Queen
had heard of the views of the different members of the Cabinet, she
believes them to have been fully convinced that the present moment
would be inopportune to press the Reform Bill, but _quite_ prepared
to take it up again on the first fitting opportunity; she, of course,
does _not_ speak of Lord Palmerston.
The Queen would, no more than Lord John, wish to see "the Reform Bill
set aside in order to keep together a Ministry," but does not consider
the decision of the Cabinet at all to imply this, whatever Lord
Palmerston's personal wishes may be, and trusts that the Country will
fully understand and appreciate the motives which have guided the
Government. Lord Aberdeen and Lord John will always receive every
support from the Queen when they shall think it right to propose the
re-introduction of the measure.
[Pageheading: LORD JOHN RUSSELL]
_Memorandum by the Prince Albert._
BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _10th April 1854._
Lord Aberdeen has just left the Queen, after an interview which he
had had with Sir James Graham and Lord John Russell at Lord John's
request. He reported that at that interview Lord John renewed his
complaint of the Cabinet, declared that he could not state to the
House what was untrue, and must therefore resign. Lord Aberdeen called
this "really too monstrous" after the pledge given by the Sovereign,
himself as Prime Minister, and the whole Cabinet, with the exception
of one man, and he would repeat his promise that whenever Lord John
said, "The Reform Bill is to come on," and Lord Palmerston opposed it,
he should go.
Lord John could not be appeased, but spoke with the greatest
bitterness. He had written to Lord Palmerston in the same sense; and
Lord Palmerston's answer arrived during the interview. It was to the
effect that if one of them was to resign, it was not Lord John, who
agreed with the rest of the Cabinet upon the Bill, but himself,
who was the dissentient. Lord Aberdeen asked Lord John whether Lord
Palmerston's resignation would satisfy him; to which he answered, he
believed it would not mend matters. Lord Aberdeen's opinion, however,
is that it is what Lord John, and still more what Lady John, wants.
He thinks the Country will never understand how the Government could
break up, and that Lord John is cutting his own throat, and told him
so. If Lord John went, he could not go on with Lord Palmerston as
Leader of the House of Commons, which he called "perfectly ludicrous."
Lord Palmerston would probably insist upon this, however; Lord
Palmerston's retirement would be a great blow to the Government, as
the Country persisted in thinking him the only able War Minister, and
would cry out at "the imbecile old Head of the Government having it
now all his own way." He thought, should he not be able to go on, new
combinations could be formed, perhaps under the Duke of Newcastle and
Mr Gladstone, as the Country liked younger men. Lord John must give
his answer in the House of Commons to-morrow at half-past four. Lord
Aberdeen would wish to see the Duke of Newcastle, Sir James Graham,
and Mr Gladstone, as his more particular friends, this evening, to
discuss the whole question with them, and would see Lord Palmerston
and Lord John to-morrow, before he could make any report to the Queen.
This is all really very bad!
ALBERT.
_Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._
CHESHAM PLACE, _11th April 1854._
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty; he has the
honour to acknowledge, with gratitude, your Majesty's communication
of yesterday. Lord John Russell waited to see Lord Aberdeen before he
answered, and having now had a long conversation with him, Lord John
Russell being assured of your Majesty's support, of Lord Aberdeen's
concurrence, and of the assent of the majority of his colleagues, is
willing to continue his humble services in the Cabinet, and in the
House of Commons.
Lord John Russell must ask your Majesty to excuse what may have seemed
intemperate in his letter of Sunday last. He is still of opinion that
without public confidence in his integrity and uprightness he can be
of no use to your Majesty, or to the Country.
And on that confidence must depend the continuance of his
services.[26]
[Footnote 26: On the same day Lord John announced in the
Commons the withdrawal of the Reform Bill. He admitted that
this course would expose him to the taunts and sarcasms of his
opponents, and to the suspicions of his supporters. Here "his
feelings overcame him, and, as he used the word 'suspicion'
in reference to his motive, his utterance was choked, and the
sentence he struggled to pronounce was evidently given through
tears." (_Ann. Reg._, 1854, p. 120.) Loud and sympathetic
cheers followed from all parts of the House.]
_Memorandum by the Prince Albert._
BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _11th April 1854._
We saw Lord Aberdeen at three o'clock to-day, who reported to the
Queen that the change of mind of Lord John had been the result of an
hour and a half's discussion with him this morning. He must admit,
however, that he found Lord John in a mood willing to let himself be
convinced. The Queen's letter might have contributed to this as well
as the entreaties of the Duke of Bedford and Lord Lansdowne. Lord
Aberdeen could tell Lord John in truth that there was not a shadow of
difference of opinion amongst any of his friends, that he would lose
himself for ever, and meet with universal reprobation, if he persisted
in resigning after every cause for it had been removed, and he
had agreed to the course Lord Palmerston had insisted upon. Lord
Palmerston had written a very clever letter to Lord John, begging him
not to desert the Queen and the Country, which, if he read it to the
House of Commons, would floor Lord John completely.
We asked what had been agreed upon at yesterday evening's meeting.
Lord Aberdeen told us the decision, under the impression that Lord
John would resign, had been for Lord Aberdeen to call upon Lord
Palmerston, and to explain to him that although he had acted cordially
with him as a Colleague in this Government, yet they had been
political antagonists during their whole lives--the Government also
was still a Reform Government; from personal, therefore, as well as
public, reasons it was impossible that he should be entrusted with the
lead of the House of Commons, being the only anti-Reformer. And it was
hoped that he would have no difficulty in letting Mr Gladstone lead
the House, as Sir James Graham was the same age and political standing
with Lord Palmerston, but at once cheerfully contented to waive all
his claims in favour of Mr Gladstone.
ALBERT.
[Pageheading: THE DUKE OF CAMBRIDGE]
[Pageheading: THE EMPEROR OF AUSTRIA]
_The Duke of Cambridge to Queen Victoria._[27]
VIENNA, _28th April 1854._
MY DEAR COUSIN,--Before leaving this place I think it right that I
should once more trouble you with a letter, to inform you that the
messenger has arrived who brought your autograph letter for the
Emperor, which I presented to him to-day at an audience I had for this
purpose.... I had a very long and most interesting conversation with
the Emperor, who opened frankly and fairly upon the great questions
of the day. The impression he made upon me was an excellent one, his
confidence and frankness are complete, and I have the firm conviction
that he is a man of his word, and that he never would say a thing
that he did not in his heart mean. The result of what he said was
the following: that he naturally was most distressed at all that
had occurred; that he was placed by the Emperor of Russia in a most
difficult position; that he quite disapproved his acts; but that he
could not but have a great disinclination to break with a very old
ally; and that even still he hoped this painful step might be spared
to him by the Emperor of Russia making some proposal so honourable to
all parties, that it would not be rejected by the Western Powers,
who would naturally not be disinclined to a peace, honourable to
themselves and tranquillising for the future; that the basis of such
treaty would be the position of the Christian population of the
East; that this might be discussed in Conference, the Russians having
_first_ evacuated the Principalities, upon which the Turks would
hold the right bank of the Danube, our Fleets to await events in
the Bosphorus, and our armies at Constantinople, such position being
highly honourable and advantageous to us in the eyes of Europe, and
certainly not nearly so favourable to Russia; that he was certainly
sensible that the English Government had not pressed him, feeling
as they had done the extreme delicacy of his position, and the great
extent of his frontier so easily attacked; that he did not wish to say
now, till the moment of decision came, thinking it more honourable
and straightforward not to raise false expectations, but that his
interests being so completely with us, should the Emperor of Russia
do nothing in the honourable direction he hoped to see him adopt, he
should then consider himself called upon to express frankly to us what
he proposed to do, in order that our action might become united and
of advantage to one another. He further thought that the treaty with
Prussia would greatly facilitate all this, as Prussia had acceded to
the wishes of Austria in the event of certain eventualities, which,
however, for the moment are not named, but which, as far as I
understand, go to the length of leaving Austria unfettered to act as
she likes at the moment when she considers her so doing essential to
her position as a young Empire. It is quite evident to me that this is
the general feeling here, amongst all those who have any weight in the
councils of the Empire. These are _Austrian_ views, and I must say I
can understand them and appreciate them as such. I am confident, I am
certain, they are _honest_ on the part of the Emperor, and I doubt
not he will carry them through to the letter, for I am confident
the Emperor never would say what he did not mean. Rely upon it, this
Country will never go with Russia; she knows her interests too well
for that; she would like to avoid a War altogether if she could,
and with that view she would be delighted to see some honourable and
acceptable proposal made, but should this fail she will then take a
very decided line, and that line will be in accordance with Austrian
interests--which means with us. I find that most of the more prudent
people, and many of those in high office, are fully alive to the
advantages of the English alliance, and would wish to see this
alliance confirmed _de novo_; and I think it would be very well for us
to meet them half-way with this. But then it would be better to avoid
all after-dinner speeches such as those at the Reform Club,[28] all
Polish legions such as are talked of, and in short any of these little
matters, which are painfully felt here, and which always produce an
uncomfortable and distrustful effect. The Emperor expressed himself in
the most grateful manner towards yourself, and I think is pleased at
your having permitted me to be present on this occasion.... Hoping
that you will approve of my humble endeavours here, and with sincere
regards to Albert, I beg to remain, my dear Cousin, your most dutiful
Cousin,
GEORGE.
[Footnote 27: The English forces destined for the East were
under the command of Lord Raglan (formerly Lord Fitzroy
Somerset). The Duke of Cambridge commanded one infantry
division, the other three being respectively under Sir George
Brown, Sir De Lacy Evans, and Sir Richard England; the cavalry
division was commanded by the Earl of Lucan, General Scarlett
commanding the heavy cavalry, and Lord Cardigan the Light
Brigade.]
[Footnote 28: At a dinner given on the 7th of March by the
Reform Club to Sir Charles Napier, Lord Palmerston, who was
in the chair, and Sir James Graham, had made provocative and
unbecoming speeches; on attention being called in Parliament
to the proceedings, Mr Bright complained of the reckless
levity displayed; Lord Palmerston made a flippant and
undignified defence, the tone of which was much resented.]
[Pageheading: BOMBARDMENT OF ODESSA]
_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._
BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _9th May 1854._
MY DEAREST UNCLE,--Accept my best thanks for your kind letter of the
5th. I return you the Emperor's kind letter. Nothing could be more
satisfactory than the reception George met with by everybody at
Vienna--beginning with the Emperor. They showed him much confidence,
and he obtained from them intelligence which I think no one else
would. The Fleets have done their duty admirably at Odessa;[29] the
town has not been touched, and all the fortifications and many ships
have been destroyed....
We had a concert last night, and I saw good Sir H. Seymour, who is
full of your kindness and goodness; and a most worthy, honourable and
courageous little man he is.[30] If the poor Emperor Nicholas had had
a few such--_nous ne serions pas ou nous en sommes_. But unfortunately
the Emperor does _not like_ being _told_ what is unpleasant and
_contrary_ to _his wishes_, and gets very violent when he hears the
_real_ truth--which _consequently_ is not told him! There is the
misery of being violent and passionate; if Princes and still more
Kings and Emperors are so, _no_ one will _ever_ tell them the truth,
and _how_ dreadful that is! I think one never can be too careful in
bringing up Princes to inculcate the principle of _self-control_.
We have a good deal of rain and thunder since yesterday, which I hope
will revive poor parched Nature. I must now wish you good-bye, as
I expect dear Victoire shortly. Nemours intends going to fetch the
Queen. With Albert's love, ever your devoted Niece,
VICTORIA R.
[Footnote 29: In consequence of the Russians firing upon a
flag of truce, Odessa was bombarded on the 22nd of April, and
most of its batteries silenced or destroyed.]
[Footnote 30: The conversations of Sir Hamilton Seymour and
the Emperor Nicholas in the year 1853 had now been given
to the world. The Czar, believing the time ripe for the
dismemberment of Turkey, had expressed himself openly to the
British Ambassador, and the conversations were all reported to
the British Ministry. On the 2nd of March 1854, an obviously
inspired article in the _Journal de St. Petersbourg_ professed
to contradict the statements of Lord John Russell in the
House of Commons reflecting on the bad faith of the Russian
Government, and accordingly, in their own vindication, the
English Cabinet now published the conversations above referred
to.]
[Pageheading: THE SULTAN]
[Pageheading: THE BRITISH FORCES]
_The Duke of Cambridge to Queen Victoria._
CONSTANTINOPLE, _13th May 1854._
MY DEAR COUSIN,--I have not as yet announced to you my safe arrival
here, as I was anxious first to see the Sultan and the general state
of things before giving you a report of what was really going on....
I found a great proportion of the Infantry arrived, a portion of the
Artillery, but as yet no Cavalry. Lord Raglan is well and in good
spirits, Lord Stratford de Redcliffe ill in bed with a bad fit of the
gout--most miserable to see in every respect. The Sultan[31] received
me at once on the day of arrival, and made his return visit to
me yesterday. I confess I was not much impressed with either his
appearance or general ability. He is, to say the truth, a wretched
creature, prematurely aged, and having nothing whatever to say for
himself. A few commonplace civilities was all the conversation which
passed between us. I said everything I could think of to make a
conversation, among other things messages of civility from yourself;
but though he appeared pleased and expressed his satisfaction at our
being here, I could not get him to enter into anything, and I was not
sorry on both occasions when our interview was at an end. As to his
Ministers, and in fact the whole population and country, with the
exception of Redschid Pasha,[32] they are all a most wretched and
miserable set of people, and far, far worse than anything I could
possibly have imagined or supposed. In fact, the "sick man" is
_excessively sick indeed_, dying as fast as possible; and the sooner
diplomacy disposes of him the better, for no earthly power can save
him, that is very evident. This is the opinion of every person out
here of both armies, French and English, and you may rest assured it
is the truth. The great thing is that we are here and no other Power
can now step in, but diplomacy must settle what is to happen, for as
to the Turks remaining in Europe that is out of the question, and the
very fact of our being here now has given them their death-blow. I
hope, my dear cousin, you will forgive me for being very candid on
this point, but I really do not think that anybody in England had any
idea of the real state of affairs here. The sooner therefore that they
are put in possession of the truth unvarnished the better. The great
and imperative necessity is that the four Powers of Europe should
strike together, otherwise things will become much worse than they
are even at present. Everybody is very civil and obliging to me, the
Sultan has put me into one of his best Palaces, very nicely fitted up,
and is anxious to do everything I wish. I find it inconvenient, as the
troops are on the other side of the Bosphorus, and I therefore intend
going over there to reside if possible. Marshal St Arnaud is here and
Prince Napoleon, but no French troops. I have seen the latter once; he
was very civil indeed to me, but I do not think he has made at all a
good impression here, his manner being offensive and harsh. I do not
think the Army like him at all. I am afraid the French Ambassador is
giving much trouble. Neither St Arnaud nor the Prince like him at all,
and I believe they have written to demand his recall, which would be
a very good thing, as he cannot hit it off with anybody. As to our
movements, I know nothing of them as yet, nor do I think that much has
as yet been settled, but I fear we shall not be fit to move for some
time; the difficulty of transport is very great, our Artillery
only partly arrived, and no Cavalry. We require more troops, more
particularly of the latter arm, in which the Russians are very strong.
We ought to have at least 10,000 men more, and the sooner they are
sent out the better. Even that number is not enough, for the French
talk of 100,000 men, and we should be in a most dreadful minority
unless we had 40,000 to 50,000. I am afraid all this will alarm people
in England, but it is the truth.... I remain, my dear Cousin, your
most dutiful Cousin,
GEORGE.
We never hear any news here. All that does come to us generally comes
by way of Europe; another proof of what a miserable country this is.
[Footnote 31: Abdul Medjid, born 1823, who had succeeded to
the throne at the time of the Syrian War; see _ante_, vol. i.,
19th August, 1839, note 54.]
[Footnote 32: Minister of Foreign Affairs, born 1802, died
1858.]
[Pageheading: THE KING OF PRUSSIA]
_The King of Prussia to Queen Victoria._
[_Translation._]
SANS SOUCI, _24th May 1854._
MOST GRACIOUS QUEEN,--... My policy,[33] which has been so terribly
criticised and derided as "vacillating," has been, since the beginning
of this most inauspicious conflict, one and the same, and _without a
hairsbreadth of deviation_ either to the right or to the left. As it
rests on the unshakable foundation which my conscience as a King and
a Christian has laid down, and which does not admit _que je fasse la
besogne ni de l'un ni de l'autre parti_, I am abused and insulted
at the Winter Palace, and regarded, by way of contrast in London and
Paris, as a kind of simpleton--neither of which is pleasant.
May your Majesty believe my Royal Word: I was, I am, I remain the
truest and most faithful friend of Great Britain, as well in principle
as from religious feeling and from true affection. I desire and
practise a good and honest understanding with France; but when it
comes to helping the French--to whom Prussia's geographical position
between Paris and Warsaw is very inconvenient--to pull the _chestnuts
from the fire_ for them, for such a task I am frankly too good. If the
Emperor wishes to force me to assist--as evidently he is inclined to
do--it will end by becoming too difficult for him. He ought to thank
God that my view of Russian policy and my fidelity to your Majesty
have prevented me from making him begin this _Turkish_ War on the
_other side of his own frontier_. The great advantage of this result
is totally forgotten in France, and, unfortunately, in England too.
Those who every day fill the papers of home and foreign countries with
accounts of my vacillations, nay, who represent me as leaping from my
own horse on to a Russian one, are inventing lies, in a great measure,
deliberately. I tell your Majesty, on my honour and conscience, that
my policy is to-day _the same_ as it was nine months ago. I have
recognised it as my duty before God to preserve, for my people and my
provinces, peace, _because I recognise Peace as a blessing and War
as a curse_. I cannot and will not side with Russia, because Russia's
arrogance and wickedness have caused this _horrible_ trouble, and
because duty and conscience and tradition forbid me to draw the sword
against Old England. In the same degree duty and conscience forbid
me to make unprovoked war against Russia, because Russia, so far,
has done me no harm. So I thought, so I willed when I thought myself
isolated. How then could I now suddenly abandon a steady policy,
preserved in the face of many dangers, and incline to Russia at the
moment when I have concluded with Austria an Alliance defensive and
offensive, in which (if God grant His blessing) the whole of Germany
will join in a few days, thus welding, for the entire duration of the
War, the whole of Central Europe into a Unity, comprising 72,000,000
people, and easily able to put 1,000,000 men into the field? And
yet, most gracious Queen, I do not take up a defiant position on the
strength of this enormous power, but I trust in the Lord's help and
my own sacred Right; I also believe, honestly and firmly, that the
character of a so-called Great Power must justify itself, _not by
swimming with the current_, but _by standing firm like a rock in the
sea_.
I close this letter which, in consequence of various interruptions,
is almost a week old, on the 24th of May. This is your birthday, ever
dearest, most gracious Queen. On this day I lay at your Majesty's feet
the expression of my wishes for every blessing. May God grant your
Majesty a joyful day, and a richly blessed year of rule. May He
strengthen, preserve, and invigorate your precious health, and may He
give you, within the three hundred and sixty-five days of the year
of your life which begins to-day, _that_ one day of overabundant
blessing, of unspeakable joy, for which I long, for which I pray to
God--_that blissful day on which you can utter the word_ PEACE.
Now I beg your Majesty from the bottom of my heart not to be angry
with me for my unconscionably long letter, nor to worry yourself
about sending an answer, but, on the other hand, graciously to keep
it secret, communicating it only to the dear Prince. It is a matter
of course that the facts which it contains, and the resulting
explanations, which may be of importance for your Majesty's
Government, must, from their nature, no longer be kept secret, so
soon as you think it right to announce them. I embrace the dear Prince
tenderly, and commend myself to the grace, goodwill, and friendship
of my august Royal Sister, I being your Majesty's most faithfully
devoted, most attached Servant and Good Brother,
FREDERIC WILLIAM.
[Footnote 33: In the previous portion of this long letter,
here omitted, the King gives a detailed account of his
position and policy.]
[Pageheading: MARSHAL ST ARNAUD]
_Queen Victoria to the Duke of Newcastle._
OSBORNE, _29th May 1854._
The Queen acknowledges the receipt of the Duke of Newcastle's letter,
which she received quite early this morning.
The Duke of Cambridge's letter does _not_ give a flourishing account
of the state of Turkey. What alarms the Queen most is the news given
by the Duke of Newcastle of the pretensions of Marshal St Arnaud.[34]
She does not quite understand whether he has received the supreme
command over the Turkish Army, but at any rate if the Porte should
be willing to allow its Army to be placed under Foreign Command, a
portion of it ought to be claimed by us for Lord Raglan, which, joined
to his English forces, would produce an Army capable of taking the
field independently.
The Queen trusts that the Government will take this into serious
consideration, and, if they should concur in this view, that no time
will be lost.
[Footnote 34: The Duke had written to say that a demand had
been made by Marshal St Arnaud upon the Porte that Omar Pasha
should be superseded, and the Turkish Army placed under his
(St Arnaud's) orders; also that Marshal St Arnaud was desirous
of assuming the supreme command of the allied forces. The
incident is graphically recorded by Mr Kinglake.]
[Pageheading: THE QUEEN'S REPLY]
[Pageheading: INVASION OF THE PRINCIPALITIES]
[Pageheading: FRIENDLY RELATIONS]
_Queen Victoria to the King of Prussia._
[_Translation._]
BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _June 1854._
DEAREST SIR AND BROTHER,--Your faithful Bunsen has handed me your
Majesty's long explanatory letter, and has taken his leave of us,[35]
with tears in his eyes, and I can assure your Majesty that I, too, see
with pain the departure of one whom I have been accustomed to consider
as the faithful mirror of your feelings, wishes, and views, and whose
depth and warmth of heart I esteem no less highly than his high mental
gifts. Sympathy with his fate is general here. I entirely recognise in
your letter the expression of your friendship, which is so dear to me,
and which does not admit any sort of misunderstanding to exist between
us, without my endeavouring at once to clear it up and remove it.
How could I meet your friendship otherwise than by equally absolute
frankness, allowing you to look into my inmost heart! Though you have
shown me a proof of your gracious confidence in giving me, down to the
smallest detail, an account of your personal and business relations
with your servants, I still believe that I have no right to formulate
any judgment. Only one thing my heart bids me to express, viz., that
the men with whom you have broken were faithful, veracious servants,
warmly devoted to you, and that just by the freedom and independence
of spirit, with which they have expressed their opinions to your
Majesty, _they have given an indisputable proof_ of having had
in view, not their own personal advantage and the favour of their
Sovereign, but his true interests and welfare alone; and if just such
men as these--among them even your loving brother, a thoroughly noble
and chivalrous Prince, standing next to the throne--find themselves
forced, in a grave crisis, to turn away from you, this is a _momentous
sign_, which might well give cause to your Majesty to take counsel
with yourself, and to examine with anxious care, whether perhaps the
hidden cause of past and future evils may not lie in your Majesty's
own views?[36] You complain, most honoured Sire and Brother, that
your policy is blamed as _vacillating_, and that your own person is
insulted at home and abroad (a thing which has often filled me with
_deep grief and indignation_), and you asseverate that your policy
rests upon a firm basis, which the conscience of "a King and a
Christian has laid down for it." But should it be possible to discover
in your Majesty's fundamental views something self-contradictory,
then necessarily, the more consistently and conscientiously these
fundamental views are revealed in their consequences, the more
contradictory must your actions appear to those who are not intimately
aware of your intentions, and cannot but force upon the world the
impression that your views themselves were wavering.
You will not take it amiss in a true friend and sister, if she
endeavours to place before you her impressions on this matter, as
frankly as they appear to her.
Your Majesty has acknowledged in the face of the world that Russia
has addressed to the Porte demands which she had no right to make. You
have further acknowledged that the forcible taking possession of two
Turkish provinces with the intention of enforcing the demand was a
political wrong. You have, together with Austria, France, and England,
several times declared in Protocols the preservation of the integrity
of the Turkish empire to be a European interest. Notwithstanding all
this, Russia continues to occupy the Danube principalities, penetrates
further into Turkey, and, by forcing on a sanguinary and exhausting
war, leads the unhappy and _suffering_ empire on to the brink of the
grave. What should Europe then do under these circumstances?
It could not possibly be the intention of the Powers to declare the
preservation and integrity of the Porte to be a matter of European
concern, solely in order to allow that empire to be destroyed before
their very eyes! As to Prussia, I can conceive a line of policy, not
that indeed which I should think in harmony with the generosity and
chivalry of your rule, but still one possible in itself, by which
she would say to herself: "The preservation of this integrity I have
indeed declared to be a matter of European concern, but I wish to
leave England and France to defend that policy with their wealth and
blood, and reserve to myself only a _moral_ co-operation." But what am
I to think if, after England and France with courageous readiness have
taken upon themselves alone this immense responsibility, sacrifice,
and danger, your Majesty is now mainly considering the erection of
a barrier of 72,000,000 of men between them and that Power, against
whose encroachment the European interest is to be defended? What am I
to say to the threat uttered against the _West_ as well as against
the _East?_ and to your even asking from the West gratitude for "the
enormous advantage" that you do not, into the bargain, yourself join
in attacking it!! For your Majesty says expressly in your letter:
"The Emperor ought to thank God that my view of Russian policy, my
_fidelity_ to your Majesty, have prevented me from making him begin
the Turkish war on the other side of his own frontier. The enormous
advantage of this abstention is totally forgotten in France, and,
unfortunately, in England too!"
Dearest Sir and Brother, this language shows a contradiction in
your own mind, which fills me with the greatest anxiety for possible
consequences, an anxiety not diminished by your kindly adding: "Duty,
Conscience, and Tradition forbid you to draw the sword against Old
England."
I shall gladly with you bless the day on which the word of Peace can
be uttered. Your Majesty can, by vigorous co-operation, help to usher
in that day, just as you might have--in my conviction--contributed, by
vigorous co-operation to prevent the War altogether.
Whatever these troublous times may bring us, I harbour the firm
confidence that the warmth of our friendly relations cannot be
troubled by anything, and rejoice in the circumstance that the
personal relations of the two Sovereigns are, in this matter, so
entirely in harmony with the interests of the two nations.
Albert sends you his homage, and I remain, with most cordial
remembrance to the dear Queen, and with thanks for the kind wishes
expressed by both of you, ever your Majesty's faithful Sister and
Friend,
VICTORIA R.
[Footnote 35: The influence of Russia over the King had been
proved by the recall of Baron Bunsen, and the dismissal of
all those Ministers who had opposed the policy of the Czar in
Turkey.]
[Footnote 36: The Prince of Prussia had shown his
dissatisfaction with the King's policy by quitting Berlin.]
[Pageheading: THE WAR OFFICE]
_Minute of Interview by the Prince Albert._
BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _8th June 1854._
Lord Aberdeen had an Audience to-day before the Council, and
represented that what was intended was merely a division of the office
of Secretary of State, and not the creation of any new power, and must
be considered rather as a means of avoiding further changes.[37] Lord
Grey, in hearing of this intention, called it in a letter "the worst
arrangement of all," as unfavourable to his further views; the Duke
of Newcastle would fill the office, and would have to prepare the
changes, inherent in the arrangement, and was determined not to break
down the present arrangements; Lord John Russell was agreed herewith,
and Sir George Grey would take office knowing this to be Lord
Aberdeen's firm decision. But there was in fact no choice. Mr Rich
would this afternoon bring forward a Motion in the House of Commons
for the consolidation of all military offices under one Department and
a Civil Head, and Lord John Russell, to whom Lord Aberdeen had said
that the Queen still hesitated about admitting the separation of the
duties of Secretary of State, declared to him angrily, if that was
so, he would go down to the House and vote for Mr Rich's Motion!! The
Motion would be carried without fail in the House.
So this important measure had been carried by storm (as the Queen
could only give way under these circumstances), and carried without a
definite plan, leaving everything to the future!!