audiencia on this subject, stating that his ambassador in
London had informed him that a Portuguese named Bartolomé
Bayon was fitting out a vessel for carrying African slaves to
the West Indies, and ordering his arrest. _Reales Cédulas_,
in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, xvii. 540-1.
[XXII‑7] Negroes and mulattoes were forbidden to go among
the Indians in 1578. _Reales Cédulas_, in _Pacheco_ and
_Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, xvii. 501-2. In 1589 it was ordered
that no negro should employ an Indian or ill-use him in any
way. Infraction of this law was punishable with 100 lashes.
If the offence was repeated the culprit's ears were to be cut
off. In case of a free negro, the punishment was 100 lashes
and perpetual banishment. A reward of 10 pesos was paid to
informers, and masters neglecting to observe the law were
liable to a fine of 100 pesos. _Zamora_, _Bib. Leg. Ult._,
iv. 462.
[XXII‑8] _Reales Cédulas_, in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col.
Doc._, xvii. 4-7.
[XXII‑9] In 1585 the number of ships was 71; in 1587, 85; in
1589, 94; in 1592, 72; in 1594, 56; in 1596, 69; in 1599, 56;
in 1601, 32; in 1603, 34; in 1605, 17. _Panamá_, _Des._, in
_Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, ix. 103.
[XXII‑10] On Aug. 4, 1574, the king writes the president and
oidores of the audiencia at Panamá, that he wants the people
of the province to make him a gift or loan, to meet his urgent
necessities. The audiencia, however, are to broach the subject
as though it emanated from themselves, not even hinting that
the king had solicited it. 'Tratareis dello como de vuestro
oficio, sin dar á entender que lo aceis por órden y mandado
Nuestro.' The influence of the bishop is to be called into
requisition if the people appear unwilling to do anything
before further communication from the king. _Reales Cédulas_,
in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, xvii. 510.
[XXII‑11] A Spanish trader in a letter dated August 28,
1590, says: 'Here I haue remained these 20 dayes, till the
shippes goe for the Philippinas. My meaning is to carie my
commodities thither: for it is constantly reported, that for
every hundred ducats a man shall get 600 ducats cleerely. Wee
must stay here in Panama from August till it be Christmasse.
For in August, September, October, and Nouember it is winter
here, and extreme foule weather upon this coast of Peru, and
not nauigable to goe to the Philippinas, nor any place else
in the South sea. So that at Christmasse the shipes begin to
set on their voyage for those places.' _Hakluyt's Voy._, iii.
564.
[XXII‑12] A royal cédula of November 11, 1578, forbade the
carrying of Manila dry goods. This is confirmed by cédulas of
January 12, 1593, July 5, 1595, and February 13th and June
13, 1599. The object was to stop entirely all trade between
the Philippines and Tierra Firme. _Memorial sobre Manila_, in
_Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, vi. 444. The cédula of
1593 is full and explicit: 'Toleration and abuse have caused
an undue increase in the trade between the West Indies and
China, and a consequent decrease in that of the Castilian
kingdom. To remedy this it is again ordered that neither from
Tierra Firme, Peru, nor elsewhere, except New Spain, shall
any vessel go to China or the Philippine Islands to trade.'
_Reales Cédulas_, in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._,
xvii. 420. See also _Decadas_, _Id._, viii. 114. Another
cédula to the same effect was issued July 25, 1609; the
license being still continued to New Spain at the instance
of the merchants of Seville whose interests were jeopardized.
The Portuguese had established factories in China, and though
selling their goods at higher rates than the Chinese, could
undersell the Spanish merchants who desired the landing of
Chinese products themselves, and to sell them in the colonies
at their own figures. _Gran. Manila_, in _Pacheco_ and
_Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, vi. 405-6.
[XXII‑13] At a meeting held by the treasury officials and the
city council of Panamá on January 29, 1600, it was resolved
that, as the importation and sale of Peruvian wine had been
forbidden in years past, an edict should be issued enforcing
this regulation, and appointing fines and penalties for those
who infringed it, or mixed such wine with that imported from
Spain. The reason alleged is the injurious quality of the
wine. This edict was also to be published at Lima, Trujillo,
Quito, and Guayaquil. _Reales Cédulas_, in _Pacheco_ and
_Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, xvii. 216-18. At a subsequent
meeting, held April 12, 1600, the trade in Peruvian wine is
denounced on account of its being a source of loss to the
royal treasury. _Id._, xvii. 221.
[XXII‑14] The punishments for infraction of this law
were heavy fines and banishment; and in the case of negro
delinquents, bond or free, the fines were to be doubled,
and 200 lashes in addition to be inflicted in public on the
offender, whether male or female. Apothecaries were allowed to
keep on hand two pounds of this article and no more. _Recop.
Ind._, ii. 66.
[XXII‑15] The city council passed an ordinance that in
future merchants should not purchase certain articles in
larger quantities at a time than therein provided. Wine,
oil, ham, sugar, pease, beans, lard, Nicaragua molasses,
cheese, raisins, figs, and crockery, are among the commodities
specified. Purchasers were required to produce their wares
before a justice. The ordinance was referred to the audiencia
and was fully approved and ordered into execution Dec. 11,
1592. _Reales Cédulas_, in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col.
Doc._, xvii. 233-7.
[XXII‑16] 'Here is a great want ... of provision for here is
almost none to be had for any money, by reason that from Lima
there is no shipping come with maiz.... But I can certifie
your worshippe, that all things are very deeire here, and that
we stand in great extremitie for want of victuals.' Letter
from Panamá, August 12, 1590. _Hakluyt's Voy._, iii. 563.
[XXII‑17] On Feb. 18, 1595, the viceroy is ordered not to
interfere with the taking of provisions from the valleys of
Trujillo, and Saña to Panamá City, and to see that Panamá was
well provisioned. _Recop. de Indias_, ii. 64. A similar order
was issued Feb. 18, 1597. _Reales Cédulas_, in _Pacheco_ and
_Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, xvii. 339-60.
[XXII‑18] See _Hist. Cent. Amer._, i. 377, 409-11, this
series.
[XXII‑19] 'Il peut le vendre à qui bon lui semble; mais pour
l'ordinaire il le cède à son maître pour un prix modique.'
_Raynal_, _Hist. Phil._, iv. 200.
[XXII‑20] He visited the islands in 1594, and found them
inhabited by Spaniards and negro slaves 'kept only to fish
for pearls.' _Harris' Col. Voy._, i. 746.
[XXII‑21] The expense actually exceeded the proceeds—'y
la pesqueria de las porlas, por ser más las costa que el
provecho.' _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, iv. 81. In
prosperous days some 30 brigs were in engaged in the traffic.
_Id._, ix. 81.
[XXII‑22] _Ariza_, _Darien_, MS., 33.
[XXII‑23] _Dampier_, _Voy._, i. 158; _Ogilby's Am._, 235;
_Harris_, _Col. Voy._, i. 748. 'The city of Panamá received
annually some thousand pounds of gold.... There is greater
Plenty (gold) in the mines of Santa María—not far off—than
within the same Space in any other Part of New Spain, or
perhaps in the whole World. _Span. Emp._ in _Amer._, 210-13.
We have a glimpse of the working of the mines in a report of
the expenses in connection with some fifteen of them worked
for the king's benefit. At these were employed, in addition to
the overseer, the blacksmith and his assistant, one hundred
negroes, of whom seventy were freshly imported Africans, and
one third of the number were women.' The total expenditure
for the year was a little less than $20,000. The several items
of expense are given in _Veragua_, _Relac. de las Minas_, in
_Col. Doc. Inéd._, xxxi. 365-72.
[XXII‑24] _Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 418, 441, this series.
[XXII‑25] A single extract will show the partiality of this
report. 'Que del dicho Nombre de Dios al dicho de Panamá
van 18 leguas por tierra por un camino muy trabajoso de muy
grandes lodos y calores, y pasan un rio, y la primera jornada
112 veces ó mas en un dia.' _García Hermosillo, Mem._ in
_Extr. Sueltos_, xxi. 28-9.
[XXII‑26] Memorials were presented by the cabildo on Dec. 22,
1559, on May 17, 1561, and again on 26th of January 1562, when
they denounced Nombre de Dios as 'la Sepultura de Españoles.'
_Arévalo_, _Col. Doc. Antig._, 27-33.
[XXII‑27] This memorial is not dated, but Squier says it was
written in 1565. _Aniñon_, _Discurso_, in _Squier's MSS._, v.
[XXII‑28] _Pan. Descrip._, in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_,
_Col. Doc._, iv. 108-9. Its original name was San Felipe de
Puertovelo. Purchas, _Pilgrimes_, v. 889, errs in giving 1584
as the date of removal.
[XXII‑29] Some physicians ascribed these diseases to the use
of Peruvian wine, notwithstanding the prohibitions already
mentioned. To a statement made by the councillor of the
corporation to the city council of Panamá a medical report
is appended which reads thus: 'Muchas calenturas ardientes
y podridas, muchos dolores de costado, cámaras de sangre,
romadizo y otras indisposiciones de calor y humedad, por ser
esta tierra mui caliente y húmeda por cuya razon hierve dentro
de las venas, y humedeciendo el cerebro causa vahidos, y las
dichas enfermedades arriba referidas, y granos, y virùelas, y
sarampion y ronchas. Fecho en Panamá en onze de Abril de mil
y seiscientos.' _Reales Cédulas_, in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_,
_Col. Doc._, xvii. 219-22.
[XXII‑30] _Reales Cédulas_, in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_,
_Col. Doc._, xvii. 531-2; confirmed by _Vazquez_, _Chron. de
Gvat._, 222-3, and _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, ix.
89-90. Juarros, _Guat._, states that it did not receive the
royal approbation until July 7, 1565. In the beginning of 1560
a royal cédula was issued, vesting the government of Tierra
Firme in the president of the audiencia residing in Panamá.
The people of Guatemala resisted the change as long as they
could, and other mandates were necessary to give full force to
this measure. See _Reales Ced._, in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_,
_Col. Doc._, xviii. 531-2, and _Decadas_, in _Id._, xiii.
36-38.
[XXII‑31] A special cédula, dated July 30, 1588, on the
appointment of García de Mendoza as viceroy, authorizes
him to take part in and preside over the sessions of the
audiencia, but not to interfere with matters relating to the
administration of justice. _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col.
Doc._, xvii. 467. Other cédulas issued in 1614, 1620, and 1628
confirmed the one issued in 1571. The first of these three
orders also made the provinces of Charcas and Quito subject to
the viceroy of Peru. _Recop. de Ind._, ii. 109-10; _Zamora_,
_Bib. Leg. Ult._, iii. 357; _Montesclaros_, _Relacion_, in
_Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, vi. 191.
[XXII‑32] The king mentions this fact, and instructs the
president of the audiencia to have a periodical examination
of the accounts of the treasury officers made by one of the
oidores. _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, xvii. 410.
[XXII‑33] The president of the audiencia stated to the king
that the family were destitute, and that the money could not
be recovered from them, whereupon his Majesty ordered its
collection from the sureties. This document is dated July 8,
1580. _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, xvii. 487-8.
[XXII‑34] In 1595 travellers without passports visited the
Isthmus in such numbers as to cause scarcity of provisions,
and often included men whose services were needed in the army.
The oidores were threatened with penalties unless there was
a reform in this matter. _Reales Cédulas_, in _Pacheco_ and
_Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, xvii. 410.
[XXII‑35] _Herrera_, dec. iii. lib. x. cap. ix. As early as
1526 this matter received special notice from the emperor, and
many regulations were made in subsequent years, but apparently
to little purpose.
[XXII‑36] The Spanish minister in London remonstrated in
strong terms against Parker's conduct, but to no purpose.
Queen Elizabeth not only justified his action but warmly
commended him. _Darien_, _Scots Colony_, 56 (1699).
[XXII‑37] _Reales Cédulas_, in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col.
Doc._, xvii. 395-7, 432-3, 490, 522-3.
[XXII‑38] See p. 49 this vol. for map of territory.
[XXIII‑1] In _Clark's Life of Drake_, 7, and _Burton's
English Heroe_, 11, it is stated that in an apartment of the
governor's house was a stack of silver bars 70 feet long,
10 in breadth, and 12 feet high, and that the captives gave
information that the treasure-house contained more gold,
jewels, and pearls than their pinnaces could carry; but one
must make due allowance for the vivid imagination of those
chroniclers.
[XXIII‑2] The account given in _Hakluyt's Voy._, iii. 778-9,
differs materially from that of other authorities. The story
is told by a Portuguese, one Lopez Vaz, whose narrative
the chronicles tells us 'was intercepted with the author
thereof at the river of Plate, by Captaine Withrington and
Captaine Christopher Lister, in the fleete set foorth by the
right Honorable the Erle of Cumberland for the South sea in
the yeere 1586.' He states that Drake landed with 150 men,
and stationing 70 of them in the fort near Nombre de Dios,
marched with the remainder into the town; that the inhabitants
fled to the mountains, but that a party of 14 or 15 Spanish
arquebusiers fired a volley upon the English, killing their
trumpeter and wounding Drake in the leg. Hereupon, he says,
the English retreated to the fort but found it abandoned;
sounding the trumpet after the firing had ceased and the
signal being unanswered, the men left in charge retreated to
their boats, thinking that their comrades were either slain or
captured. Drake and his followers then threw away their arms,
and by swimming and wading made their way to the pinnaces. It
is highly improbable that 80 English privateersmen, under the
command of such a captain as Drake, would thus tamely beat a
retreat before a handful of Spaniards.
[XXIII‑3] Islas y Porto de Bastimentos according to Juan
Lopez, son of Tomás Lopez de Vargas, the celebrated Spanish
cosmographer, in a map prepared by the former in 1789, for
the use of the Spanish ambassador in Great Britain. In the map
following the introduction to _Dampier's Voy._, published in
1699, the word is similarly spelled and applied to a group of
islands off Nombre de dios. Bellin, _Karte von der Erdenge_,
Panamá, 1754, agrees with Drake, but like Lopez places the
group about half way between Nombre de Dios and Portobello.
The author of _Life and Dangerous Voy. of Drake_, 16, speaks
of 'the Isle of Bastimiensis or the Isle of Victuals.' See
_Cartography Pacific States_, MS., and _Hist. Cent. Am._, i.
passim, this series.
[XXIII‑4] This visit to the Isla de Pinos is not mentioned in
_Clark's Life of Drake_, but is described circumstantially in
_Burton's English Heroe_, 26. In the latter work it is stated
that the supplies captured were sufficient to victual a force
of 3,000 men, and it is not improbable that this was the case,
for the galleons were now off the coast and the Isla de Pinos
was the usual storing place for provisions.
[XXIII‑5] In the map prepared by Juan Lopez, these islands
are placed a few miles east of point San Blas and named the
'Islas Cabezas ó Cautivas.' By Burton they are also called
the Cabezas, but by Clark the Cativaas.
[XXIII‑6] In _Burton's English Heroe_, 41, it is stated that a
post-mortem examination was made of the body of Joseph Drake,
who died of this calenture, and that the 'liver was swoln,
and the heart as if boyled.'
[XXIII‑7] In the account of Lopez Vaz, in _Hakluyt's Voy._,
iii. 179, it is stated that Drake had with him 100 English
besides the negroes. This is clearly a mistake, for the
evidence is conclusive that he left Plymouth with only 73
men, and he could have had little chance to recruit his force
except from the cimarrones; though, as remarked by the author
of _Drake, Cavendish, and Dampier_, 59, he may have been
reënforced from the vessels which he met with off the coast.
[XXIII‑8] The cimarrones carried two different kinds of
weapons, one being an arrow pointed with iron, fish-bone, or
hard wood for use against the Spaniards, the other a javelin
with an iron head varying from a pound and a half to one ounce
in weight, to serve in the pursuit of game, the metal being
highly tempered and sharp enough to pierce deep into the flesh
of a stag or wild boar. _Burton's English Heroe_, 43-4. See
also _Life and Voy. of Drake_, 37-8.
[XXIII‑9] The author of _Selection of Curious Voy._, iv. 15,
states that Drake arrived at the summit of this mountain ten
days after leaving the town of the cimarrones. According to
other authorities the time was seven days.
[XXIII‑10] 'The ladies of Panama used to imploy hunters and
fowlers to take the curious fowls in that countrey, by whom
they might be discovered.' _Burton's English Heroe_, 49.
[XXIII‑11] The treasure was forwarded from Panamá to Cruces at
night to avoid the heat encountered by day in the open country
lying between.
[XXIII‑12] Venta Cruz according to _Burton's Life of Drake_,
18, _Burton's English Heroe_, and _Life and Voy. of Drake_,
42, and Venta de Cruzes in the map confronting p. 1 in
_Dampier's Voy._ Probably both are identical with Cruces, or
Cruzes as it is spelled in the map on p. 137 of _Esquemelin_,
_Hist. Bucaniers_, in which no such place as Venta Cruz is
mentioned. Juan Lopez in the map before mentioned calls the
place San Francisco de Cruces.
[XXIII‑13] Two horse-loads of silver, according to Clark and
Burton; but it was more probably base metal containing about
enough silver to make it worth the freight.
[XXIII‑14] The trains were frequently attacked by cimarrones.
'From _Venta Cruz_ to _Nombre de Dios_ they go always with
their Treasure by day through the cool fresh Woods, unless the
_Symerons_ happily make them sweat for fear, as oft happens,
and therefore their Recoes (a name applied to mules and
muleteers travelling in company) are guarded with Souldiers.'
_Burton's English Heroe_, 49. See also _Life and Voy. of
Drake_, 42.
[XXIII‑15] In _Burton's English Heroe_, 56, 57, it is stated
that at Nombre de Dios parturition was usually followed in a
few days by the death of the infant, but that children born at
Cruces, reared there till six years of age, and then brought
to Nombre de Dios, usually enjoyed good health. See also _Life
and Voy. of Drake_, 47.
[XXIII‑16] Lopez Vaz, in _Hakluyt_, _Voy._, iii. 770, states
that five or seven merchants were slain, and that the town
was set on fire, property being destroyed to the value of
more than 200,000 ducats. If this did occur it was doubtless
the work of the cimarrones, but there is no mention of it in
other authorities.
[XXIII‑17] In _Burton's English Heroe_, 70, and in _Life and
Voy. of Drake_, 57, it is stated that they sat up to the
waist in water and that each wave drenched them up to the
arm-pits. To steer and sail a raft under such circumstances,
even if they escaped being washed overboard, was certainly a
remarkable feat of navigation.
[XXIII‑18] There is some confusion in the narrative of the old
chroniclers at this point. In _Clark's Life of Drake_, 20, it
is related that a 'frigot' which sailed with the expedition
to the rio Francisco, was ordered to lie off the mouth of the
river, while on account of shoal water the men ascended the
stream in pinnaces; but for what purpose the voyage on the
raft, if this were the case, and why leave the vessel in so
exposed a position? In _Burton's English Heroe_, 66, it is
stated that the ship was left at (sent back to) the Cabezas,
and, page 71, that when Drake fell in with his pinnaces his
men 'sayled back to their Frigot and from thence directly to
their Ships;' but according to this authority both ships and
'frigot' were already at the Cabezas, where they lay secure
from the Spanish cruisers.
[XXIII‑19] Drake made many other captures, the recital of
which would be wearisome to the reader. According to _Burton_
more than 200 vessels of from 10 to 120 tons traded at that
time between Cartagena and Nombre de Dios. Most of these,
he tells us, the English captured, and some of them twice
or thrice. Clark makes no mention of this; but the author of
_Voy. Hist. round World_, i. 44, states that the English took
more than 100 vessels of all sizes.
[XXIII‑20] _Hakluyt's Voy._, iii. 526-28.
[XXIII‑21] During the voyage Drake touched at the bay which
still bears his name under the Punta de los Reyes on the coast
of California. Here he spent five weeks, smoked native tobacco
with the Indians, and took possession of the country, calling
it New Albion.
[XXIII‑22] 'Which was Monday in the iust and ordinary
reckoning of those that had stayed at home in one place or
countrie, but in our computation was the Lords day or Sonday.'
_Drake's World Encompassed_, 162.
[XXIII‑23] The vessel was afterward broken up, and a chair,
made from some of the timber, was presented to the university
library of Oxford by Charles II. Here the poet Cowley sat
enthroned and drank a cup of wine, taking occasion to deliver
himself thereupon of some vile verse, concluding with the
lines (addressed to the chair):
'The Streights of Time too narrow are for thee,
Launch forth into an undiscovered Sea,
And steer the endless course of vast Eternity,
Take for thy Sail this Verse, and for thy Pilot me.'
One can almost wish that the chair had taken him at his word,
for the good ship deserved a better fate.
[XXIII‑24] Although Drake had lost nearly one third of his
forces, there was probably some further reason for his
abandoning the expedition after such feeble effort. His
conduct contrasts strangely with the untiring persistence
which he displayed in other enterprises. Possibly he
had received orders to return to England, for it will be
remembered that, in 1587, the Spanish armada was ready to
sail, and that its departure was delayed till the following
year by Drake's bold dash at the harbor of Cádiz, during which
he destroyed about one hundred vessels.
[XXIII‑25] In 1585, a few days after Robert Lane, who was
left in charge of the colony, had caused it to be abandoned
through faint-heartedness, a vessel despatched by Raleigh,
laden with stores, arrived at the deserted settlement.
_Bancroft's United States_, i. 102, 103. 'These men who were
thus brought back,' says William Camden, 'were the first that
I know of that brought into England that Indian plant which
they call tabacca and nicotia, or tobacco, which they used
against crudities, being taught it by the Indians. Certainly
from that time forward, it began to grow into great request,
and to be sold at an high rate, which, in a short time, many
men everywhere, some for wantonness, some for health sake,
with insatiable desire and greediness, sucked in the stinking
smoke thereof through an earthen pipe, which presently they
blew out again at their nostrils; insomuch that tobacco-shops
are now as ordinary in most towns, as tap-houses and taverns.'
_Barrow's Life of Drake_, 207, 208.
[XXIII‑26] Hawkins, now between 75 and 80 years of age, was
a wealthy merchant and ship-owner, had seen 48 years of hard
service, mainly at sea, and held the title of vice-admiral.
It does not appear, therefore, what he had to gain by taking
part in such an expedition. His promotion seems rather due
to influence obtained through inherited wealth than to any
remarkable qualities as a commander. Appointed by the queen
to cruise off the coast of Spain in company with Frobisher, at
the head of a strong and well-appointed squadron, he returned
without taking a single prize. Thereupon he wrote a letter
of apology to his sovereign in which he excused himself by
using the quotation, 'Paul planteth and Apollos watereth, but
God giveth the increase.' On reading it Elizabeth exclaimed,
'God's death! This fool went out a soldier and is come home
a divine.'
[XXIII‑27] Named Baskerfield in _Burton's English Heroe_, 199.
[XXIII‑28] Elizabeth of England it will be remembered levied
taxes without much heed to the voice of her parliament.
[XXIII‑29] The shot which carried away Drake's chair wounded
three of his officers, who were seated at his table. Hawkins
died of sickness while the fleet lay off Puerto Rico.
[XXIII‑30] 'On the seconde of January we returned to Nombre de
Dios; our men so wearied with the ilnes of the waye, surbaited
for want of shoes, and weake with theyr diet, that it would
have bin a poor dayes service that we should have done upon
an enimie had they been there to resist us.' _Drake's Voy._,
in _Hakluyt_, _Soc. Col._, 16. 'In this march a pair of
shoos were sold for thirty Shillings, and a Bisket Cake for
ten Shillings, so great was their want both of Clothing and
Victuals.' _Burton's English Heroe_, 205.
[XXIII‑31] In a poem by Lope de Vega styled 'Dragontea' occur
these lines:
'Mirad la disventura y la ruina
De aquel hombre atrevido y indomable:
Mirad que triste genero de muerte
Del cuerpo el alma a los infiernos vierte.'
Vega declares that Drake was poisoned by his own men. The soul
of the great navigator was perhaps less sorely vexed by such
slander than by the silly verses written in his praise by his
own countrymen. The following occurs in _Fuller's Worthies_:
'Religio quamvis Romana resurgeret olim,
Effoderet tumulum non pute, Drace, tuum,
Non est quod metuas nec te combusserit ulla
Posteritas, in aquâ tutus ab igne manes.'
But the sorriest doggerel of all is found in _Clark's Life of
Drake_, 71:
'Great God of Prowess, Thunderbolt of War:
Bellona's darling: Mars of Chivalry:
Bloody Enyo's Champion, Foemens fear:
Fame's stately Pharos, Mapp of Dignity:
Joves Pearl, Pearls pride, Prides foe, Foes enemy:
Spains Shaking Fever, Regent of Wars Thunder:
Undaunted Drake, a name Importing Wonder:'
The works published by the Hakluyt Society, and the _Annales
rerum Anglicarum et Hibernicarum, regnante Elizabetha_, by
_William Camden_, London, 1589, probably afford the most
reliable information concerning Drake's several expeditions
to the West Indies, though neither are free from error.
_Clark's Life and Death of Sir Francis Drake_, London, 1671,
and _Burton's English Heroe_, London, 1687, are chiefly
compilations, though of considerable value, inasmuch as both
authors had access to sources of information not now available
to the public. The latter work passed through no less than 23
editions, and yet we find the opening lines of the preface
copied unblushingly from _Drake's World Encompassed_, in
_Hakluyt Soc._, 5 (published originally in 1628). The _Life
and Dangerous Voyages of Drake_ is borrowed mainly from
_Burton_. _Barrow's Life of Drake_, London, 1843, though a
recent publication, contains several copies of letters written
by Drake, and was compiled in part from MSS. in the British
museum, the state paper office, and the archives of Madrid.
[XXIV‑1] Six miles from the province of Nicaragua.
[XXIV‑2] These mines, which belonged to Juan de Ávila, were
at the village of Jerez, or Chuluteca. _Caballon_, _Carta_,
in _Squier's MSS._, xxii. 7-8.
[XXIV‑3] It was the intention of the rebels to seize the ships
at Realejo, and proceed thence to Panamá and Peru, following
the programme laid out by the Contreras brothers. _Herrera_,
dec. viii. lib. x. cap. xx.
[XXIV‑4] _Molina_, _Costa Rica_, 39-43. He takes his
information from three royal cédulas dated August 1561.
[XXIV‑5] _Costa Rica_, _Carta del Cabildo_, in _Squier's
MSS._, vi.
[XXIV‑6] Nicoya was annexed to Costa Rica in 1573, though
the right to its possession was not finally decided until the
present century.
[XXIV‑7] He had expended 10,000 pesos, as was afterward proved
before the juez visitador at Santiago in 1565. _Coronado
Probanza_, in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, xiv.
485-503.
[XXIV‑8] West of the present Cartago, and north of Alajuela.
[XXIV‑9] Now written _Votos_. There is a volcano of that name
north of Alajuela and west of the volcano de Barba. See map
in _Molina_, _Bosquejo de Costa Rica_.
[XXIV‑10] Now probably _Aserri_. There are two villages of
that name; one south of San José and the other about the same
distance south-west of Cartago. See map in _Molina_.
[XXIV‑11] The entire quantity obtained thus far did not exceed
300 pesos in value. _Dávila_, _Relacion_, _in Pacheco_ and
_Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, xvi. 328-41.
[XXIV‑12] Before taking his departure he estimated the native
population at 30,000 or more. Dávila places the number at only
5,000.
[XXIV‑13] _Gaztela_, _Real Titulo_, in _Pacheco_ and
_Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, xi. 124.
[XXIV‑14] Molina, _Bosquejo de Costa Rica_, does not even
mention Coronado, but passes on from the administration
of Caballon in 1560 to that of Cherino. Yet Coronado's
appointment is substantiated by numerous official documents
of the period, and by the narrative of _Dávila_.
[XXIV‑15] A detailed account of these instructions is given in
_Costa Rica_, _Real Instruccion_, in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_,
_Col. Doc._, xvii. 559-65.
[XXIV‑16] The personnel of this expedition is described in
_Artieda_, _Costa Rica_, in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col.
Doc._, xv. 261-300.
[XXIV‑17] Among those present were Fray Diego de Molina,
vicar; Francisco Pavon, captain; Juan Gonzalez Delgada,
'Escribano de la Gobernacion dicha Ciudad, é publico del
Cabildo de ella' (meaning of the city of Artieda); Pedro
de Avendano, sargento mayor; Tomás de Barahona, maestre de
campo; and Diego de Zárate, alcalde ordinario. _Costa Rica_,
_Acontecimiento_, in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._,
xvii. 570.
[XXIV‑18] _Ponce_, _Relacion de Las Casas_, in _Col. Doc.
Inéd._, lvii. 350.
[XXIV‑19] _Juarros_, _Guat._, i. 326. Mendieta, _Hist.
Ecles._, 393-4, confirms Juarros except as to date, which he
places in 1550, while Vazquez, _Chron. de Gvat._, 252, gives
1560. 'Segun ... el Informe manuscripto de la fundacion de
esta Provincia.'
[XXIV‑20] See _Hist. Mex._, ii. 451, this series.
[XXIV‑21] _Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._, 393-4. Vazquez, _Chron.
de Gvat._, 254, makes the number six.
[XXIV‑22] _Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._, 393-4. Torquemada
gives 17 as the number of convents, and 1565 as the date of
the foundation of the provincia, iii. 130. Vazquez states
that several convents were founded before the departure of
Bienvenida for Spain, including those of San Francisco at
Cartago and San Lorenzo at Esparza. _Chron. de Gvat._, 254.
[XXIV‑23] His motive for coming to Costa Rica and Nicaragua
was, as given in the words of the Ill. bishop of Mantua:
'Primus huius Provintiæ (Sancti Georgii de Nicaragua) Fundator
extitit Religiosissimus Pater Frater Alphonsus (Petrus)
Betanzos plurium linguarum, præsertim vero Indiarum gnarus,
qui molestias sibi, atque vexationes iniusté illatas ad tempus
declinaturus, Goactemalicia ex Custodia cuius Alumnus erat,
ad has partes, traiecit:' _Vazquez_, _Chron. de Gvat._, 545.
[XXIV‑24] Ogilby, 1671, _Cartago_; _Læt_, _Novvs Orbis_,
1633, _Cartago_; Jeffreys, 1776, _Carthago_; Kiepert, 1858,
_Cartago_. _Cartography Pacific Coast_, MS., i. 142.
[XXIV‑25] Alonso Lopez de Cerrato, who, it will be remembered,
took the residencia of Rodrigo de Contreras. See p. 183, this
vol.
[XXIV‑26] Nicaragua at this time included Costa Rica, the
partition not having yet taken place.
[XXIV‑27] The tribute of the natives consists of maize, wax,
honey, poultry, etc., of the annual value of about 3,000
pesos. _Squier's MSS._, xxii. 9.
[XXIV‑28] Authorities conflict as to the order of succession.
In Alcedo the name of Vera Cruz does not occur. Calle refers
to the fact without giving any date whatever. Mendieta, _Hist.
Ecles._, 548, states that the appointment was made in 1551.
[XXIV‑29] Alcedo, Dávila, Juarros, and other writers of the
period fail to mention Carrasco in their enumeration of the
bishops of Nicaragua. We find him named only in _Calle_, _Mem.
y Not._, 129, and _Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._, 548. Icazbalceta
in a note in the _Hist. Ecles._ gives Valdivieso as the first
bishop of the diocese instead of Osorio.
[XXIV‑30] Gonzalo Fernandez de Córdoba, 'el Gran Capitan,'
was born in Montilla in 1453. El Gran Capitan, _Quintana_,
_Vidas_, 102-3.
[XXIV‑31] Juarros, _Hist. Guat._, i. 278, gives 1551 as the
date of appointment, and 1553 as the year when he entered on
his duties. Gonzalez Dávila, _Teatro Ecles._, i. 154, endorses
Juarros, but assigns no date save that he was transferred
in 1574. Calle, _Mem. y Not._, 129, simply mentions Córdoba
as the one who followed Valdivieso, ignoring Vera Cruz and
Carrasco. Córdoba's appointment is mentioned, but without
date, by Mendieta, _Hist. Ecles._, 548.
[XXIV‑32] The convent of San Pablo, at Leon, founded by
Osorio, Las Casas, and their associates in 1532 (see p. 169,
this vol.), belonged to the provincia of Peru, and had now
become very wealthy. _Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, 598.
[XXIV‑33] 'Los vezinos de la ciudad de Leon, hizieron grandes
extremos por la ausencia de los Religiosos. Y para sacar el
Padre fray Iuan de Torres la hazienda y alhajas del Conuento,
tuuo necessidad de mucha maña y secreto.' _Id._, 599.
[XXIV‑34] _Id._, 599. Remesal enlarges on the injurious
effects of this second desertion of the province by the
Dominicans, and states (p. 620) that a cédula under date of
August 1, 1558, forbade any secular priest being assigned to
a place where friars of either the Franciscan or Dominican
orders were stationed in the dioceses of Guatemala, Chiapas,
Honduras, and Nicaragua.
[XXIV‑35] Mention is also made of Nueva Segovia, where much
gold is said to have been taken out, and of Nueva Jaen, at
the mouth of Lake Nicaragua, whence merchandise from Nombre de
Dios was shipped to Granada in canoes. _Guatemala_, _Informe_,
in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, xv. 470-2.
[XXIV‑36] Trade had been greatly injured by the misuse of the
mark of the leoncillo (little lion) which was introduced into
Nicaragua with royal consent. In 1551 it was ordered that
the mark be affixed only to 15 or 17 carat gold. About the
same time the king was asked to extend an expiring license to
melt metal, that 'la fundicion del oro é de la plata, sea al
diezimo.' _Carrasco_, _Carta_, in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_,
_Col. Doc._, v. 526-8.
[XXV‑1] _Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 513, this series.
[XXV‑2] Page 276, this volume.
[XXV‑3] _New Survey W. Indies_ (3d ed., London, 1677), 419.
The author lived in the Indies between 1625 and 1637, and
made, as he tells us, 9,000 pesos during these 12 years. He
was an acute observer, and captious in doctrinal matters,
as the following passage will show: 'Whilest this traffick
was (at Portobello), it happened unto me that which I have
formerly testified in my Recantation Sermon at Pauls Church,
which if by that means it have not come unto the knowledge of
many, I desire again to record it in this my History, that
to all England it may be published; which was, that one day
saying the Mass in the chief Church, after the Consecration
of the bread, being with my eyes shut at that prayer, which
the Church of Rome calleth the Memento for their dead, there
came from behind the Altar a Mouse, which running about, came
to the very bread or Wafer-god of the Papists, and taking it
in his mouth ran away with it, not being perceived by any of
the people who were at Mass, for that the Altar was high,
by reason of the steps going up to it, and the people far
beneath. But as soon as I opened my eyes to go on with my
Mass, and perceived my God stolen away, I looked about the
Altar, and saw the mouse running away with it.... Whereupon,
not knowing what the people had seen, I turned myself unto
them, and called them unto the Altar, and told them plainly
that whilst I was in my Memento prayers and meditations, a
Mouse had carried away the Sacrament, and that I knew not
what to do unless they would help me to finde it out again....
After much searching and inquiry for the sacrilegious beast,
they found at last in a hole of the wall the Sacrament half
eaten up, which with great joy they took out, and as if
the Ark had been brought again from the Philistins to the
Israelites, so they rejoiced for their new-found God.... I
observed in it the marks and signs of the teeth of the Mouse,
as they are to be seen in a piece of Cheese gnawn and eaten
by it.... And so Transubstantiation here in my judgement was
confuted by a Mouse.' _New Survey_, 446-8.
[XXV‑4] _Id._, 420-21.
[XXV‑5] A castle with four bastions was erected, on a small
rocky eminence. It was protected by a fosse and usually
garrisoned by 100 men. _Juarros_, _Guat._, i. 52. Pelaez,
_Hist. Guat._, ii. 176, says it was commenced in 1667, and
Belly, _Nicaragua_, ii. 261, that the first castle was not
built until 1666, and (in footnote) 'La construction du fort
ne l'empêcha pas de reparaître une seconde fois en 1670 et
d'obtenir les mêmes succès. C'est alors qu'un ordre royal
décida la construction du fort Castillo, à douze lieues en
aval du fleuve, qui fut terminé en 1675.'
[XXV‑6] 'El padre Pedro de Contreras, sugeto de grandes
talentos y nacido, digámoslo así, para esta especie de
ministerios.' _Alegre_, _Hist. Comp. Jesus_, ii. 80-1.
[XXV‑7] Real was appointed bishop in 1603, as successor to
Gregorio de Montalvo. He had served as chaplain to Filipe IV.
_Gonzalez Dávila_, _Teatro Ecles._, i. 239.
[XXV‑8] At a meeting held Jan. 10, 1621, the procurador, Lopez
de Castro, presented a petition which was unanimously adopted,
setting forth the services already rendered by the fathers in
behalf of religion and humanity, and praying earnestly against
their removal. _Alegre_, _Hist. Comp. Jesus_, 130.
[XXV‑9] In 1618 Padre Florian de Ayerve had been sent to visit
the place, and reported adversely. Padre Rabarjal, rector
of the college of Guatemala, concurred. When the recall was
found to be inevitable, a second public meeting prayed that
the ornaments and utensils of the church remain for a season,
and this petition was granted. _Id._, 130-32.
[XXV‑10] The petition to the king is dated Feb. 13, 1621.
A letter signed by all the members of the administration
accompanied it. _Id._, 134.
[XXV‑11] Real's death occurred in 1619. _Gonzalez Dávila_,
_Teatro Ecles._, i. 239.
[XXV‑12] On the death of Bishop Valtonado the hospital was
abandoned until 1650, when a company of priests came from
Mexico and took charge of it. _Santos_, _Chron._, 481-82.
Valtonado's successor was Hernando Nuñez Sagredo, who,
says Gonzalez Dávila, 'Fve Calificador de la Inquisicion de
Cuenca, y del Consejo Supremo.' He fulfilled the duties of
his office 'como buen pastor' and died in 1639. Previously to
Sagredo Agustin de Hinojosa and Fray Juan Baraona Zapata were
appointed; but both died before reaching their diocese. Next
appears the name of Alfonso Briceño, a zealous and learned
man, who wrote 'dos Tomos de Teologia Escolastica.' He took
charge of the bishopric in 1646, and died in 1649. _Hist.
Ecles._, i. 240-244. In 1651 Alonso de Cuevas Dávalos, dean of
the cathedral of Mexico, refused the prelacy of Nicaragua, and
according to _Figueroa_, _Vindicias_, MS., 75, Alonso Bravo de
Laguna received the mitre, though his name is not mentioned
by Alcedo or Gonzalez Dávila. In 1655 Fray Tomás Mansa was
appointed bishop. _Vetancvrt_, _Menolog._, 135 (Mexico, 1697),
confirmed in _Guijo_, _Diario_, in _Doc. Hist. Mex._, série
i. tom. i. 323, but finding that Dávalos was still in office
declined to take charge of the diocese. _Id._, 387. Soon after
his arrival he died from eating too much fish. _Id._ The
decease of Dávalos occurred in 1659. _Medina_, _Chron. San
Diego Mex._, 240. Juan de la Torre y Castro was appointed
bishop in 1562, and died suddenly within seven leagues of
Granada on the 27th of June, 1663. Fray Alonso Bravo, an
eloquent preacher and an accomplished scholar, was elected
prelate in 1665. _Vetancvrt_, _Menolog._, 136; and _Robles_,
_Diario_, in _Doc. Hist. Mex._, série i. tom. ii. 3.
[XXV‑13] This vol. 172 et seq.
[XXV‑14] _Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 310.
[XXV‑15] 'In olden times it was supposed that the lakes
Managua and Nicaragua were one, as the Rio Tipitapa is
supposed to be all remaining of the lakes in their former
unity.' _Stout's Nic._, 101.
[XXV‑16] _Mem. y Not._, 131. Gage probably includes in his
estimate of population the peaceable Indians settled in the
neighborhood.
[XXV‑17] The first governor of Costa Rica in the seventeenth
century was Captain Alonso Lara de Cordoba, who was appointed
in 1603. Others are given in the order of their succession in
_Pelaez_, _Mem. Hist. Guat._, ii. 170-4.
[XXV‑18] He expended upward of 60,000 pesos of his own private
means. _Juarros_, _Guat._, i. 374. Molina, _Costa Rica_, 11,
makes the same statement.
[XXV‑19] He became superior of the order; founded many
hospitals and made extensive journeys in the cause of
the church. In 1687 he was named by the pope, first
superior-general, and after being identified for 50 years with
the order died Sept. 23, 1769, aged 79. _Juarros_, _Guat._,
i. 330-2.
[XXV‑20] Sept. 28, 1709, the Indians of Talamanca rose and
killed fathers Pablo de Rebullidas and Antonio de Zamora.
_Haya_, _Informe al Reg._, 14.
[XXV‑21] Fantasmas, Molucas, Moscas, Payas, Jaras, and many
others, partly of Guatemala and Honduras as well. See _Native
Races_, passim.
[XXV‑22] Among other cédulas are three bearing date Oct. 30,
1547; Aug. 31, 1560; and July 2, 1594. _Juarros_, _Guat._, i.
346.
[XXV‑23] He might establish six convents subject to the
provincial of Guatemala. _Juarros_, _Guat._, 349.
[XXV‑24] They began their labors in the latter part of January
1610. On ash Wednesday, following, a number were baptized and
130 converts were received during lent. _Juarros_, _Guat._,
351.
[XXV‑25] Pelaez, _Mem. Guat._, i. 291, mentions a circumstance
which may partly explain what follows. A soldier who had
previously killed two of the Indians was struck by one of the
natives, whereupon he seized him, and with the assistance of a
comrade bound his left hand to his body and nailed his right
hand to a tree with a horseshoe and eight nails, leaving him
in that position. The corpse was found by his tribe, and of
course retaliation followed.
[XXV‑26] This incident occurred in January 1612. The
narratives of the expedition by Pelaez and Juarros
substantially agree.
[XXVI‑1] _Hakluyt's Principal Navigation ... and Discoveries
of the English Nation_, iii. 499 (London, 1598-1600).
[XXVI‑2] See p. 138, this volume.
[XXVI‑3] The Caribbees are said to have prepared the flesh of
their human captives in the same way. 'Ils les mangent après
les avoir bien boucannée, c'est à dire, rotis bien sec.' _Du
Tertre_, _Hist. des Antilles_, i. 415.
[XXVI‑4] _Voy. round the World_, passim. Neither word was used
at the time Drake was making raids on the Isthmus.
[XXVI‑5] 'The word _flibustier_ is merely the French mariner's
mode of pronouncing the English word freebooter, a name which
long preceded that of buccaneer.' _Burney's Hist. Bucc._,
43. Some authorities derive the term from the Dutch word
_fluyts_, that is to say fly-boats; but, as Burney remarks,
it would not readily occur to any one to purchase such craft
for corsairs. It is curious to note that the French translator
of Esquemelin still adhered to the mispronunciation of the
word, '& prirent le nom de _Flibustiers_, du mot Anglois
_Flibuster_.' _Exquemelin_, _Hist. Flib._, i. 20.
[XXVI‑6] _Russell's Hist. Amer._, i. 528. This author gives
a sketch of the origin of the buccaneers and their customs,
showing considerable research, and is endorsed in most
material points by _Burney's Hist. Bucc._, 38 et seq. Both
authors draw largely from _Du Tertre_, _Hist. des Antilles_,
and the former from _Raynal_, _Histoire Philosophique_.
[XXVI‑7] While his comrades divided the booty, he gloated
over the mangled bodies of the objects of his hate. _Drake,
Cavendish, and Dampier's Lives_, 179-80; _Burney's Hist.
Bucc._, 55.
[XXVI‑8] In the English translation of Exquemelin is the
following interpolation: '_Tortuga_, the common Refuge of all
sort of Wickedness, and the Seminary, as it were, of Pirats
and Thieves.' _Bucaniers of Amer._, i. 53.
[XXVI‑9] 'Siende dat'er oock geen quartier voor hem over
was, alsoo hy 't niet ontloopen konde, door dien hy alreede
gequetst was, bemorste hy hem met bloedt, en kroop onder
de dooden die daer lagen.' _Exquemelin_, _Americaensche
Zee-Roovers_, 48.
[XXVI‑10] Or Sars River. _Rio de Jagua_, a river emptying
into the gulf of Honduras. _I. de Laet_, 1633, _R. Xagua_;
_West-Ind. Spieghel_ places on the north coast of Yucatan,
_Xagua_. _Cartog. Pac. Coast_, MS., i. 308.
[XXVI‑11] 'L'Olonois y perdit environ trente hommes, et en
eut bien vingt de blessés.' _Exquemelin_ (or _Oexmelin_, as in
the French version the author is styled), _Hist. des Flib._,
i. 207. The pirates would not encumber themselves with the
indigo: 'L'Olonois ... en auroit en pour plus de 40,000 écus;
mais il ne cherchoit que de l'argent.' _Id._, 208.
[XXVI‑12] The French translator says: 'Leur canon étoit en
batterie au nombre de cinquante-six pieces.' _Id._, 219. The
original work of Esquemelin gives the same number as that in
the text. _De Americaensche Zee-Roovers_, 70.
[XXVI‑13] This band proceeded along the coast to the town of
Veragua which they captured and pillaged. _Exquemelin_, _Hist.
Flib._, i. 223.
[XXVI‑14] The French version, contrary to Exquemelin's
narrative, says that all the men left, the greater number in
the long-boat and the remainder in canoes. _Id._, i. 228.
[XXVI‑15] Exquemelin, _Americaensche Zee-Roovers_, 1678,
73, thus describes the death of L'Olonnois: 'Maer het scheen
dat Godt niet langer de godtloosheden van desen mensch konde
toelaten, maer hem door een wreede doodt straffen wilde voor
alle de wreedtheden, die hy aen soo veel onnoosele menschen
hadde gepleeght; want in de Golfe van Darien Komende, is
hy met sijn volck vervallen in de handen der Wilden, by
de Spanjaerden Indios Bravos genaemt. Sy hebben hem aen
stucken gekapt en gebraeden, naer het verhael van een sijner
meedemackers, die het selve soude geleeden hebben, hadde
hy sijn leven niet met de vlucht gesalveert.' His English
translator says: 'The Indians ... tore him in pieces alive,
throwing his Body limb by limb into the Fire, and his Ashes
into the Air, that no trace or memory might remain of such an
infamous inhuman Creature.' _Bucaniers of America_, i. 77. The
French edition adds that L'Olonnois was eaten by the Indians.
_Exquemelin_, _Hist. des Flib._, i. 230.
[XXVI‑16] _Exquemelin_, _Bucaniers of Amer._, i. 79. According
to French translator of Exquemelin, Mansvelt had 600 men.
_Hist. des Flib._, ii. 3.
[XXVI‑17] This island was used as a penal settlement by
the Spaniards who employed the convicts on the works of
the fortifications. Here Mansvelt expected to find some one
familiar with the road to Natá. _Id._, 4-5.
[XXVI‑18] Or Moin, where they landed 1,200 men in the year
1666. _Juarros_, _Guat._ (London, ed. 1823), 344. According
to Exquemelin they sailed along the coast as far as the
river Zuere. _Hist. des Flib._, ii. 7. According to _Haya_,
_Informe_, 11, the corsair Manflas landed 800 men. Consult
_Cartog. Pac. Coast_, MS., i. 142.
[XXVI‑19] In _Haya_, _Informe_, MS., 11, is found the
following strange statement: The maestro de campo, Juan Lopez
de la Flor, the governor, sent Major Alonso de Bonilla with
eight men, for there were neither arms nor provisions for a
greater number, who caused the corsairs to retire from the
province.
[XXVI‑20] About ten leagues distant from Cartago.
[XXVI‑21] _Juarros_, _Guat._ (London, ed. 1823), 344-5.
Bonilla took two men who were foot-sore. When asked the reason
of their precipitate flight from so small a number, they
stated that they had seen a numerous army marching against
them. _Haya_, _Informe_, MS., 11-12.
[XXVI‑22] According to Juarros the prisoners made this
confession under torture. Haya does not mention this.
[XXVI‑23] 'Ujarraz, pueblo en otro tiempo considerable, pero
en el dia mui desdichado.' _Juarros_, _Guat._, i. 58-9. It is
two leagues distant from Cartago. _Id._
[XXVI‑24] According to an account of this recapture of Santa
Catarina by a Spanish engineer, it occurred in August 1665.
A translation of the Spanish version of the affair is to
be found in _Exquemelin_, _De Americaensche Zee-Roovers_,
76-80, and in the English translation of the latter work in
_Bucaniers of America_, i. 82-5. In the French edition of
Exquemelin the Spanish narrative is thus dismissed: 'J'aurois
pu la traduire, & en gaossir ce Volume, mais comme elle n'est
remplie que de bagatelles & de rodomontades Espagnoles, je
ne m'en fuis pas donné la peine, ne voulant rien raconter ici
que de véritable.' _Hist. des Flib._, ii. 10.
[XXVII‑1] _Panamá_, _Reales Cédulas_, in _Pacheco_ and
_Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, xvii. 349-50.
[XXVII‑2] In 1604 Andrés Cortés was alcalde ordinario,
Francisco Terii alguacil mayor, and Capt. Damian Mendez and
others regidores. The names of the members for 1605 are also
mentioned. _Id._, 228-32.
[XXVII‑3] 'A peculiar kind of wine very much in use at
Seville,'says Salva, in _Dic. Leng Cast._, 54, 784; _Panamá_,
_Reales Cédulas_, in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._,
xvii. 228-30.
[XXVII‑4] The penalties were 50 pesos for the first offence;
100 for a second offence, and for the third perpetual
banishment. The law was passed Sept. 23, 1605, and was
approved by the audiencia. _Id._, 230-3. The evil increased,
and in Dec. 1614 an act declared offenders punishable by
fine of 50 pesos for the first offence, and 100 pesos and
banishment for the second. _Recop. de Indias_, ii. 362.
[XXVII‑5] In _West Indies, Geog. and Hist. Descr._, the number
of men aboard is stated at 300. In an appendix to _Carranza_,
_Descr. Coast W. Indias_, 118, containing Parker's own account
of the taking of Portobello, the latter mentions that he
landed with 150 men, and it may be presumed that he left at
least 50 in charge of his ships.
[XXVII‑6] In the appendix to Carranza just quoted Parker gives
'A Table made in the manner of an Alphabett. for the easier
findinge of the Streates, and chiefest Places portraited in
the Drafte of Portabell, beinge in the West-Indies, standing
in tenne Degrees, which was taken by Captaine William Parker,
of Plymouth, Gentleman, the seaventh Daye of Februarie 1601,'
etc. In _Panamá_, _Descrip._, _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col.
Doc._ x., the year 1602 is given on p. 105, and 1601 on p.
108. The year 1601 is also given in _Casttell's Am._, in
_Churchill's Col. Voy._, viii. 762. The town 'was pillaged by
the _English_ under Captain Parker, in the year 1601,' says
Heylyn, _Cosmog._, 1086. The date of sailing from Plymouth,
November 1601, is given in _Harris' Col. Voy._, i. 747; in
_West Indies, Geog. and Hist._, 79; in _Purchas' Pil._, iv.
1243, and in _Holmes' Annals Am._, i. 117. The landing at
Portobello is placed on the 7th of Feb. 1602. The author of
_West Indies, Geog. and Hist._, 79-80, gives both dates, but
in speaking generally of the expedition styles it of 1601, as
on pp. 67, 78, and elsewhere.
[XXVII‑7] He was great-nephew of the Pedro Melendez who
barbarously murdered Ribault, Landouiere, and others of the
French who fell into his hands in Florida. _West Indies, Geog.
and Hist._, 82-3.
[XXVII‑8] _West Indies, Geog. and Hist._, 82; _Harris' Col.
Voy._, i. 747; _Casttell's Am._ in _Churchill's Col. Voy._,
viii. 762.
[XXVII‑9] On hearing of the capture of Portobello, the
governor of Cartagena is said to have sworn to give 'a Mules
lading of Silver to have a fight of Captain Parker and his
Company,' and as Harris remarks: 'Had they been sure he would
have parted with what he had upon so easie terms as they at
Porto Belo did, 'tis very likely they might have sold him that
favour, but his strength being uncertain as well as his pay,
they did not think fit to attempt him.' _Col. Voy._, i. 747.
[XXVII‑10] Deputies were to receive 400 ducats yearly. In
1608, the bonds of treasury officials were reduced from
20,000 ducats to one half that amount. In a decree of Sept.
11, 1610, the fiscal is directed to go to Portobello on
the arrival of the galleons and tarry during the season;
all other officials to perform their usual duties and make
the requisite reports. Among other duties the fiscal was
authorized to prevent improper persons landing. 'Estorbando
que los cassados y pasajeros que fueron con licencia, y
mulatas moriscas y estrangeras y otras personas prohibidas á
pasar á estas partes, no lo hagan, executando en ellos y en
los que los lleban, las penas que estan impuestas.' _Panamá_,
_Reales Cédulas_, in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._,
xvii. 311-12.
[XXVII‑11] 'When I came into the Haven,' says Thomas Gage who
was at Portobello in 1537, 'I was sorry to see that as yet the
Galeons were not come from Spain, knowing that the longer I
stayed in that place, greater would be my charges.... A kind
Gentleman, who was the King's Treasurer, falling in discourse
with me, promised to help me, that I might be cheaply lodged
even when the ships came, and lodgings were at the highest
rate. He, interposing his authority, went with me to seek one,
which at the time of the Fleets being there, might continue
to be mine. It was no bigger than would contain a Bed, a
Table, and a Stool or two, with room enough besides to open
and shut the door, and they demanded of me for it, during the
foresaid time of the Fleet, six-score Crowns, which commonly
is a fortnight.... I knew a Merchant who gave a thousand
Crowns for a shop of reasonable bigness, to sell his wares and
commodities that year that I was there, for fifteen days only,
which the Fleet continued to be in that Haven. I thought it
much for me to give the six-score Crowns which were demanded
of me for a room, which was but a Mouse-hole.' _New Survey_,
444-5.
[XXVII‑12] The length of anchorage ground is about 3,000
geometrical paces; the width from 1,500 to 1,800 paces, and
the average depth 17 fathoms. Large ships ride at anchor
opposite Castle Santiago, while frigates can move nearer the
mole. There is room for 300 galleons and 1,000 smaller vessels
within, while 2,000 ships may anchor with tolerable safety
without the forts. _Panamá_, _Descrip._, in _Pacheco_ and
_Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, ix. 118-19.
[XXVII‑13] Panamá contained in 1610, eleven streets, three
squares, a cathedral, five convents, a hospital, seven royal
houses, a casa de cabildo, two hermitages, court-house with
jail, 332 houses covered with tiles, 40 small houses, 112
Indian huts, a meat market and slaughter-house. All but eight
of the houses were made of stone. _Panamá_, _Descrip._, in
_Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, ix. 86. The statement
that all but eight were of stone seems improbable. It is
certain that they were nearly all of wood about the middle
of the 16th century, and that most of them were of cedar when
Panamá vieja was destroyed during Morgan's raid in 1671.
[XXVII‑14] It will be remembered that Cruces was the town at
which treasure from Panamá was shipped in barges for the mouth
of the Chagre. The casa de Cruces was established in 1536.
[XXVII‑15] In response to frequent addresses, the king, on the
14th of August 1610, directed Governor Mercedo by all means in
his power to develop mining operations in Panamá and Veragua.
'Para que los que tienen quadrillas do negros las refuerzen y
acrecienten, y los que no las tienen las procuran.' _Panamá_,
_Reales Cédulas_, in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._,
xvii. 211-12.
[XXVII‑16] The office of corredor de lonja was farmed out for
1,000 pesos, those of corredor devinos and auctioneer for 75
pesos each per annum. _Panamá_, _Descrip._, in _Pacheco_ and
_Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, ix. 90. In fact the king prohibited
monopolies in which he did not participate. On the 29th of
March 1621, Felipe III. decreed that as flour must be brought
from Peru, and the corregidores had a monopoly of the trade,
the viceroys must abolish that system so that dealers might
purchase without restriction for the Panamá market. _Recop.
de Ind._, ii. 64.
[XXVII‑17] In 1605, appropriations include 6,000 ducats for
the governor, 2,000 pesos each for four oidores and a fiscal,
and 400,000 maravedís each for the tesorero, contador, and
factor. Others were in proportion. See _Panamá_, _Descrip._,
in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, ix. 105-7.
[XXVII‑18] 'Por este camino se podrá poner freno á la entrada
de los enemigos.' _Panamá_, _Reales Cédulas_, in _Pacheco_
and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, xvii. 214.
[XXVII‑19] 'Advirtiendo que todo este se a de hacer sin que
dello se siga ninguna costa a mi hacienda.' _Id._, xvii.
213-14.
[XXVII‑20] Forced loans were frequently extorted by Felipe
III., and merchants resorted to all sorts of devices to
conceal their specie. Commerce suffered great depression, and
on April 10, 1643, Felipe IV., in a letter to the governor,
says that under no circumstances would any further exaction
be made, but that he would be satisfied with the stipulated
dues. _Panamá_, _Reales Cédulas_, in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_,
_Col. Doc._, xvii. 249-52.
[XXVII‑21] _Id._, xvii. 249-52. Alcedo, who is by no means
reliable either as to names or dates, says that Don Rodrigo
de Vivero y Velasco, a native of Lima, succeeded Don Diego
de Orozco. He adds that during Velasco's administration the
subjugation and spiritual conquest of the Guaimi Indians in
Veragua was effected, and that his rule ended in 1624. _Dic._,
iv. 41. Diego de Haya in his _Datos para la Historia del
Istmo_ makes no mention of either of the Velascos.
[XXVII‑22] In 1651 it was common to ship bullion from Peru
as though destined for Panamá, and thence have it smuggled
into Spain. This gave rise to several decrees. _Pacheco_ and
_Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, xvii. 194-5. Another device was to
ship silver in bale goods. _Dampier's Voy._, i. 185. A common
method of collusion between Spanish and English contrabandists
was for an English vessel to coast off Portobello until
visited from the shore by those prepared to trade. Having
marked selections of goods the latter returned with their
money when ready to purchase, often under the disguise of
peasants. _Univ. Col. Voy._, ii. 373-4. The king on Sept. 23,
1652, says that frauds were committed in 1651, in deducting
from the schedule of Callao, lots and parcels, under pretence
that they were for residents of Panamá and Portobello; and
that there was a dispensation to the merchants in 'el mero que
hauian de hazer, supliendos por imaginaria en el registro los
600,000 pesos que se obligaron á mi Virrey del Peru.' He also
demands a report of the reasons why 'no hicesteis enterar la
suma que el Consulado, y comercio de Lima se obligo a suplir
por ynmaxinaria, a lo efectibo del rexistro que salió de aquella
ciudad.' _Panamá_, _Real Cédula_, in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_,
_Col. Doc._, xvii. 194-5.
[XXVII‑23] _Provincia del Sto Evangelio MS., No. 16._ See also
_Torquemada_, iii. 280; and _Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._, iv.
32.
[XXVII‑24] Gonzalez Dávila, _Teatro Ecles._, ii. 58, states
that he held office for 15 years, and Alcedo, _Dic._, iv. 34,
repeats the statement; and yet both are evidently mistaken.
Chroniclers of the seventeenth century leave the order of
succession to the see of Panamá in doubt, though they are
agreed as to the date of Ábrego's death. Dávila mentions
the elevation of Fray Pablo de Torres as the seventh bishop
probably in 1559, and that he certainly entered upon the
duties in the following year. In this Alcedo concurs. Both
speak of his successor Fray Juan Vaca, but without giving the
date of the decease of the former or of the appointment of
the later. Vaca died on the voyage out, and the vacant see
was not filled until Ábrego's appointment.
[XXVII‑25] Alcedo says that his full name was Bartolomé
Martinez Menacho. Previous to his appointment the bishopric
had been offered to and declined by Fray Pedro de Pravia, a
distinguished theologian. _Dávila Padilla_, _Fvnd. Santiago
de Mex._, 595.
[XXVII‑26] According to Alcedo this occurred in 1593. _Id._
[XXVII‑27] This see was created in 1602. Bishop Calderon
died at Salinas when upwards of 100 years old and was buried
in the convent of San Agustin of which he had been a great
benefactor. _Dávila_, _Teatro Ecles._, ii. 58, 118.
[XXVII‑28] The sum of 3,770 pesos having been subscribed, the
licentiate Terrin of Panamá offered to erect the buildings if
a suitable site were provided, and expended for that purpose
some 24,000 pesos. He further added an annual endowment of
2,000 pesos, reserving founder's rights (patronazgo) for
himself. _Panamá_, _Descrip._, _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col.
Doc._, ix. 107; _Figueroa_, _Vindicias_, MS., 74.
[XXVII‑29] A cédula of July 1, 1580, stigmatizes this conduct
as 'an abuse that must be stopped.' _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_,
_Col. Doc._, xvii. 488.
[XXVII‑30] While still a friar, Carabajal went to Spain and
became prior of the royal convent of Valladolid, and during
his attendance at court he was chosen assistant-general of all
the provinces of Spain and the Indies, and reformador of the
provinces of Bolonia and Romania by authority of Pope Clement
VIII. _Dicc. Univ._, _Hist. Geog._, viii. 522. According to
this authority he was a native of the city of Mexico, but
Dávila, in _Teatro Ecles._, ii. 59, says he was a native of
Cáceres in Estremadura.
[XXVII‑31] _Panamá_, _Reales Cédulas_, in _Pacheco_ and
_Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, xvii. 237-9.
[XXVII‑32] At this time Panamá had convents belonging to the
Dominicans, the Franciscans, the Mercenarios, and the Jesuits,
a flourishing nunnery, and a number of secular ecclesiastics.
Its cathedral tithes amounted to 7,632 pesos, of which the
prelate received 2,331. In the first named convent there were
10, in the second 11 religious; while the Mercenarios had 13
and the Jesuits 11. The nunnery had 24 nuns and 32 negroes of
both sexes. The cathedral had two chapels, Santa Anna and San
Cristóbal. _Panamá_, _Descrip._, in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_,
_Col. Doc._, ix. 108. Some years later, from 1625-27, Gage
says there were 8 convents and monasteries for friars and
nuns. _Voyage_, ii. 78-91.
[XXVII‑33] Instituted in Granada in 1538 for special service
in hospital work. They followed the rules of San Agustin. In
1572 Pope Clement V. approved the order and thenceforward the
fraternity labored in their specialty.
[XXVII‑34] Cámara founded scholarships in the college of San
Agustin and left an annuity of three hundred pesos to the
Jesuit college, a sum for the maintenance of two chaplains
in the choir, and 4,000 pesos for the church building fund.
_Gonzalez Dávila_, _Teatro Ecles._, ii. 59, and _Alcedo_,
_Dic._, iv. 35.
[XXVII‑35] The former lived to an advanced age, dying in 1649.
He was a great ascetic, and refused a bishopric. His funeral
was attended by the audiencia and all the noble families of
the province. _Santos_, _Chron. Hist._, i. 303.
[XXVII‑36] In 1636 they refused to deliver up the bodies of
some persons who had died in the hospital, and prevented their
interment in the chapel of La Concepcion. _Reales Cédulas_,
in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, xvii. 243.
[XXVII‑37] On the 17th of January 1626 he was consecrated at
Valladolid in the Dominican convent of San Pablo. _Gonzalez
Dávila_, _Teatro Ecles._, ii. 59-60; _Alcedo_, _Dic._, iv.
35-6.
[XXVII‑38] In a letter dated March 26, 1638, Felipe IV.
approves of this measure. _Panamá_, _Reales Cédulas_, in
_Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, xvii. 241.
[XXVII‑39] 'Mandamos á los Presidentes y Oidores, y á todos
los demas Ministros de nuestras Reales Audiencias, que ninguno
de los susodichos, ni sus mujeres entren en la clausura
de los Monasterios de Monjas á ninguna hora del dia, ni la
noche: y asimismo, que no vayan á hablar por los locutorios,
y puertas Reglares á horas extraordinarias, y esto se guarde
con la precision necesaria y conveniente á la decencia de los
Monasterios.' _Recop. de Indias_, i. 393.
[XXVII‑40] In 1624 Alvaro de Quiñones Osorio, marqués de
Lorenzana and knight of the order of Santiago, was appointed
governor, and in 1632 was promoted to the governorship of
Guatemala. His successor was Sebastian Hurtado de Corcuera,
who held office only two years, _Alcedo_, _Dicc._, iv. 41,
and was succeeded by Sotomayor, who died in 1639, Inigo de
la Mota Sarmiento, a knight of the order of Santiago and a
member of the supreme council, being the next in succession.
Sarmiento died in 1642. There are no incidents worthy of note
connected with any of them except Sotomayor, and it is by
no means certain that Alcedo is right as to date or order of
succession, but there are no other authorities on this point.
Bazan succeeded Sarmiento.
[XXVII‑41] The date of the fire was the 21st of February
1644. Two days later another one broke out but was speedily
controlled. Both were looked upon as the work of incendiaries,
but if so they escaped detection. _Panamá_, _Reales Cédulas_
(published 14th of May 1645), in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_,
_Col. Doc._, xvii. 273.
[XXVII‑42] On May 13, 1645, the king says that in the face of
royal orders Bazan had appointed Estévan Gallejos, his wife's
nephew, warden of the castle of San Felipe, Portobello; and
on the 5th of August 1647 that other relatives and dependents
had been appointed to lucrative places. One nephew was alcalde
mayor of Nasa; another, warden of the castle of Chagre; one
servant was captain of the companies of the garrison, and
another was factor. He was censured, and again commanded
to obey, 'porque demas que bos se ara la demonstracion que
conbenga, sereis castigado con toda seberidad.' _Panamá_,
_Reales Cédulas_, in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._,
xvii. 275-81.
[XXVII‑43] _Id._, 269-71. Alcedo styles him Don Juan de
Bitribeante y Navarra, knight of the order of Calatrava.
_Dic._, iv. 42.
[XXVIII‑1] Captain Morgan said: 'If our number is small, our
hearts are great; and the fewer Persons we are, the more Union
and better shares we shall have in the Spoil.' _Exquemelin_,
_Hist. Bucaniers_, 93.
[XXVIII‑2] _Exquemelin_, _Hist. Bucaniers_, 96.
[XXVIII‑3] _Exquemelin_, _Hist. Flib._, ii. 44, and _Hist.
Bucaniers_, 98.
[XXVIII‑4] _Burney's Buccaneers of America_, 62, and
_Archenholtz' Hist. Pirates_, 116, give the plunder at 250,000
pesos, besides slaves and merchandise, but _Exquemelin_,
_Hist. Bucaniers_, 119, probably through a typographical
error, at 25,000 pesos, apart from slaves and merchandise.
[XXVIII‑5] Six vessels with 350 men under the command of
Vice-Admiral Collier, according to _Sharp's Voyages_, 124.
[XXVIII‑6] In _Sharp's Voyages_, 125-126, it is stated
that the expedition was absent 52 days, and made prizes of
two Spanish vessels, and that Morgan ascertained from the
prisoners that the president of Panamá had granted commissions
against the English to a number of Spanish privateers.
[XXVIII‑7] Two thousand two hundred. _Exquemelin_, _Hist.
Flib._, ii. 105. An intercepted despatch from the president
of Panamá, translated in _Sharp's Voyages_, 145, gives the
number of men at 3,000.
[XXVIII‑8] Twenty-four heavy guns and eight brass pieces.
_Exquemelin_, _Hist. Flib._, ii. 105.
[XXVIII‑9] Indorsed by the governor of Jamaica. _Exquemelin_,
_Hist. Flib._, ii. 110. But this statement is not confirmed in
other places. The _Hist. Bucaniers_, 126, implies that Morgan
had no right to grant such commissions. See also _Sharp's
Voyages_, preface. The governor must have been aware of the
treaty pending between England and Spain.
[XXVIII‑10] It was agreed that one hundredth part of all the
booty should be set aside for the commander's portion; that
each captain should draw, besides his own, the shares of 8,
10, or 12 men, according to the size of his vessel, and that
the surgeon should receive 200 pesos, and each carpenter 100
pesos, in addition to their regular pay. For those who should
be maimed in action compensation was thus provided: for the
loss of both eyes, 2,000 pesos; of one eye, 100; of both arms,
1,800; of both legs, 1,500; of a single arm or leg, 500; and
of a finger, 100 pesos; or an equivalent in slaves—on the
basis of one slave for each one hundred pesos. He who should
be the first to force his way into a Spanish castle, or to
haul down the Spanish colors and plant the English standard
on the walls, was to receive 50 pesos; he who should take a
prisoner from whom serviceable news could be obtained, 100
pesos; he who should throw hand-grenades among the enemy,
5 pesos for each one thrown; and he who in action should
capture an officer of rank, risking his life thereby, was to
be rewarded according to the degree of his valor. All rewards
and extra allowances were to be paid over before a general
division should be made of the booty. I find nothing set aside
for Christ or the church. _Exquemelin_, _Hist. Flib._, ii.
108-110; _Hist. Bucaniers_, 126.
[XXVIII‑11] _Exquemelin_, _Hist. Flibustiers_, ii. 117, and
_Hist. Bucaniers_, 129, 130.
[XXVIII‑12] Three ships and 470 men, according to _Sharp's
Voyages_, 130.
[XXVIII‑13] The account given in _Sharp's Voyages_, 130, is
that the buccaneers, in plying their hand-grenades, set fire
to a guard-house that stood on the wall of the castle. This
seems improbable, for they were separated from the fort by the
crevasse, by the palisades beyond, and by the space between
the palisades and the castle walls, which must have been
beyond reach of such missiles.
[XXVIII‑14] In _Sharp's Voyages_, 133, it is stated that
Morgan left only 300 men to guard the castle, and started for
Panamá with 1,400 buccaneers, 7 small ships, and 36 boats. The
intercepted despatch from the president of Panamá, translated
in the same work, states (page 153) that Morgan reached Panamá
with 2,300 men. In _Exquemelin_, _Hist. Flib._, i. 137, the
number is given at 1,300.
[XXVIII‑15] Authorities differ materially in their accounts
of this skirmish. Exquemelin, _Hist. Bucaniers_, 141, and
Archenholtz, _Hist. Pirates_, 135, speaks of a flight of
3,000 or 4,000 arrows; but there is no evidence that a body
of several thousand Indians was ever assembled at a given
point, and if this were so it does not appear how they managed
to shoot such a flight of arrows down a narrow ravine. The
_Hist. Flibustiers_, i. 153, says the pass was cut through
the rock, in order to shorten and render less difficult the
route between Panamá and Chagre; in that case it could not
have been of any great length. In _Sharp's Voyages_, 134, it
is stated that none of the buccaneers were killed, and only
three slightly wounded.
[XXVIII‑16] See intercepted letter from the president of
Panamá translated in _Sharp's Voyages_, 151-52.
[XXVIII‑17] The old town of Panamá was destroyed by Morgan in
January 1671. _Exquemelin's Hist. Bucaniers_, 148. In _Sharp's
Voyages_, 142, January 1670 is given as the date.
[XXVIII‑18] Translation of the president's letter in _Sharp's
Voyages_, 155. There is considerable discrepancy in the
various accounts of the action before Panamá; but there is
no evidence that Guzman acquitted himself in the least like
a soldier. Exquemelin, _Hist. Flib._, ii. 160, and _Hist.
Buccaniers_, 140, Sharp, _Voyagers_, 138 (in the author's own
account of the battle), and Archenholtz, _Hist. Pirates_, 140,
all agree that the cavalry bore the brunt of the fight, and
not one of these authorities has a word to say in favor of
the pusillanimous captain-general.
[XXVIII‑19] Here again authors differ essentially in their
narrative. _Exquemelin_, _Hist. Bucaniers_, 147, states that
the freebooters suffered severely from the Spanish artillery
as they approached the city. Archenholtz, _Hist. Pirates_,
141, makes the same statement; but the _Hist. Flib._, ii. 164,
says that they encountered no opposition; and this version
is probably correct, for as remarked in _Burney's Buccaneers
of America_, 67, Panamá had no regular fortifications, and
in parts lay open, and was to be won or defended by plain
lighting. Sharp, _Voyages_, 141, indorses the _Hist. Flib._
[XXVIII‑20] It is difficult to decide, amidst a conflict of
authorities, whether the burning of Panamá was due to the
Spaniards or to Morgan's orders. In _Exquemelin_, _Hist.
Bucaniers_, 148, it is implied that Morgan gave such an
order secretly, and for private reasons. In _Hist. Flib._,
ii. 169, it is positively stated that Morgan, fearing the
Spaniards might surprise him by night, caused the city to
be fired. In _Archenholtz' Hist. Pirates_, 143, the blame
is also laid to Morgan's charge. On the other hand, in the
president's despatch, translated in _Sharp's Voyages_, 156, it
is admitted that the city was fired by slaves and by some of
the inhabitants. It is acknowledged by all these writers that
the freebooters attempted to stay the conflagration. There
seems no good reason why Morgan, who had now at his disposal
28 pieces of artillery, should have feared an attack from the
Spaniards, or why he should commit an act which destroyed his
chance of receiving a ransom. In _Robles_, _Documentos para la
Historia de Méjico_, série i. tom. ii. 117, it is mentioned
that a letter from the president of Panamá, dated April 3,
1671, nearly six weeks after Morgan's departure, was received
in Mexico in December of that year. The letter confirms the
intercepted despatch in many particulars, and adds that when
the city was burned the buccaneers 'found themselves without
provisions and supplies, and on that account did not carry out
their main intention, which was to pass to Portobello by land,
besiege it with vessels by sea, and capture it by blockade,
and that they brought with them in anticipation a boy whom
they styled the prince, and intended to crown king of Tierra
Firme.'
[XXVIII‑21] _Exquemelin_, _Hist. Flib._, ii. 171. The ingots
of gold and silver were of course in transit for Spain, and
had been placed on board the galleon for safe keeping.
[XXVIII‑22] In _Hist. Bucaniers_, 152, it is stated that he
was then hung up by the private parts, and flogged in that
position.
[XXVIII‑23] All the leading authorities agree that the
prisoners were subjected to excruciating torture. The author
of _Sharp's Voyages_ makes an attempt to clear Morgan's
character, and to throw ridicule on the story of these
atrocities. The work was published in London in 1684, a few
years after Morgan was knighted by Charles II. The writer
collected his materials in part from inquiry among the
buccaneers themselves, and may therefore be worthy of credence
in some matters of detail; but the fact that 16 out of 20
pages of preface are taken up with a sorry effort 'to rescue
the Honour of that incomparable Souldier and Seaman,' while
the narrative of the raid on Panamá occupies but 20 out of
170 pages, seems to show the purpose for which it was written.
[XXVIII‑24] 'Quatre cent quarante-trois mille deux cens
livres, comptant l'argent rompu à dix piastres la livre.'
_Exquemelin_, in _Hist. Flib._, ii. 191. In pages 197-8 of the
same volume there is an explanation of the manner in which
Morgan contrived to secrete a large quantity of precious
stones. The buccaneers may have believed that such an amount
of plunder had been obtained, though its real value was
probably less than one third of what they supposed it to be.
In _Sharp's Voyages_, 143, the worth of the spoils is stated
at £30,000, a sum almost insufficient to defray the expenses
that Morgan must have incurred in obtaining his title from
Charles II. There are no reliable data on this point.
[XXIX‑1] 'It is beautified with a great many fair Churches and
Religious Houses.' _Dampier's Voy._, i. 178-9. So in _Drake's
Univ. Col. Voy._, 63, and _Coreal_, _Voy._, i. 92.
[XXIX‑2] Under command of captains Harris and Sawkins.
_Ringrose's Voyage_, 2.
[XXIX‑3] The foundation of the friendship between the natives
of Darien and the buccaneers was laid by Captain Wright while
cruising off the Samballas about 1665. In that year Wright
made captive a lad who, in 1679, when the captain was again
in those parts, convinced his people that Englishmen hated
Spaniards, and would therefore prove useful allies. In proof
of their friendly disposition toward the Indians, he instanced
the kind treatment he had received. The natives then boarded
the privateer; and being judiciously treated, an agreement
was made permitting the English to cross this territory to
the South Sea. _Dampier's Voyage_, i. 181-3.
[XXIX‑4] The buccaneers had just captured a packet conveying
letters to Portobello, some of which were addressed to Panamá
merchants from their correspondents in Spain. These letters
alluded to a prophecy at that time current: 'That there would
be English Privateers that Year in the West Indies, who would
make such great Discoveries, as to open a Door into the South
Seas.' This was interpreted by the captors to mean a passage
overland through the territory of the Indians, and this
interpretation coinciding with the invitation of the natives
prompted them to undertake a march on Panamá. _Dampier's
Voyage_, i. 180-1.
[XXIX‑5] Andrés was styled the 'emperor of Darien,' the
magnate to whose service the freebooters now claimed to
belong. These chieftains at one time ruled a large tract
about the gulf of Darien; but had been straitened in their
boundaries by the Spaniards, with whom they waged continual
war. _Sharp's Voyage_, 2.
[XXIX‑6] 'Over a Bay.' _Ringrose's Voy._, 4. 'By the side of a
bay.' _Burney's Discov. South Sea_, iv. 91. 'En doen over een
Inham van byna een Mijl in de lengte.' _Exquemelin_, _Hist.
Boecaniers_, 148.
[XXIX‑7] Ringrose speaks of this monarch with intense gravity,
marred by no trace of irony. Probably this was the first
crowned head with whom he had been on intimate terms.
[XXIX‑8] Ringrose calls the beast a 'Tygre,' _Voy._, 8; but it
was more probably a jaguar, or a tiger-cat. It is true there
may have been risk in using fire-arms, but why could not the
Indians have killed it with their arrows?
[XXIX‑9] An anonymous authority states that the smaller
party reached the rendezvous on April 12th, and seeing their
friends had not arrived, held a whispered consultation among
themselves. Andrés, on observing this, despatched a canoe up
the smaller branch of the river, which soon returned with two
canoes of the larger body, who all arrived next day. _Sharp's
Voy._, 7-8.
[XXIX‑10] Sharp speaks of the peccary as the 'Warre,' and
describes it as a wild animal somewhat resembling the hog
in appearance and flavor, but 'the Navels of these kind of
animals grew on their backs.' _Sharp's Voy._, 4, in _Hacke_,
_Coll._ There is, however, no doubt that it was the peccary.
Pascual de Andagoya mentions it, falling into the error common
to old writers as regards the 'navel' on the back. _Andagoya_,
_Narr._, 17. It is also noticed by Acosta, _Hist. Ind._, lib.
iv. cap. xxxviii., and Herrera, dec. ii. lib. ii. cap. iv.
De Rochfort speaks of it under the name of 'Javaris.' _Hist.
Nat. des Isles Antilles_, 138 (ed. 1665). In Costa Rica the
animal is still vulgarly known as the 'warré,' though the name
is not found in print, and I have therefore adopted phonetic
English spelling, which agrees with that of Captain Sharp.
[XXIX‑11] Exquemelin thus relates the incident referred to:
'Hier vonden en verlosten we d'oudste Dogter van de Konink
van Darien (van wien hier boven is gewag gemaakt), die zo't
scheen door een van de Soldaten van't Guarnizoen met geweld
uyt haar Vaders Huys was weg genomen; en zwanger by hem was.'
_Hist. Boecaniers_, 153.
[XXIX‑12] The affair is not noticed by Sharp. It seems
probable that desire for vengeance might induce the father and
grandfather, Antonio and Andrés, to exaggerate the wealth of
Santa María.
[XXIX‑13] This massacre is not mentioned by Sharp, but he
places the Spanish loss at about 70 in killed and wounded,
which would perhaps include those murdered by the Indians.
_Journal_, 6; in _Hacke's Coll._
[XXIX‑14] It is stated that disappointment of their booty
rendered the rovers more blood-thirsty than usual, 'for though
they were faintly opposed, and lost not a man, 26 Spaniards
were killed, and 16 wounded in the assault, and many others
were deliberately butchered in the woods, subsequent to the
surrender by the Indians.' _United Service Journal, 1837_,
pt. ii. 316.
[XXIX‑15] _Ringrose's Voy._, 11; _Sharp_, _Journal_, 7, in
_Hacke's Coll._; _Burney's Discov. South Sea_, iv. 96.
[XXIX‑16] The term _piragua_ is here applied to a large canoe
frequently carrying a mast and sails, and quite different from
a common 'dug-out.' The buccaneers frequently called this boat
a bark.
[XXIX‑17] 'It pleased God, that with extream danger even
to those that rescued them, they were all saved. It being a
certain truth that those who are born to be hang'd shall never
be drown'd, it proving so with us, one of our Company being
hang'd at _Jamaica_ on _Port Royal_; And we were very near it
here in _London_.' _Sharp's Voyage_, 11.
[XXIX‑18] Sharp says 14 days. _Journal_, 10, in _Hacke's
Coll._
[XXIX‑19] _Bucaniers of Amer._, ii.; _Ringrose's Voy._, 20-1.
The last-named author gives the number of the crew as 137.
Hacke, _Col. Voy._, ii. 10, and Sharp, _Voyage_, 12, say 130
men.
[XXIX‑20] See _Burney's Discov. South Sea_, iv. 98.
[XXIX‑21] _Hacke's Col. Voy._ Sharp reached Chepillo Island
April 23d, but one authority states that the fleet and the
bark parted company at this date.
[XXIX‑22] _Bucaniers of Amer._, ii.; _Ringrose's Voy._, 21-2.
One man killed and five wounded according to _Hacke's Col.
Voy._, ii. 10.
[XXIX‑23] According to _Bucaniers of Amer._, ii.; _Ringrose's
Voy._, 22, all the prisoners escaped except one. But Sharp's
statement that his men reported to him 'that there were dead
People lying on the Ground, which made them conjecture our Men
had had a Fight with the Spaniards,' _Hacke's Col. Voy._, ii.
12; _Sharp's Voy._, 12, disproves Ringrose's version, which
glosses over this atrocity.
[XXIX‑24] The city of Panamá was usually garrisoned by 300
regular troops and 1,100 militia, but when the buccaneers
arrived in the bay most of their soldiers were absent from
the city, and the people were in the utmost consternation,
having only some twelve hours' notice of the impending attack.
The best of the soldiers remaining were placed on board the
squadron, so it seems highly probable that if the pirates
had landed instead of engaging the war-ships they might have
gained possession of the place. _Bucaniers of Amer._, ii.;
_Ringrose's Voy._, 28-9.
[XXIX‑25] _Id._, 25-6. Another account of this battle
differs somewhat from the above: 'We boarded one of them, and
carried her; so with her we took the second; and the third
had certainly run the same fate, had not she scoured away in
time.' _Sharp's Voyage_, 13-14.
[XXIX‑26] 'We had eleven Men Killed right out, and thirty-four
more Wounded dangerously.' _Id._, 14. Sharp also gives the
same numbers, _Hacke's Col. Voy._, ii. 12. Ringrose says their
loss was 18 killed and 22 wounded, two of the latter dying
afterward, one of whom was 'Captain Peter Harris, a brave
and stout soldier ... born in the County of Kent.' _Bucaniers
of Amer._, ii. 27. Burney says '18 were killed, and above 30
wounded,' _Hist. Bucc._, 99; as also _United Service Jour.,
1837_, pt. ii. 316.
[XXIX‑27] The ships captured in the action were also burned
later.
[XXIX‑28] The crew of this vessel had captured another bark,
and dismantling the old one and putting their prisoners
on board of her without masts or sails turned them adrift.
_Bucaniers of Amer._, ii.: _Ringrose's Voy._, 30.
[XXIX‑29] According to Sharp in _Id._, 14, and the anonymous
narrator in _Sharp's Voy._, 15. Ringrose says: 'He drew off
with him, to the number of Three-score and Ten of our Men.'
_Bucaniers of Amer._, ii. 30.
[XXIX‑30] Sharp fixes this date at April 29th. _Hacke's Col.
Voy._, 16.
[XXIX‑31] She contained 2,000 jars of wine, 50 jars of
gunpowder, and 51,000 pesos according to Ringrose. _Bucaniers
of Amer._, ii. 31. Sharp, who made the capture, says the ship
was taken on the 26th of April, having 1,400 jars of wine
and brandy, some ammunition, and 50,000 pesos, _Hacke's Col.
Voy._, ii. 15.
[XXIX‑32] For 3,000 pesos. _Id._, 16.
[XXIX‑33] So close was the blockade of the city, and so
great the terror inspired by the buccaneers, that the first
news received at the city of Mexico affirmed that Panamá was
captured, many Spaniards slain, and that the nuns and many
other people had fled to the mountains. This intelligence was
transmitted by the president of Guatemala, and did not reach
Mexico until August 8, 1680. _Robles_, _Diario_, ii. 310.
[XXIX‑34] While there Ringrose completed a chart of the bay
of Panamá and a portion of the coast, which was more correct
than any in the possession of the Spaniards. _Bucaniers of
Amer._, ii. 32-3. The authorities again differ with regard to
the date.
[XXIX‑35] 'The Island _Quibo_ or _Cabaya_, is in lat. 7 d.
14 m. North of the Equator.' _Dampier's Voy._, i. 212. It
is called by Ringrose Cayboa. _Bucaniers of Amer._, ii. 33.
Its modern name is Coquimbo. In crossing thither a storm was
encountered and two barks foundered, one containing 15 men
and the other seven. This storm and wreck are not mentioned by
the anonymous writer of _Sharp's Voy._, though Sharp himself
alludes to it in _Hacke's Col. Voy._, ii. 34.
[XXIX‑36] 'They entered the river with 50 Men ... and on their
way up found two vessels, which they abandoned.' _South Sea
Company: A View of the Coast_, 162.
[XXIX‑37] Before quitting Taboga, where they stayed about 14
days, one of the buccaneers, a Frenchman, fled to the enemy
and betrayed all his comrades' plans. The stockades were
built by the Spaniards on the advice of the runaway Frenchman,
_Hacke's Col. Voy._, ii. 33-4.
[XXIX‑38] Besides Sawkins two other men were killed and three
more wounded, according to Ringrose. The anonymous writer in
_Sharp's Voy._, 16-17, says that the failure of the enterprise
was owing to the 'Rashness and Want of conduct' of Sawkins,
who rushed to the assault before one fourth of the men had
landed, being a man that nothing upon Earth could terrifie.'
[XXIX‑39] As 'a Man who was as Valiant and Couragious as any
could be, and likewise next to Capt. Sharp, the best beloved
of all our Company, or the most Part thereof.' _Bucaniers of
Amer._, ii. 33-4. Sharp was not a general favorite among the
buccaneers. Burney says that 'Ringrose was not in England
when his narrative was published; and advantage was taken of
his absence to interpolate in it some impudent passages in
commendation of Sharp's valor.' He goes on to say that in the
MS. of Ringrose's Journal, preserved in the Sloane Collection,
British Museum, the passage quoted concerning Sawkins'
character runs: 'Captain Sawkins was a valiant and generous
spirited man, and beloved above any other we ever had among
us, which he well deserved.' _Burney's Discov. South Sea_, iv.
104-5. The inference suggested by Burney, therefore, is that
Sharp, or somebody in his interest, foisted in the passages
characterized as 'impudent.'
[XXIX‑40] According to Ringrose, page 35, who would have
joined them but for the dangers of the journey, 63 men left.
loc. cit. Those who departed numbered about 70, while 146
remained with Capt. Sharp. _Hacke's Col. Voy._, ii. 35. 'In
this mutiny 75 more of our Men left us, and returned over
Land as they came, delivering up their commissions to our
Emperour.' _Sharp's Voy._, 17.
[XXIX‑41] One John Cox took command of Cook's ship, the
_Mayflower_, with a company of 40 men. _Sharp's Voy._, 17-18.
Sharp does not mention Cox at this time.
[XXIX‑42] Ringrose's ship had been burned for her iron.
[XXIX‑43] The reason of the mutiny was that Captain Sharp had
now some 3,000 pesos, and wished to return home immediately.
Two-thirds of the crew, however, had no money left, having
gambled it all away, and they were in no mind to return; so
they supported the claims of Watling against Sharp. _Sharp's
Voy._, 49. 'While we lay at the isle of John Fernando, Captain
Sharp was by general consent, displaced from being Commander;
the Company being not satisfied either with his Courage or
Behavior.' _Dampier's Voyage_, introd., p.v. The story of the
mutiny, without any detail, is found in _Drake's Univ. Col.
Voy._, 56. Sharp says the conspiracy against him was mainly
the doing of John Cox, whom he had appointed to a separate
command under him for old acquaintance's sake. _Hacke's Col.
Voy._, ii. 45-46.
[XXIX‑44] After Watling's death, 'a great number of the meaner
sort' wished Sharp once more elected commander, but the more
experienced and able men were not satisfied and would not
consent. The difference of opinion became so great that it
was determined to put the matter to the vote; the majority
keeping the ship, and the minority taking the long-boat and
canoes, and going where they wished. Captain Sharp's party
being in the majority, Dampier joined the smaller body, and
taking their share of provisions, etc., they sailed for the
Isthmus. _Dampier's Voyage_, introd., pp. v.-vi.
[XXIX‑45] Sharp asserts that he was unanimously restored to
his command after the death of Watling, and does not mention
the mutiny. _Hacke's Col. Voy._, 48.
[XXIX‑46] He carried off also several persons of both sexes,
who were afterward ransomed for 1,000 pesos. _Haya_, _Inform.
al Rey_, MS., 12; _Nueva Esp., Breve Resum._, MS., ii. 385.
Juarros, _Guat._, i. 58, mentions that Esparza had been
previously sacked by a French corsair in 1670. It was again
attacked by pirates in 1686 or 1688, when it was abandoned
by its inhabitants, who retired to the valleys of Bagaces and
Landecho. _Haya_ and _Nueva Esp._, ut supra.
[XXIX‑47] Their name inspired such dread that the new viceroy
of Peru dared not sail from Panamá to his government in a ship
of 25 guns, but waited for the arrival of the armada from the
south. _Bucaniers of Amer._, ii. 136.
[XXIX‑48] Las Casas, in his _Relation of the Spanish Voyages
and Cruelties in the West Indies_, 217, distinctly lays
down the principle that 'the Spaniards had no Title to the
Americans, as their Subjects, by right of Inheritance,
Purchase, or Conquest.' _Darien_, _Defence of the Scots
Settlement_, 5.
[XXIX‑49] Ringrose expressly stated that they acted throughout
without any commission. _Bucaniers of Amer._, ii.; _Ringrose's
Voy._, 178, and _Burney's Discov. South Sea_, iv. 123. Burney
says: 'From the defectiveness of the evidence produced, they
escaped conviction.' _Id._, iv. 123. Three of Sharp's men were
tried at Jamaica, and one was hanged. The narrator said this
man was 'wheedled into an open confession: the other two stood
it out, and escaped for want of witnesses to prove the fact
against them.' _Id._, iv. 124. See also, for the execution of
this man, _Sharp's Voy._, ii. One of the principal charges
was the capture of the _Rosario_, and killing her captain
and another man: 'but it was proved,' says the author of the
anonymous narrative, who was one of the men brought to trial,
'that the Spaniards fired at us first, and it was judged that
we ought to defend ourselves.' _Id._, iv. 123-124.
[XXX‑1] They numbered 44 Europeans, one Spanish Indian, and
two Mosquito Indians.
[XXX‑2] There were, moreover, two ships, one carrying 20 guns
and 200 men, and the other ten guns and 150 men, cruising in
the bay between the gulf and Gorgona. _Dampier's Voy._, i. 6.
[XXX‑3] Dampier strongly urged his comrades to run for the
river Congo, three leagues distant, and ascend it to the limit
of tide-water, but could not persuade them of the existence
of a large river so near, 'but they would land somewhere, they
did not know how, where, nor when.' _Id._, 7.
[XXX‑4] This landing was effected May 1, 1681. _Id._
[XXX‑5] They here learned that they were not more than three
miles from the Congo. _Id._, 12.
[XXX‑6] 'One of our men being tired gave us the slip.' _Id._
[XXX‑7] It was only by bringing female influence to bear that
they gained the Indian's assistance. His wife was presented
with a 'Sky-coloured Petticoat,' and soon overcame his
obduracy. _Id._, 13.
[XXX‑8] When they forded it the last time the tallest men
stood in the deepest part and helped over the sick and those
of smaller stature, so that all got over with the exception
of two who had lagged behind. Dampier carried his journal
and other writings in a large joint of bamboo, the ends being
closed with wax. _Id._, 15-16.
[XXX‑9] The two men left behind, afterward, when they rejoined
their comrades, stated that they found him lying dead in a
creek with the money still on his back, but they did not take
it, being intent on finding their way out of the country.
_Id._, 17.
[XXX‑10] Here Doctor Wafer and four others, including the
two stragglers, stayed behind. They rejoined their comrades,
however, some months later. _Id._, 19, 24; _Wafer's Voy._,
4-43.
[XXX‑11] One day they crossed the same stream 22 times in a
march of nine miles. _Dampier's Voy._, i. 19.
[XXX‑12] For two days they were entirely without food. On
the third 'we got Macaw-berries ... wherewith we satisfied
ourselves this day though coursly.' _Id._, 20. These berries
were probably the fruit of the great Macaw-tree, acrocomia
sclerocarpa.
[XXX‑13] One of the Samballas group which extends about 20
leagues from Point Samballas to Golden Island. These islands
had, since 1679, been a favorite place for careening, and so
had become a rendezvous for privateers, many of them being
named after captains of vessels, as in the case of La Sound
Key. _Id._, 22-3.
[XXX‑14] Davis, according to Exquemelin, was born in Jamaica.
_Bucaniers of Amer._, 49. Lussan, in _Id._, 26, states that
he was a Fleming. The first author gives a brief narrative,
without date, of a bold raid made by this buccaneer into
Nicaragua from the Atlantic side. In this enterprise he must
have passed up the San Juan River, on the banks of which the
pirates, 80 in number, concealed themselves by day, and rowed
during the night. What city it was they attacked is not clear,
but the booty obtained was more than 50,000 pesos.
[XXX‑15] Davis left to the cacique a bark half full of flour
as a reward for his services. Eaton departed on the 2d of
September, having taken on board 400 sacks of flour. _Id._,
129; _Drake's Col. Voy._, 59.
[XXX‑16] So named according to report by the Spaniards, from
the fact that Drake there divided among his men the silver
with which one of his prizes was laden. _Dampier's Voy._, 132.
It was also called Drake Island.
[XXX‑17] Lussan gives an account different from that of
Dampier. He states that an engineer on board Swan's ship told
him that she belonged to the duke of York and had been sent
out to take a plan of those parts, and that Swan falling in
with Davis was compelled to join him because 'il aima mieux
ceder au Forban que d'en être pris.' _Journal du Voy._, 64-5.
[XXX‑18] One was captured while hunting, and the other was one
of Captain Harris' men who had been left on the Santa María
River the year before. _Dampier's Voy._, 177-8, 186-7.
[XXX‑19] Dampier states that a Captain Bond planned this
stratagem. Bond had been abandoned by Eaton and his own pilot,
Morton, and persuaded his men to go over to the Spaniards.
_Id._, 189-90.
[XXX‑20] For an account of their journey see _Lussan_,
_Journal du Voy._, 37 et seq.
[XXX‑21] The French captain, called by Dampier Gronet, offered
Davis and Swan each a new commission, extended by the governor
of Petit Guavres, who was accustomed to supply his captains
with blank forms. Captain Harris accepted one. Dampier says:
'I never read any of these French Commissions while I was in
these Seas, nor did I then know the import of them; but I have
learnt since, that the Tenour of them is, to give a Liberty
to Fish, Fowl, and Hunt.' _Dampier's Voy._, 192.
[XXX‑22] These men did not appear, though Harris was sent
to the Santa María in search of them. On the 15th of March
they fell in with a bark with five or six Englishmen on board
commanded by Henry More. This vessel belonged to Captain
Knight, who was cruising off the coast of Mexico, and, as the
men said, had parted company with his ship one night. Swan,
in order to promote Harris, professed to believe that the men
had deserted, and deposing More, gave the command to Harris.
_Id._, 197.
[XXX‑23] Divided as follows: Captain Davis' ship, 36 guns and
156 men; Captain Swan with 16 guns and 140 men; these were
the only vessels that had artillery. Townley with 110 men;
Harris with 100 men. These were nearly all English. Captain
Grogniet with 308 men; Captain Branly with 36 men; Townley's
bark with 80 men; and two tenders with a crew of eight men
each. They had also a 30-ton bark converted into a fire-ship.
_Id._, 208. Lussan, _Journal du Voy._, 60-1, gives the same
number of vessels; with regard to the men he says: 'Ils se
trouverent monter à environ onze cens hommes.'
[XXX‑24] 'First the Admiral, 48 Guns, 450 Men; the
Vice-Admiral, 40 Guns, 400 Men; the Rear-Admiral, 36 Guns, 360
Men; a Ship of 24 Guns, 300 Men; one of 18 Guns, 250 Men; and
one of 8 Guns, 200 Men; 2 great Fire-ships, 6 Ships only with
small Arms, having 800 Men on board them all; besides 2 or 3
hundred Men in Periagoes.' This account was obtained afterward
from Captain Knight, who, when off the coast of Peru, gathered
the information from some captives. _Dampier's Voy._, 207-8.
[XXX‑25] Grogniet sailed away when the Spaniards came in
sight. He afterward urged as an excuse that his men would
not let him join in the fight. He was cashiered, but was
eventually allowed to depart with his ship and men. _Id._,
208-9. Such is the English account. Lussan, however, states
that because Grogniet's ship had no guns and was intercepted
by a vessel carrying 28 cannon he was unable to join in the
engagement. _Journal du Voy._, 85-6.
[XXX‑26] The loss of Spaniards in this engagement is not
known, but Dampier makes the doubtful statement that the
pirates lost only one man. _Voy._, 209. The account given by
Lussan, who was on Harris' ship, differs materially from that
of Dampier. He asserts that the treasure-fleet succeeded in
getting to Panamá unnoticed by the buccaneers, and that seven
vessels then sailed out and engaged with them, with nearly
the same results as those described by Dampier. Harris' ship
received above 120 common shot, and those of Davis and Swan
suffered severely. _Journal du Voy._, 79-88. The difference
in dates between Dampier and Lussan is explained by the fact
that the French had three years before made a change of ten
days in their calendar which the English government had not
done. _Burney's Discov. South Sea_, iv. 177.
[XXX‑27] 'We were glad to escape them; and owed that too,
in a great measure, to their want of Courage to pursue their
Advantage.' _Dampier's Voy._, 209.
[XXX‑28] While thus occupied they sent a detachment against
Pueblo Nuevo where Sawkins was killed in 1580. The town was
easily taken, but little booty was obtained. On the 5th of
July they were joined by Captain Knight, whose cruise had not
been profitable. _Id._, 213-4. The descent upon Pueblo Nuevo
was the cause of the defection of the Frenchmen, who still
remained to the number of 130. The French thought the English
took advantage of their small numbers and refused to put up
with their domineering, 'quand nous vîmes qu'ils continuoient
à prendre sur nous les mêmes hauteurs, nous debarquâmes cent
trente François.' _Lussan_, _Journal du Voy._, 93-4.
[XXX‑29] Their force now consisted of 640 men and eight ships,
under captains Davis, Swan, Townley, and Knight. Captain
Harris had lost his vessel, which 'being old and rotten fell
in pieces' while he was careening her. _Dampier's Voy._, 215.
[XXX‑30] According to one authority only two men were on the
lookout. One of these perceived the buccaneers and hastened
to the city to give warning. His story was not believed; he
was arrested and it was the intention to have him publicly
flogged. This occurred August 21, 1685. _Morel_, _Visita_,
MS., 47-8.
[XXX‑31] 'Townley, with 80 of the briskest Men, marched
before, Captain Swan with 100 Men marched next, and Captain
Davis with 170 Men marched next, and Captain Knight brought
up the Rear.' _Dampier's Voy._, 219.
[XXX‑32] There is a discrepancy in the account of Dampier, who
states that 59 men were left with him, which would raise the
number of those who left the fleet to 530, without counting
the four captains.
[XXX‑33] Townley took the town at 3 P. M., Swan arrived at
4 P. M., and Davis at 5 P. M. Knight did not come up till
an hour later, leaving many tired out, who afterward came
straggling in. The Spaniards killed 'a stout old Grey-headed
Man aged about 84, who had served under Oliver in the time
of the Irish Rebellion.' He had refused to remain with the
canoes, and when surrounded by the Spaniards would not accept
quarter, but discharged his gun at them, 'so they shot him
dead at a distance. His name was Swan; he was a very merry
hearty old Man, and always used to declare he would never
take Quarter.' _Id._, 219-20. According to Morel de Sta Cruz,
_Visita_, MS., 48, the buccaneers entered the town at 11 A.
M., opposed by only 50 men, 49 of whom fled, the remaining
one fighting until disabled by many wounds.
[XXX‑34] One Smith who had dropped behind and was captured so
exaggerated the numbers of the freebooters that the governor
was afraid to attack them, though Smith estimated his forces
at over 1,000 men. Smith was afterward exchanged for a
lady of high position. _Dampier's Voy._, 220. Lussan states
that the French, having arrived at the port of Realejo some
months later, learned that succor had been sent from towns
in Nicaragua and Salvador, and that the English freebooters
'avoient envoyé plusieurs fois offrir à ces gens de secours,
le combat en raze savana, ce qu'ils avoient toujours refusé,
disant qu'ils n'étoient pas encore tous ramassez.' _Journal
du Voy._, 112-3.
[XXX‑35] 'Our Captains demanded 300,000 Pieces of Eight for
its Ransom, and as much Provision as would victual 1,000 Men
4 months.' _Dampier's Voy._ According to _Voy._, _A New Col._,
iii. 78, 30,000 pieces of eight.
[XXX‑36] Swan was accompanied by Townley with his two barks.
Knight and Harris followed Davis. Dampier cast his lot with
Swan 'to get some knowledge of the Northern Parts of this
Continent of Mexico.' _Dampier's Voy._, 223-4. Swan after
an eventful cruise on the Mexican coast steered across the
Pacific homeward bound, having parted company with Townley.
After enduring great privation he reached the Ladrone Islands,
and thence proceeded to the Philippines, where his men
mutinied, and left him with more than 40 others on the island
of Mindanao. He was afterward murdered by the natives. _Id._,
375, 445-6.
[XXX‑37] 'À cause de l'excommunication qu'ils avoient
eux-mêmes fulminée contre elle.' _Lussan_, _Journal du Voy._,
119.
[XXX‑38] 'Après quatre jour d'une abstinence fort étroite.'
_Id._, 126.
[XXX‑39] About 20 leagues distant from Chiriquita, and about
24 leagues west of Panamá. _Id._, 88, 131.
[XXX‑40] Lussan nearly lost his life by falling with four
others into an ambuscade. But he escaped unwounded, though two
of the party were killed and a third lay hors de combat. The
faith of this freebooter in the protection of providence is
refreshing: 'je ne fus garanti du massacre,' he says, 'sans
être seulement blessé, que par une protection du Ciel toute
manifeste.' _Id._, 135.
[XXX‑41] During the month of February 14 died. _Id._, 143.
[XXX‑42] The pirates lost in this encounter 4 killed and 33
wounded. _Id._, 146.
[XXX‑43] 'Nous fîmes en suite des Ordonnances par lesquelles
nous condamnions à perdre leur part de ce qui se prendroit en
ce lieu, ceux d'entre nous qui seroient convaincus de lâcheté,
de viol, d'yvroynerie, de desobeïssance, de larcin & d'être
sortis du gros sans être commandez.' _Id._, 151.