Mondo Nvovo_, 145-46, 140; _Gomara_, _Hist. Ind._, 219.
[XV‑39] 'Verdugo fu il primo à saltare in vn Brigantino,
et solo vn soldato resto ferito, e questo fu el fine delle
brauate di Verdugo.' _Benzoni_, _Mondo Nvovo_, 146.
[XV‑40] 'La dificultad de tanto aparato, ... Armas, y
Cavallos, Municíon y Bastimento, y la Navegacion tan larga,
yaver de pasar dos Mares les forçava á no tomar este Consejo.'
_Garcilaso de la Vega_, _Hist. Peru_, ii. 268.
[XV‑41] Gasca was born in 1494 in the Caballería de
Navarregadilla, a small town near the Barca de Ávila. He
received a liberal education, being placed by his uncle at
the famous seminary of Alcalá de Henares, and subsequently
transferred to the university of Salamanca. He was ordained
a priest in 1531, and in 1541 was appointed counsellor of the
inquisition. He acquired great renown by his gallant defence
of the city of Valencia, at a time when its inhabitants were
panic-stricken at the approach of a foreign foe. 'Vinieron
á tierra de Avila la familia de Gasca mudándose ... las
dos letras consonantes C y G el nombre de Casca en Gasca.'
_Hist. de Don Pedro Gasca_, MS. Even when a student he showed
the power of his will and decision of character in quelling
political disturbances. _Datos Biograficos_, in _Cartas de
Indias_, 763-7.
[XV‑42] 'El Titulo que llevó, fue de Presidente de la
Audiencia Real del Perú.' _Zárate_, _Hist. Peru_, in _Barcia_,
lib. vi. cap. vi.
[XV‑43] 'Llevó las Cédulas, y Recaudos necesarios, en caso,
que convinese hacer Gente de Guerra, aunque estos fueron
secretos, porque no publicaba, ni trataba, sino de los
perdones, i de los otros medios pacificos.' _Zárate_, _Hist.
Peru_, in _Barcia_, lib. vi. cap. vi. _Garcilaso de la Vega_,
_Hist. Peru_, ii. 269, says: 'Le diesen absoluto Poder en
todo, y por todo, tan cumplido y bastante, como su Magestad lo
tenia en las Indias.' See, also, _Prescott's Peru_, ii. 344.
[XV‑44] 'Alvarado habló á Hernan Mexia, i le dió noticia de la
venida del Presidente, diciendole quien era, i á lo que venia,
i despues de largas platicas se despidieron, sin haverse
declarado el vno al otro sus animos, porque ambos estaban
sospechosos.' _Zárate_, _Hist. Peru_, in _Barcia_, lib. vi.
cap. vi.
[XV‑45] _Fernandez_, _Hist. Peru_, pt. i. lib. ii. cap. xxi.
Gasca did not hear of the death of the viceroy until after
his landing at Nombre de Dios, but smothered his resentment,
and even declared that if Pizarro would not receive him he
would return to the emperor. _Garcilaso de la Vega_, _Hist.
Peru_, ii. 170. See, also, _Gomara_, _Hist. Ind._, 228.
Gasca's letter to Verdugo, then awaiting the emperor's orders
at Cartagena, is also characteristic of the subtle churchman:
'Embió a decir á Melchor Verdugo, que venia con ciertos
Compañeros á servirle, no viniese, sino que estuviese á la
mira.' _Garcilaso de la Vega_, _Hist. Peru_, ii. 269. See,
also, _Herrera_, dec. viii. lib. ii. cap. v.
[XV‑46] 'Mexia le repondio, que la vandera que alli estaba,
la tenia por el Rey, y no por Pizarro, y q̃ haria en su
seruicio quanto le mãdasse.' _Herrera_, dec. viii. lib. ii.
cap. v. 'I que si queria, que llanamente se alçase Vandera
por su Magestad, lo haria, i podian ir à Panamà, i tomar la
Armada, lo qual seria facil de hacer.' _Zárate_, _Hist. Peru_,
lib. iii. 133. See also, _Garcilaso de la Vega_, _Hist. Peru_,
ii. 270.
[XV‑47] _Fernandez_, _Hist. Peru_, pt. i. lib. ii. cap.
xxviii. See also _Herrera_, dec. viii. lib. ii. cap. vi., and
_Gomara_, _Hist. Ind._, 228.
[XV‑48] When Paniagua, Gasca's emissary, first called on
Gonzalo he was discourteously treated, the governor not even
asking him to be seated.
[XV‑49] The captains so sworn signed their names before the
notary Juan de Barutiu. _Panamá_, _Pleito Homenage_, in _Col.
Doc. Inéd._, xlix.
[XV‑50] In _Carta á Miguel Díez Armendariz_, in _Cartas de
Indias_, Gasca states that since the 1st of December 1546
1,000 soldiers, including several men of rank, had been
assembled for the king's service; that he had at his disposal
a fleet of from 23 to 25 ships, two of which were built at
Panamá; and that there had not yet been time for the arrival
of reënforcements from Guatemala, Honduras, Mexico, Española,
or Nicaragua, at which latter province there were 250 horsemen
ready to embark.
[XV‑51] On seeing the masterly disposition of the royalist
forces, Carbajal, Gonzalo's lieutenant, remarked, 'Valdivia
rige el campo o el diablo.'
[XV‑52] Among those present at Gonzalo's funeral was Hinojosa,
who, after serving further the royal cause, was assassinated
in 1552.
[XV‑53] The most partial biographer of the Pizarros is
Fernando Pizarro y Orellana, author of _Varones Ilvstres del
Nvevo Mvndo_, Madrid, 1639, folio. The book contains the lives
of Columbus, Ojeda, Cortés, the four Pizarros, Almagro, and
García de Paredes, but the greater part is devoted to the
author's namesakes and kinsmen, by the side of whom the other
heroes appear in comparatively faint outline. Every incident
that can in any way redound to their credit is made to shine
with a lustre unsurpassed even by the pearls and gold for
which they so recklessly staked their lives. The brilliancy
indeed is so strong as to merge into complete obscurity the
bloody deeds and shameful traits which characterize the name.
This is intentional on the part of the writer, who not only
suppresses facts most notorious, but in glossing over the
later revolt of Gonzalo, even attempts to justify it. His
object is to advocate for the heirs of Hernando Pizarro, the
restoration of his estates and titles of marquis as more fully
set forth in the _Discurso Legal, i Politico_, published the
same year, immediately after the _Varones_. The work is, in
brief, the pleading of a learned lawyer, as the author proves
himself, supplemented with quaint and abstruse notes and
profuse marginals chiefly from classic writers.
[XVI‑1] Pedrarias never had the shadow of a right to the
province of Peru; but it was probably an easy matter for
Hernando so to persuade his audience.
[XVI‑2] 'Y porque algunos querian yr á armarse, y otras de
mala gana le seguian, los reprehendia, y amenazaua, diciendo,
que los haria castigar como a delinquentes, diziendoles; que
no auian menester otras armas, i mandó a Iuan Barmejo, que
matasse al que no le siguiese.' _Herrera_, dec. viii. lib.
vi. cap. v.; see, also, _Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, 491.
[XVI‑3] 'Hecho esto embiò a Granada á dar auiso á Pedro de
Contreras su hermano, embiandole la daga con que auia muerto
al Obispo, sin punta, que so le auia despuntado al tiempo
que le matô.' _Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, 492; see also
_Herrera_, dec. viii. lib. vi. cap. v., and _Gasca_, _Carta_
in _Col. Doc. Inéd._, 1.; but Zárate, _Hist. Peru_, lib. vii.
cap. xii., does not attribute the killing of the bishop to
Hernando himself, saying, 'i vn Dia entraron ciertos Soldados
de su Compañía, adonde estaba el Obispo jugando al Axedrez,
i le mataron.' This, however, is not likely, as Hernando was
thirsting for personal revenge against the prelate, and the
apostate friar, probably excommunicated, may also have had
his secret motives for participating in the murder.
[XVI‑4] _Gasca_, _Carta al Rey_, in _Col. Doc. Inéd._, l.
117-23. See, also, _Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, 493; _Garcilaso
de la Vega_, _Hist. Peru_, ii. 371, and _Herrera_, dec. viii.
lib. vi. cap. v.
[XVI‑5] On board these vessels were placed all the vagrants
and those who had come from Spain without license, together
with certain married men who had left their wives in Spain.
'Para boluerlas a Castilla por casados, holgazanes, y gente
que antes auia de causar desasosiego que prouecho.' _Herrera_,
dec. viii. lib. vi. cap. i. The governor was determined to
leave on the Isthmus none who were not settlers or traders,
or known to live on their means or by their labor. _Gasca_,
_Cartas_, in _Col. Doc. Inéd._, l. 111.
[XVI‑6] So confident were they of success that instead
of removing the treasure to their ships they deposited it
with the merchants and others, who bound themselves before
a notary to deliver it when called for either to Bermejo
or the Contreras brothers. 'Proveieron estos disparates,
imaginandose, que sin tener contraste alguno, eran yá Señores
de toda el Nuevo Mundo.' _Garcilaso de la Vega_, _Hist. Peru_,
ii. 373.
[XVI‑7] _Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, 493. Vega, _Hist. Peru_,
ii. 372, says they found so much Spanish merchandise 'que yá
les dava hastio, por no poderlas llevar todas.'
[XVI‑8] This is the number given in _Herrera_, dec. viii. lib.
vi. cap. v., while in _Gasca_, _Carta_, in _Col. Doc. Inéd._,
l., only 18 or 20 are mentioned. Gasca must be in error, for
Contreras afterward left 25 men at Capira when he returned to
assist Bermejo.
[XVI‑9] When Salguero received the message from Bermejo some
confusion ensued, and most of the silver bars which he had
captured were lost, being thrown into the river or stolen by
negroes, who hid them in the rocks and swamps. Not only had
Salguero captured the king's silver but also a large quantity
of treasure belonging to private individuals. He ordered it
to be packed on mules taken from the settlers at Cruces; but
when he came near the city and saw the troops sallying forth
he abandoned his baggage-train and hurried forward to join
Bermejo. _Gasca_, _Carta_, in _Col. Doc. Inéd._, l. 149;
and _Herrera_, dec. viii. lib. vi. cap. vi. Remesal, _Hist.
Chyapa_, 497, states that when the silver was lost only a
portion of Salguero's men marched with him towards Panamá, the
remainder making for the sea-shore, where they were taken on
board the ships of Pedro de Contreras. It is estimated that
the entire amount of treasure captured by the rebels would be
worth at the present day some $12,000,000.
[XVI‑10] _Gasca_, _Carta_, in _Col. Doc. Inéd._, l. 149-50.
See, also, _Herrera_, dec. viii. lib. vii. cap. vii. Remesal
gives 82 as the number slain on the field. Gasca says in
his despatch that only three of the citizens of Panamá were
killed, though many were wounded but none fatally; a rather
improbable statement, considering that the rebels knew they
need expect no quarter.
[XVI‑11] Soon after the suppression of the Contreras revolt,
Gasca, having recovered most of the stolen treasure, embarked
for Spain, where he was appointed to the bishopric of
Sigüenza and afterward to that of Palencia. He died on the
10th of November 1565, leaving a history of Peru, which was
published at Seville two years after his death. His _Carta
al Consejo_, in _Doc. Inéd._, l. 106-63, is probably the
most reliable source of information concerning the events
related in this chapter. Herrera agrees with him in all the
principal incidents, differing only in the order in which
they are related, and in some minor points of detail. Remesal
is very explicit in his narrative, and agrees for the most
part with Gasca and Herrera. Gomara and Zárate give only a
condensed statement of the matter, and in the main indorse the
preceding authorities. The account given in Juarros is taken
from Remesal, and that of Benzoni is borrowed from various
sources, while Gonzalez Dávila relates only the assassination
of Bishop Valdivieso.
[XVII‑1] In a letter to the king, dated Ciudad Real, August
10, 1541, Bishop Marroquin speaks very favorably of Chavez,
and states that he was well adapted to rule. _Carta al
Emperador_, in _Cartas de Indias_, 430.
[XVII‑2] 'Como su necesidad no era poca, tomô la mejor parte
para si, y lo demas dio a sus amigos.' _Herrera_, dec. vi.
lib. i. cap. ix. See, also, _Juarros_, _Guat._, i. 42, and
_Gomara_, _Hist. Ind._, 64. Herrera also implies that he
appropriated what remained of the live-stock and supplies
brought by Alvarado from Guatemala for the relief of the
colonists. dec. vi. lib. iii. cap. xix.
[XVII‑3] In _Squier's Honduras_, 88, it is stated that this
stronghold was situated in the present department of Gracias,
which borders on Guatemala and San Salvador. Lempira's ancient
territory is still known by the name of Corquin, the word
being applied to a district and town of Gracias. The valley
of Sensenti, encircled by the mountains of Selaque, Pecaya,
and Merendon, formed a part of the cacique's dominion. See p.
81 this vol. for map.
[XVII‑4] _Herrera_, dec. vi. lib. iii. cap. xix. The historian
is of opinion that the Spaniards would have been compelled
to abandon the siege had they not resorted to this or some
similar artifice, and in that case it is not improbable that
Lempira would have found himself powerful enough to drive them
from the province or perhaps to exterminate them.
[XVII‑5] On the 10th of December 1537 the viceroy of New Spain
reports to the king that he has received advices from the
adelantado Montejo and the licentiate Maldonado, stating that
the province was at peace and making fair progress.
[XVII‑6] _Hist. Cent. Amer._, i. 570, this series.
[XVII‑7] Montejo, writing from Gracias á Dios on June 1,
1539, reports to the emperor concerning the settlement at
Comayagua and the appointment of alcaldes and regidores. The
town had at that time 35 vecinos, most of them owning but few
Indians. Juarros, _Guat._, i. 41-2, gives 1540 as the year of
its foundation, as do Conder and Squier, while Remesal says
the town was founded in 1542. It is certain, however, that
it was built before Alvarado's return to Honduras, in 1539.
_Herrera_, dec. vi. lib. vii. cap. iv.; _Conder's Mexico and
Guatemala_, ii. 296: _Squier's Notes, Cent. Amer._, 129.
[XVII‑8] In December 1557.
[XVII‑9] These were Trujillo, Gracias á Dios, Comayagua, San
Pedro del Puerto de Caballos, San Jorge de Olancho, Buena
Esperanza, and San Juan del Puerto de Caballos. Pedraza, in
a dispatch to the audiencia dated December 30, 1545, quoted
in _Squier's MSS._, xxii. 133, states that one of Montejo's
captains sent to examine the territory lying between Trujillo
and the Olancho valley extended his explorations to the
mouth of the Desaguadero and founded in that neighborhood
the town of Nueva Salamanca, but the prelate's ideas of the
geographical limits of the province were evidently somewhat
vague. Possibly he may have had in mind a settlement of that
name previously founded in Yucatan.
[XVII‑10] Pedraza, in describing the difficulties of travel
and the condition of the roads, states that from Trujillo to
Puerto de Caballos the distance by sea was 40 leagues, the
journey being a very dangerous one. Thence to San Pedro it
was 14 leagues, over a difficult road—especially bad in the
rainy season—now in the mud (hasta la barriga), now climbing
steep rocks; thence to Gracias á Dios 25 leagues, three or
four native settlements intervening; from Gracias á Dios to
Comayagua 25 leagues more, with three settlements between;
thence to San Jorge in the Olancho valley between 20 and 30
leagues, no settlements between; thence to Nueva Salamanca 30
leagues, without any settlements intervening. Of the plague
of mosquitoes on this portion of the route he remarks: 'Que
nos comian vivos de noche i de dia, i nos sacaban los ojos
que no havia tiempo que pudiese dormir.' From Nueva Salamanca
to Trujillo, he says: 'Hai cerca de 40 leguas infernales,
que ni á pie ni á caballo se pueden andar, sino la mas parte
rodando con el lodo á los medios muslos i descalzos, i muchas
veces subiendo hasta el cielo, i otras veces bajando hasta
los abismos.' _Id._, 17.
[XVII‑11] Oviedo was then writing of what occurred in 1538;
but it is probable that the 100,000 pesos de oro of which
he speaks included the amount obtained in several preceding
years. In 1539 Montejo reports that there are in Comayagua
very rich mines, both of gold and silver, but as he would not
allow the natives to be employed in them against their will
they were worked only on a small scale. _Montejo_, _Carta_,
_Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, ii. 221-22, 233, 251.
This consideration for the welfare of the Indians no doubt
hastened his downfall.
[XVII‑12] See _Hist. Cent. Amer._, ii., and _Hist. Mex._, ii.
passim, this series.
[XVII‑13] By a royal cédula dated May 25, 1538, the viceroy
of Mexico was instructed to allow Francisco de Montejo and
Alvarado of Guatemala to exchange portions of their respective
provinces, Puerto de Caballos and Ciudad Real de Chiapas
being particularly mentioned. _Puga_, _Cedulario_, 116. It
would appear that Montejo did not give his consent to this
proposition.
[XVII‑14] _Montejo_, _Carta_, in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_,
_Col. Doc._, ii. 231-2, 245; _Alvarado_, in _Id._, 255. In
a letter to the king, Montejo says he had heard that his
Majesty had been informed that Alvarado would, on his return
to Honduras, find the amount of the king's fifth to be 100,000
castellaños, but that the statement was unfounded, the sum
being only 12,000 castellaños. The cause assigned for the
deficiency was the stoppage of certain mining works which had
been operated by gangs of Indians from Salvador and Guatemala
on account of the great mortality among them. The order for
the stoppage of the work emanated from Maldonado, acting
governor of Guatemala, and presumably occurred before the
assumption of the government by Montejo.
[XVII‑15] Montejo was on bad terms with Pedraza, but gained
his intercession by approaching him when he was in an amiable
mood. He accuses him of boasting that his authority was
greater than that of the governor and that a letter from him
to the emperor would at once procure his dismissal. He also
states that on one occasion he was compelled to turn back from
an expedition on which he had started, news having reached
him that Pedraza was disturbing the country by his harsh
treatment of the Indians, and that he had some difficulty
in restoring quiet. _Montejo_, in _Id._, 248-51, 258-9. It
is not improbable that this may have been the case, for in a
letter quoted in _Squier's MSS._, xxii. 26, 27, Pedraza states
that in 1547 he petitioned for leave to found a settlement
in the Indian village of Jutical, in Comayagua, and to grant
repartimientos to those who should furnish him the means,
claiming that he was specially inspired by the holy spirit
to carry out the pacification of the natives by prayer and
persuasion. The ecclesiastic was a young man; vain, ambitious,
covetous, and one who would not hesitate to prostitute his
profession if it would serve his own interests.
[XVII‑16] The amount was 17,000 pesos according to _Oviedo_,
iv. 23.
[XVII‑17] In a letter to the emperor, dated Trujillo, May 1,
1547, Pedraza states that he would gladly have gone in person
to aid Gasca in Peru, were it not that his journey to Portugal
five years before and the time he had lost in Spain awaiting
the papal bull, consumed the greater part of his fortune.
_Pedraza_, _Carta_, in _Squier's MSS._, xxii. 18. It is not
probable, however, that he was in any great danger of poverty,
for he made large sums of money by his traffic in slaves.
[XVII‑18] During this absence of Pedraza, Bishop Marroquin
of Guatemala had charge of the diocese and made various
pastoral visits through the province, on which occasions he
was afterward accused by the former of having spent more
than 12,000 pesos of the episcopal revenues. Marroquin in
refuting this charge refers to Alonso Maldonado, president of
the audiencia, and affirms that though he spent over 1,000
castellanos during his journeys going and coming, he never
received one peso de oro in return. _Marroquin_, _Carta al
Principe Don Felipe_, in _Cartas de Indias_, 449.
[XVII‑19] This cathedral was dedicated to the 'Conception
of Our Lady' and had five dignitaries with salaries ranging
from 150 down to 40 pesos a year. _Gonzalez Dávila_, _Teatro
Ecles._, i. 304 et seq.
[XVII‑20] See _Hist. Cent. Amer._, ii., and _Hist. Mex._, ii.,
passim, this series.
[XVII‑21] Before his appointment he was an oidor of the
audiencia of Mexico, and acting governor of Guatemala.
[XVII‑22] In _Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, 206, and _Cartas de
Indias_, 776, the audiencia is said to have held its opening
session May 16, 1544, whereas in a letter to the emperor
dated December 30, 1545, and signed by President Maldonado
and all the oidores, it is distinctly stated: 'En 15 Marzo
desembarcaron los Licc. Herrera i Rogel. En 13 Mayo nos
juntamos en Auda i luego se pregonaron las Nuevas Ordenanzas.'
_Audiencia_, _Carta_, in _Squier's MSS._, xxii. 130.
[XVII‑23] Pedraza had been summoned from San Pedro del
Puerto de Caballos, whence he had only come after repeated
solicitations. Had he persisted it would have been necessary
for Las Casas and Valdivieso to proceed to that town in
company with Marroquin, for it was required that three
prelates should assist at the ceremony of consecration.
Pedraza was on bad terms with the two former, who state that
they have heard things related of him. 'Que pareçen no buenas,
y muchos escandalos.' _Las Casas_ and _Valdivieso_, _Relacion_
in _Cartas de Indias_, 19-23.
[XVII‑24] _Id._
[XVII‑25] The above are the leading points contained in the
memorial, which was a somewhat lengthy document, containing
seven different clauses according to _Las Casas_, _Carta
Amonest._, and _Relacion_ in _Squier's MSS._, xxii. 140-42;
and nine according to _Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, 374-76, and
_Icazbalceta_, _Col. Doc._, i., lxxvii.-viii. Remesal states
that each bishop presented a memorial, that of Las Casas
giving less offence than the others.
[XVII‑26] _Las Casas_ and _Valdivieso_, _Carta_, in _Squier's
MSS._, xxii. 118-20.
[XVII‑27] Marroquin states that the memorial was 'mucho
desacato i mayor desatino: i él, como mas atrevido i favorido
(por haverle dado credito á sus proposiciones i fundamentos
sacados de su pecho lleno de hipocresias, sobervia, invidia,
i avaricia), lo presentó, requirió, i amonestó.' _Marroquin_,
_Carta_, in _Squier's MSS._, xxii. 139-40. He speaks rather
favorably of Maldonado, but complains of his being remiss,
wanting in vigilance, and somewhat careless as to the welfare
of the colonists. He declares that there is dissension between
the members of the audiencia, and says: 'Á mi no me satisfazen
mucho sus letras ni su vida, aunque los he conversado poco.'
_Marroquin_, _Carta_, in _Carta de Indias_, 440-1.
[XVII‑28] Maldonado exclaimed, while Las Casas was protesting
against being expelled from the hall of the audiencia: 'Estos
cocinerillos en sacandalos del conuento no ay quien se pueda
aueriguar con ellos.' _Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, 376.
[XVII‑29] When the audiencia refused to recognize the bishops
as protectors of the Indians, Marroquin addressed a letter
to the emperor, wherein, after commenting on the disturbances
caused by the new code, he concludes: 'Mas, no son tan largas
los poderes de los Obispos destas partes como el ruido i
sonido. La Audiencia lo manda todo i dá á entender que no hai
para que el Obispo sea Protetor i Visitador: asi han proveido
Visitadores a deudos suyos, quando V. M. solo quiere fiarlo a
los Obispos.' _Marroquin_, _Carta_, in _Squier's MSS._, xxii.
135-6.
[XVII‑30] By order of the audiencia Rogel visited Chiapas for
the ostensible purpose of assisting Las Casas in liberating
the natives and settling the amount of their tribute.
[XVII‑31] _Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, 480. Cerrato did not
hesitate, however, to censure the bishops severely when he
thought it necessary. He complained of their maintaining
alguaciles like those of the emperor and of the unjust arrest
of persons 'sin haver caso de Inquisicion.' In speaking of the
excommunication by the bishop of Nicaragua of certain royal
officers because they were unable to pay him his salary, he
says that he and Pedraza 'were enough to turn the heads of
a thousand judges.' _Cerrato_, _Cartas_, in _Squier's MSS._,
xxii. 83, 7.
[XVII‑32] _Cerrato_, _Carta de Setiembre 28, 1548_, in
_Squier's MSS._, xxii. 80-1.
[XVII‑33] Even if he had been found blameless he could not
have been reinstated, as Cerrato was appointed by the crown to
supersede him. He lost his life at sea about two years later.
_Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, 179.
[XVII‑34] He was fined for having appropriated a mine and for
having seized certain negroes belonging to one of the priests.
_Cerrato_, _Cartas_, in _Squier's MSS._ Marroquin remarks in
_Carta al Principe Don Felipe_, in _Carta de Indias_, 448:
'Very few who have come to the Indies have so well feathered
their nests in so short a time as Herrera and Rogel.' 'Quieren
para si un dios y un principe, y para los demas confusion
y perdiçion.' Pedraza endorses Marroquin's statement with
reference to Herrera, and accuses him of trafficking in silks,
velvets, and cloth like a common mercer. _Carta_, in _Squier's
MSS._, xxii. 123. The statement of Las Casas and Valdivieso
in _Id._, xxii., is doubtless more deserving of credit.
[XVII‑35] Bernal Diaz speaks unfavorably of Cerrato. He
says that at first he promised well, but subsequently acted
in every way contrary to his instructions, as if these had
been 'mirá que todo lo bueno que bacare y obiere en estas
provinçias todo lo deys á vuestras parientes.' He accuses
him of giving the best repartimientos to his two brothers, a
granddaughter, a son-in-law, and his followers and friends,
and remarks that the people feared the coming of another
boat-load of Cerratos. _Carta al Emperador_, in _Cartas de
Indias_, 38-42.
[XVIII‑1] Viceroy Mendoza addressed letters to the bishop
of Guatemala, Francisco de la Cueva, and the cabildo
respectively. In that sent to the municipality he says: 'You
will learn that God was pleased to take to his glory the
adelantado Alvarado.' _Arévalo_, _Col. Doc. Antig._, 179-80.
Tello states that Governor Oñate also send word of Alvarado's
death to Guatemala. _Hist. N. Gal._, 390-7. According to
Remesal the first reports were generally discredited, and
it was not until the viceroy's letters arrived that any
manifestation of sorrow was shown. _Hist. Chyapa_, 165 et seq.
A cabildo was held on the 29th of August.
[XVIII‑2] _Ibid._; _Carta al Emperador_, in _Cartas de
Indias_, 432-3; _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Verdad._, 236.
[XVIII‑3] An unknown author writing later during the same
year states that Doña Beatriz 'dixo muchas veces que
ya no tenia Dios mas mal que le hacer.' _Relacion_, in
_Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, iii. 385. Gomara,
_Hist. Ind._, 269-70, and Torquemada, i. 324 et seq., make
similar statements. Gomara's assertion is disputed by Bernal
Diaz, _Hist. Verdad._, 226-7. See, also, for accounts of
Doña Beatriz' grief, _Carta del Obispo_ in _Pacheco_ and
_Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, iii. 388; Benzoni, _Mondo Nvovo_,
156; _Bernal Diaz_ (ed. Paris, 1837), iv. 466-7; _Remesal_,
_Hist. Chyapa_, 166.
[XVIII‑4] In his letter to the cabildo, above alluded to,
and dated July 15, 1541. _Arévalo_, _Col. Doc. Antig._,
179-80. Remesal gives July the 5th as the date, one day after
Alvarado's death, which it was impossible for the viceroy to
know anything about at that time. The friar, however, attempts
to account for the discrepancy which his error produced.
_Hist. Chyapa_, 165-6.
[XVIII‑5] Bishop Marroquin was of opinion that Cueva was not
a fit person to have been left by Alvarado in charge of the
government. In a letter to the king dated August 10, 1541, he
describes him as being too young and inexperienced, void of
zeal in favor of the natives, careless in matters of justice,
as not being partial to the company of good people, and
offering a bad example to others. _Carta al Emperador_, in
_Cartas de Indias_, 430. I entertain little doubt that it was
through the bishop's influence that the appointment of Doña
Beatriz was made. It certainly was countenanced by him. His
control over the lady-governor would give him great power in
the protection of the natives.
[XVIII‑6] The extraordinary appointment of Doña Beatriz to
the government of Guatemala is thus condemned by Gomara, who
infers that she caused herself to be elected: 'Y se hizo jurar
por Gouernadora: desuario, y presuncion de muger, y cosa nueua
entre los Españoles de Indias.' _Hist. Ind._, 270. Escamilla,
_Noticias Curiosas de Guat._, i., states that she resigned the
same day, referring doubtless to the appointment of Cueva.
Remesal, who gives a detailed account of these proceedings,
also attributes the appointment to her own desire for it,
ungenerously remarking: 'Y con todos estos extremos excedia
su ambicion á las lagrimas, y el desseo de mãdar á la falda
del mongil y pliegues de la toca.' The only dissenting voice
to her appointment was that of the alcalde, Gonzalo Ortiz,
who probably objected to it on the grounds of her apparent
want of saneness. Although half a page was left blank for
the entry of his opinion it was never filled up. This blank
half page still existed in 1615. The signature of the hapless
lady on this occasion was written thus: La sin ventura Doña
Beatriz. In the original a line is drawn through the words
Doña Beatriz which was probably done by herself at the time of
signing with the object of letting it be known that in future
she wished to be called La Sin Ventura. _Hist. Chyapa_, 166-8.
This same author states on page 367 that Cueva's appointment
by the viceroy was not recognized by the city because it was
not accompanied by his commission as governor. I cannot agree
with the above authorities who attribute to Doña Beatriz such
ambitious feelings while in the state of despair to which
she abandoned herself, but regard her appointment as a purely
diplomatic proceeding.
[XVIII‑7] The base of the following account of the destruction
of Santiago City is taken from Bishop Marroquin's narrative
in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, iii. 386-8, and
from another and fuller narration without signature in _Id._,
378-86. Oviedo, iv. 27-32, gives an almost verbatim copy of
it, and states: 'Estas nuevas truxo á la isla ... Cuba, Johan
de Alvarado, sobrino del mesmo adelantado don Pedro, que
aportó al puerto de la Habana, desde donde el capitan Johan de
Lobera, su amigo é uno de los mílites que un tiempo anduvieron
con el mesmo adelantado, me escribió todo lo ques dicho por su
carta fecha á quatro de enero de mill é quinientos é quarenta
y dos años.' It must, however, be remarked that the letter
in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_ bears unquestionable evidence
of having been written in Guatemala. Juan de Alvarado, who
had been recommended by Marroquin to the emperor for the
governorship—_Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, xiii.
271—was on his way to Spain. I conjecture that he was the
bearer of this anonymous account of the calamity and allowed
Lobera to transcribe it, who merely changed the first person
into the third and forwarded it to Oviedo in Santo Domingo.
[XVIII‑8] The town unfortunately occupied a site in a natural
hollow running down the mountain side.
[XVIII‑9] Bernal Diaz (ed. Paris, 1837), iv. 463-4; Herrera,
dec. vii. lib. ii. cap. xiii.; Gomara, _Hist. Ind._, 270, the
records of the cabildo according to _Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_,
559, and Vazquez, _Chron. de Gvat._, 164-5, give September the
11th as the date. But Marroquin and the anonymous writer both
state that the disaster occurred on Saturday night, the first
authority mentioning that the preceding Thursday was the 8th.
[XVIII‑10] 'Porque las piedras, como diez bueyes juntos, las
llevaba como corcha sobre el agua.' _Rel._, in _Pacheco_ and
_Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, iii. 383. The immense stones brought
down by this deluge were still to be seen in the city when
Bernal Diaz wrote. (ed. Paris, 1837), iv. 463.
[XVIII‑11] 'Y muchos, quebrados brazos y piernas, de que
algunos despues han muerto.' _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col.
Doc._, iii. 383.
[XVIII‑12] The bishop says that eight 'doncellas' perished
with her, 'entrellas doña Anica, hija natural del Adelantado,
de 5 años.' _Id._, 387. Consult also _Gomara_, _Hist. Ind._,
_Vazquez_, _Chron. de Gvat._, 91, and _Remesal_, _Hist.
Chyapa_, 175-80. This last author gives a vivid account of
this catastrophe, but appears to have drawn considerably upon
his imagination. He affirms that repeated violent shocks of
earthquake occurred; that the Volcan de Agua was reduced a
league in height—'Parecio el mõte descabeçado cõ vna legua
menos de subida'—and indulges in general exaggeration. With
regard to the earthquakes it may be stated that Remesal, page
559, as also Vazquez, _Chron. de Gvat._, 164-6, quotes from
the books of the cabildo with date of September 9, 1542, as
follows: 'Que porque à vn año que por nuestros pecados, vino
el terremoto, e tempestad a esta Ciudad;' and again on page
365, from the minutes of the same with date of September 16,
1541, '_Que por quanto Dios nuestro Señor fue seruido ... de
embiar tempestad é torro molto a esta Ciudad._' But as neither
Bishop Marroquin nor the Anonymous Writer makes mention of
any earthquake, I can but conclude that none took place,
notwithstanding an entry in the books of the cabildo a year
after the event to the contrary.
[XVIII‑13] One Spaniard and 60 Indians who were outside all
perished. Such is the account given by the bishop. That of the
anonymous writer differs from it. He states that Cueva escaped
from the house and saved himself by getting upon a wall which
had remained standing.
[XVIII‑14] The anonymous writer, pp. 381-2, gives the names
of eight, and says that more than 40 Spaniards of both sexes
lost their lives. The bishop, page 388, mentions the names of
twelve settlers whose houses were completely overthrown or
washed away, adding: 'Si bien algunos destos se salvaron;'
and further on informs us that 'Murieron, sin los españoles
dichos, mas de 600 indios.' Vazquez states that about 100
Spaniards and over 200 Mexican and Tlascalan allies escaped
unharmed. _Chron. de Gvat._, 98.
[XVIII‑15] 'É gran suma de ganado, que tomó en el monte y
otra que tomó en la cibdad, que se vinieron á ella huyendo.'
_Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, iii. 388. The mud in
the streets reached almost up to the highest windows. _Id._,
383-4.
[XVIII‑16] No mention is made of the church having received
damage. A portion of the bishop's residence was destroyed,
causing the death of 'un bachiller Contreras.' _Id._,
388. According to Remesal the remains of Doña Beatriz were
subsequently transferred to the cathedral of the new city.
From the day on which she perished the bishop ordered three
masses to be said weekly for the repose of her soul. _Hist.
Chyapa_, 181. Benzoni describes this lady as 'a woman truly
proud, vain, and haughty;' while Alvarado, in a letter to the
cabildo, dated Puerto de Caballos, April 4, 1539, assures that
body that 'Doña Beatriz está muy buena.' _Arévalo_, _Col. Doc.
Antig._, 179.
[XVIII‑17] Their remains were removed in 1580 to the
Franciscan convent at Almolonga. The inscription, in 1615-17,
said that there were buried Juan de Artiaga and twelve lady
companions, all of whom perished with Doña Beatriz in 1541.
_Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, 181. This inscription is confirmed
by Vazquez. _Chron. de Gvat._, 96.
[XVIII‑18] The bishop, however, thought otherwise. In an
address to the people for the purpose of encouraging them,
he said: 'Que á los buenos habia llevado Dios á su gloria
y á los que los habia dexado, nos habia avisado para que
fuésemos tales.' _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, iii.
385. Remesal uncompromisingly attributes the catastrophe
to blasphemous language of Doña Beatriz, and adds that so
exasperated were the inhabitants that they wished to cast
her body to the dogs, as that of another Jezebel. _Hist.
Chyapa_, 179-80. Vazquez treats this charge as an absurdity
and intimates that it is an invention of Remesal, who he says
was the first to publish such a story. _Chron. de Gvat._, 91.
But this last author also errs, since the belief undoubtedly
prevailed, as is proved by the anonymous writer on the above
quoted page of _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_. Mendieta, while
inclined to excuse the language attributed to Doña Beatriz,
implies that it was a punishment from God who was displeased
with Alvarado's irregular second marriage. _Hist. Ecles._,
390.
[XVIII‑19] Bernal Diaz, _Hist. Verdad._ (ed. Paris, 1837),
iv. 467.
[XVIII‑20] None dared to occupy the few houses left, and a
large barrack was constructed on the outskirts of the town
as a common dwelling-place. _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col.
Doc._, iii. 386.
[XVIII‑21] _Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, 366.
[XVIII‑22] Torquemada attended one of these processions. He
writes: 'iban cada Año, en el mismo Dia, que le corresponde al
de el anegamiento (y Yo me hallé én ella vn Año ...) pidiendo
á Dios seguridad en la segunda Poblacion, y perdon de averle
ofendido.' i. 327.
[XVIII‑23] Soon after the death of Bishop Marroquin the custom
was discontinued, although he left a fund to support its
observance. _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Verdad._, (ed. Paris, 1837),
iv. 468-9. It was established at a meeting of the cabildo
on September 9, 1542. _Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, 559. After
the old church was pulled down the procession marched to the
Franciscan convent in the old city. _Vazquez_, _Chron. de
Gvat._, 164-6.
[XVIII‑24] _Id._, 366; _Escamilla_, _Noticias Curiosas de
Guat._, MS., 1.
[XVIII‑25] These were the oidor Maldonado, Juan de Alvarado, a
nephew of the deceased adelantado, and Juan Chavez, a resident
of Santiago. _Marroquin_, in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_,
_Col. Doc._, xiii. 271. Juan de Alvarado was a nephew of the
adelantado, and according to Bernal Diaz went to Spain with
Pedro, a natural son of the conqueror, neither being ever
heard of afterward. _Hist. Verdad._, 237.
[XVIII‑26] He recommends as honorable gentlemen, Sancho de
Baraona, a conquistador, Hernan Mendez, and Doctor Blas Cota.
_Id._, 376-7. Consult also _Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, 58-9,
365.
[XVIII‑27] 'Hizo mucho daño en las tiendas y mercaderias.'
_Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, iii. 388. The cabildo
in a letter to the king, dated September 10, 1543, says,
'perdimos casi todos lo que teníamos.' _Arévalo_, _Col. Doc.
Antig._, 20.
[XVIII‑28] It will be remembered that Alvarado appointed
Marroquin his executor. The bishop justifies this proceeding
by the necessity of the occasion. Had the distribution not
been made he assures the king that two thirds of the Spaniards
would have left, but he adds that, nevertheless, the greater
portion of Alvarado's Indians had been reserved to his
children. _Id._, xiii. 268-9.
[XVIII‑29] At a special meeting held on the 27th of September,
43 citizens were present, making with the authorities 55
persons in all. Of these 43 voted for removal, five against
it, and seven were without choice. _Juarros_, _Guat._, ii.
263.
[XVIII‑30] _Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, 366. Bishop Marroquin
was at first in favor of removing to some high plains two
leagues off, but for the reasons above stated and also in
order to lessen the labor of the Indians he changed his
opinion. _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, xiii. 370-1.
[XVIII‑31] At an open meeting held on the 2d of October,
at which 78 persons were sworn in to vote without fear or
self-interest, 49 voted for removal to Chimaltenango and
29 to the valley of Alotenango, and the former place was
formally declared the future site of the city. At this
juncture Juan Bautista Antonelli, a royal engineer, arrived
with instructions to superintend the laying out of towns.
He made an examination of various localities and gave in a
full report upon the valleys of Las Vacas, Chimaltenango,
Alotenango, Melpas de Luis de Alvarado, and the valley of
Tuerto or Panchoy, and strongly recommended the selection
of the latter. _Juarros_, _Guat._, ii. 263-6. Helps suspects
that Antonelli's report had reference to some other occasion
and discredits it. _Sp. Conq._, iii. 390. For general map of
Guatemala see p. 110 this vol.
[XVIII‑32] _Juarros_, ubi sup. Bernal Diaz considered that
either the valley of Petapa or Chimaltenango would have
been a more favorable situation on account of the frequent
overflowing of the river and the earthquakes experienced at
Panchoy. _Hist. Verdad._, iv. (ed. Paris, 1837), 467.
[XVIII‑33] The cabildo considered it their duty more than once
to pass laws to prevent the Indians from being overloaded.
_Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, 367-8. Every month the Cakchiquels
of the dependency of the Ahpozotzil were compelled to furnish
1,000 laborers of both sexes to aid the prisoners of war in
the building of the city. _Cakchiquel_, MS., _Brasseur de
Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, iv. 790. The audiencia and
viceroy of Mexico ordered the Indians of Alvarado's estate
to be employed in the erection of the new city. The bishop
appealed against this order on the ground of the distribution
which he had made already, the annulling of which would cause
great dissatisfaction. _Carta_, in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_,
_Col. Doc._, xiii. 276.
[XVIII‑34] On November 18, 1541, the cabildo issued a decree
ordering lots to be enclosed with adobe walls before St John's
day, June 1542, under penalty of forfeiture. The time given
being found to be too short, it was extended on May 21, 1542,
to easter in the following year. _Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_,
365-7.
[XVIII‑35] Helps, who is given to looseness in his statements,
without quoting any authority in this instance boldly states
that 'the 4th of December 1543 was the day on which the
Spaniards took possession of their new quarters.' _Sp. Conq._,
iii. 390.
[XVIII‑36] Remesal asserts that the entry in the books of the
cabildo on that date is the first to indicate a session held
in the new city; 'es el primero que se escriue en esta forma.
_En la ciudad de Santiago de Guatemala, en el asiento nueuo
della_,' etc. _Hist. Chyapa_, 368.
[XVIII‑37] Called henceforth Ciudad Vieja.
[XVIII‑38] _Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, 368. This author was
presented with a painting of the city, executed by Captain
Miguel de Ortega at the request of the authorities. He
describes it as representing a scene truly beautiful.
[XVIII‑39] _Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, 200, 367.
[XVIII‑40] It was the general wish that Governor Maldonado
should be chosen, but this was rendered impossible by his
appointment as president of the new audiencia. _Remesal_,
_Hist. Chyapa_, 393.
[XVIII‑41] The members were the bishop, Cristóbal de la Cueva,
Gabriel de Cabrera, Sancho Barahona, and Hernan Mendez de
Sotomayor.
[XVIII‑42] In this document the petitioners especially brought
forward as an injustice a regulation previously passed that
only married settlers could hold repartimientos. _Id._ The
cabildo had as early as February 1538 made a representation
to the crown on this matter, in which they explained the
difficulty and expense attending the procuring of wives from
Spain. _Arévalo_, _Col. Doc. Antig._, 13-14. It is evident
also that in 1543 the cabildo again addressed his Majesty
on the subject of their claims, as the viceroy Mendoza
acknowledges receipt of 'el pliego que venia con ellas para S.
M.,' and adds: 'yo escribo à S. M. ... haciéndole relacion,
como conviene al servicio de S. M. alargar las mercedes y no
acortallas.' _Id._, 180.
[XVIII‑43] Remesal states that Mendez under various pretexts
delayed his journey, and that on the 8th of June the cabildo
revoked his appointment. No other procurador appears to have
been appointed up to September 10, 1546, when receipt of the
revocation of the new laws as regarded the repartimientos
rendered such an appointment no longer necessary. On this
later date the cabildo resolved to send a commission to the
audiencia to solicit its enforcement. _Hist. Chyapa_, 394-5.
But I find that on May 7, 1545, the authorities of Guatemala
wrote to the king requesting that their procurador, who had
been sent to protest against the new code, might be given a
hearing. _Squier's MSS._, xxii. 138. And Bishop Marroquin,
writing on September 20, 1547, mentions that many letters had
been sent with Hernan Mendez to the council of Indies relative
to his action with the audiencia in 1545. _Carta al Principe_,
in _Cartas de Indias_, 446. He also states that Mendez was
prejudiced against the public will and partial to Herrera
and the bishops of Nicaragua and Chiapas, and that there was
also another procurador named Olivero in Spain at that time.
_Squier's MSS._, xxii. 44-5.
[XVIII‑44] They also recommended that Don Juan, the cacique
of Atitlan, and others who had aided in the pacification of
the country should be allowed to retain their Indians. It was,
moreover, suggested that alcaldes mayores should be appointed
in Guatemala, Nicaragua, and Chiapas. _Id._, 132-3.
[XVIII‑45] The cabildo on March 30, 1548, thank the emperor
for this concession which had been notified by their
procurador Al.o de Oliveros. _Id._, 91-2. This privilege
did not, however, last long. In 1564 the procurator at
court sought to procure the passage of a law establishing
encomiendas in perpetuity, but, owing to the prejudice of
the existing council against the colonists, he dared not
even broach the subject. In 1565 there were in Guatemala 72
encomiendas which produced 80,000 ducados annually. A royal
cédula dated November 28, 1568, ordered encomiendas to be
granted solely upon merit, the descendants of discoverers
and conquerors being especially considered. But in 1572
the cabildo complained of the incessant arrival of persons
provided with royal cédulas granting them encomiendas as they
became vacant, to the detriment of deserving residents who had
been long in the country. The attempt to obtain encomiendas
in perpetuity was abandoned in 1585, and a petition made for
their extension to a third life. This was also defeated in
1595. _Pelaez_, _Mem. Guat._, ii. 2, 3. Bernal Diaz in the
latter years of his life represents himself, in common with
four others, the sole survivors of Cortés' soldiers, as aged,
infirm, very poor, with a large family, and small income.
_Hist. Verdad._, 250.
[XVIII‑46] Padre Cancer writing to the bishop of Chiapas
October 20, 1545, mentions that the cacique of Tezulutlan and
other Indians were going to present to him a petition against
the enormous tributes which had been imposed upon their
people. _Carta_, in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._,
vii. 233-5.
[XVIII‑47] _Squier's MSS._, xxii. 137. In September 1547
Marroquin had heard that the oidor Rogel 'esta nombrado para
hacer la retasacion,' and adds, 'Ojalá no sea aora como lo
pasado.' _Id._, 45.
[XVIII‑48] The crown acted upon this suggestion and issued
two decrees relating thereto. Marroquin on February 4, 1548,
reports that the consolidation of native towns was already in
progress and that it was a highly necessary measure. _Id._,
89, 92.
[XVIII‑49] President Cerrato describes Gracias á Dios as
occupied by only 18 vecinos, with neither physician, surgeon,
nor druggist, while a great scarcity of both meat and fish
prevailed. He adds that the majority were in favor of removal
to the city of Santiago. _Carta_, in _Squier's MSS._, xxii.
87-8. Marroquin urgently advocated this city as the future
seat of the audiencia. _Id._, 45, 89, 94.
[XVIII‑50] The removal doubtless took place in 1549. The
letters of Cerrato and Marroquin above quoted bear dates of
October 5, 1548, and September 20, 1547, February 8, 1548,
and August 1, 1548, respectively. Remesal gives the date of
the cédula as May 1, 1549. _Hist. Chyapa_, 503. _Vazquez_,
_Chron. de Gvat._, 222, June 16, 1548.
[XVIII‑51] The king by royal cédula, dated July 7, 1550,
approved the purchase of the episcopal palace for the use of
the audiencia. _Hist. Chyapa_, 503.
[XVIII‑52] The document, found in _Arévalo_, _Col. Doc.
Antig._, 21-4, is defective and without date, but was probably
written soon after the establishment of the audiencia de los
Confines in Santiago.
[XVIII‑53] 'Formó gran enemistad, y estuvo muchos dias
que no quiso ir à misa à la Iglesia mayor.' _Id._, 22. The
disagreement between Marroquin and Cerrato was already brewing
in 1548, for on November the 3d of that year the latter
informs the crown that he and the licentiate Ramirez were
in San Salvador engaged in liberating slaves and reforming
tributes, 'que eran incomportables las que havian hecho el
Opo i el Lic. Maldonado;' and, he adds, 'i luego ... nos
partiremos a Guatemala i se hara lo mismo.' _Al Empr_, in
_Squier's MSS._, xxii. 97.
[XVIII‑54] President Cerrato reported to the emperor September
28, 1548, that the first audiencia had observed neither new
nor old laws, that the Indians were treated as previously, and
no steps taken to liberate them. _Carta_, in _Squier's MSS._,
80.
[XVIII‑55] He stated to the king that the tributes levied were
intolerable and could not be satisfied even if the Indians
were twice as numerous, remarking, 'ni los Encomenderos
guardan lei ni tasacion i los'—the Indians—'destruyen sin
piedad.' _Id._, 80, 82.
[XVIII‑56] The punishment of certain Spaniards of Comayagua by
Cerrato for loading Indians had called forth a general storm
of abuse and denunciation by the settlers. _Id._, 82. At this
time Bishop Marroquin was the only one who had letters patent,
and consequently jurisdiction, as protector of Indians; the
other bishops had to apply to the audiencia to obtain such
authority. _Id._, 83-4. Marroquin in February 1548 requested
the king to allow him to have an alguacil for the service in
connection with his protectorship. _Id._, 90.
[XIX‑1] As early as May 28, 1528, fines were appropriated to
the building of the church. _Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, 277;
_Juarros_, _Hist. Guat._, 63. It was dedicated to Nuestra
Señora de la Anunciacion, but afterward, when the name of
the city was changed, San Cristóbal was chosen as the patron
saint, and this name was retained after it was erected into
a cathedral. _Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, 274; _Nueva España_,
_Breve Res._, MS., ii. 390; _Calle_, _Mem. y Not._, 122.
[XIX‑2] Both these priests were army chaplains, the latter
receiving his appointment from Pedro de Alvarado in the
name of his Majesty. The religious fervor of the Spaniards
at Ciudad Real was to say the least lukewarm. In 1528 Pedro
Gonzalez was ordered to say mass daily on pain of forfeiting
his salary. Another ordinance was that citizens were to attend
church in proper time; 'El Español que desde el Euangelio
adelante estuuiere fuera de la Yglesia, tiene pena de tres
pessos;' while a third was to the effect that no citizen
was to be absent from the city during christmas, easter, and
whitsuntide, under a heavy penalty, which was inflicted on
those absent at christmas in 1535. _Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_,
275-6; _Mazariegos_, _Mem. Chiapa_, 44; _Pineda_, _Descrip.
Geog._, 128.
[XIX‑3] Fray Pedro de Barrientos was appointed superior,
and according to Pineda, 129, by Bishop Marroquin. The
cabildo granted the friars their choice of an allotment, and
they selected one near the Cerro de la Cruz on the road to
Chapultepec. An additional piece of land, 130 paces square,
was also given them for their church and convent. _Remesal_,
_Hist. Chyapa_, 436-7; _Juarros_, _Hist. Guat._, 63-4;
_Pineda_, _Descrip. Geog._, 129.
[XIX‑4] In 1546 Fray Marcos was succeeded by Friar Hernando
de Arbolancha. The former established a cattle farm near
Copanabastla, where he also built a country-house and a
sugar-mill.
[XIX‑5] According to _Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, 202; _Gonzalez
Dávila_, _Teatro Ecles._, i. 189, April 14th; _Calle_, _Mem.
y Not._, 122, May 19th; _Larrainzar_, _Hist. Soconusco_, 20,
April 14th; _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, viii. 26,
May 15th. All these dates are wrong, as may be seen from a
copy of the bull in _Nueva España_, _Breve Res._, MS., ii.
392.
[XIX‑6] _Nueva España_, _Breve Res._, MS., ii. 389-92.
[XIX‑7] In _Nueva España_, _Breve Res._, MS., it is remarked
that a copy of this document is nowhere to be found, but
that Remesal makes mention of it as being identical with
that of the Guatemalan bishopric, except in the exordium.
In the cathedral of Chiapas no account of it exists. See
_Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, 202. The personnel of the cathedral
was to consist of a dean, archdean, precentor, chancellor,
and treasurer, besides two canons and other ecclesiastics.
_Gonzalez Dávila_, _Teatro Ecles._, i. 189.
[XIX‑8] Remesal states that the immediate cause of his death
was taking poison during the night in mistake for water.
Mazariegos inclines to the opinion that the fatal draft was
taken while Arteaga was delirious with fever. _Mem. Chiapa_,
45. According to _Calle_, _Mem. y Not._, 122, Avendaño was a
native of Estepa. Some of the members of his chapter went to
Santiago, and others remained at Ciudad Real in a destitute
condition, but were provided for by Marroquin. They asked
that their allowance be given them from the revenues of that
church, but this was refused by Marroquin until the emperor's
decision should be known. _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col.
Doc._, xiii. 278-9.
[XIX‑9] In his memorial to the audiencia Oct. 22, 1545,
_Squier's MSS._, xxii. 176, Las Casas claims Yucatan and
Tezulutlan. June 4, 1545, Bishop Marroquin acknowledges
receipt of the prince's letter assigning Soconusco to Las
Casas. _Id._, 121.
[XIX‑10] Remesal, _Hist. Chyapa_, 223, says the 9th; Las
Casas, in _Quintana_, _Vidas_, 184, the 10th; Helps, _Span.
Conq._, iv. 302, the 4th.
[XIX‑11] _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, vii. 211-14.
[XIX‑12] _Las Casas_, _Relacion de entrada_, in _Pacheco_ and
_Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, vii. 157.
[XIX‑13] 'Donde más excesos y desórden ha habido en hacer
injusta é inicua y malvadamente los indios esclavos, ha sido
en Guatemala y Chiapa.' _Las Casas_, _Representacion_, in
_Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, vii. 168-9.
[XIX‑14] Diego Ramirez, juez visitador to Chiapas in 1548,
writes Las Casas under date of April 20, 1549, that so
excessive had been the tribute imposed by the settlers, that
many of the natives had nothing left, not even a mantle, and
their condition was that of slavery or even worse. _Pacheco_
and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, vii. 204. Cerrato, writing to the
emperor, Sept. 28, 1548, says that in Guatemala and Chiapas
the encomenderos observed neither the law nor the prescribed
tribute, but destroyed the natives without pity. _Squier's
MSS._, xxii. 82.
[XIX‑15] Las Casas' opponents contended that this included
all slaves however acquired. _Las Casas_, _Rel._, in _Pacheco_
and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, vii. 158; _Carta, Audiencia, July
20, 1545_, in _Squier's MSS._, xxii. 111-12. Las Casas, that
it only concerned those unlawfully enslaved. _Carta, Oct.
25, 1545_, in _Id._, 122-3. But practically it embraced all
slaves, for their legal enslavement was difficult of proof.
_Carta, Audiencia, Dec. 30, 1545_, in _Id._, 130-1.
[XIX‑16] _Las Casas_, _Rel._, loc. cit.
[XIX‑17] _Las Casas_ y _Valdivieso_, _Carta, Oct. 25, 1545_,
in _Squier's MSS._, xxii. 122-3.
[XIX‑18] _Las Casas_, _Rel._, loc. cit.
[XIX‑19] In a letter dated July 20, 1545, the audiencia
informed the emperor of Las Casas' doings at Ciudad Real,
and charged him with usurping the jurisdiction of the crown.
_Carta_, in _Squier's MSS._, xxii. 111-12.
[XIX‑20] _Las Casas_, _Carta, Oct. 25, 1545_, in _Squier's
MSS._, xxii. 121; _Id._, _Nov. 9, 1545_, in _Cartas de
Indias_, 36.
[XIX‑21] Las Casas' hostile reception and his subsequent
reconciliation with the settlers described by Remesal, _Hist.
Chyapa_, 379-87, I am inclined to discredit, owing to the
well known tendencies of this writer, and the fact that the
letter of Father Casillas, _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col.
Doc._, vii. 181-2, written when Las Casas was on his return
from Gracias á Dios, does not indicate such hostility.
[XIX‑22] For a copy of the letter see _Pacheco_ and
_Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, vii. 290, 338; also _Las Casas_,
_Oeuvres_, ii. 120-180; this latter version is defective.
[XIX‑23] _Robles_, _Chiapa_, 27-8.
[XIX‑24] _Hist. Mex._, ii. 570 et seq., this series.
[XIX‑25] _Ramirez_, _Cartas, April 26, 1548, April 20, 1549_,
in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, vii. 201-4; _Fr.
Torre_, _Carta, Aug. 3, 1548_, in _Squier's MSS._, xxii. 94-6.
[XIX‑26] _Carta, Sept. 28, 1548_, in _Squier's MSS._, xxii.
81-2.
[XIX‑27] Fray Antonio de Remesal began the history of the
Dominican province of San Vicente de Chiapas y Guatemala about
the middle of April 1615, and finished it in Oajaca, Sept. 29,
1617. The secular history of Guatemala and the other provinces
under the jurisdiction of the audiencia de los Confines is
moreover incidentally given, but not in a detailed manner. The
author's diligence and perseverance in having completed in so
short a time a folio volume of 784 pages, and one displaying
great research, are remarkable, and the more praiseworthy
for the reason that it was accomplished under violent
opposition and many difficulties. It is to be regretted
that, having bestowed so much labor on investigation, he did
not supply a bibliographical list of his authorities. These
he informs us consisted of archives, books, manuscripts,
memorials, narratives, wills, and statements, which he asserts
were documents worthy of credit and authentic, but omits
enumeration of them 'in order to avoid a very long list.' He
was indebted to Conde de la Gomera, president of the audiencia
of Guatemala, for access to the archives and official papers
of different cities. To him he dedicates his book. The
advantages enjoyed by Remesal in this respect render the
work an exceedingly valuable contribution to Central American
history. Its value, however, is lessened by the great number
of typographical and other errors which it contains. These are
very important, especially where dates are concerned. While a
large number of them are quite obvious, very many incidents of
great importance must be verified as to time of occurrence, by
reference to other authors. In the portion of his work which
relates to the conquest of Guatemala, many inaccuracies are
observed. In fact, Remesal was hurried, and often biassed.
His style is clear and pleasing; free from the redundant and
inflated form so common a century later. He submitted his
manuscript to Torquemada, by whom it was highly approved and
its publication advised. This occurred in the city of Mexico.
But meantime a storm was brewing elsewhere. The work was by no
means to the liking of certain parties in Guatemala. By means
of letters addressed to different parts of Mexico, but more
particularly by a special messenger who preached a crusade
against the new history, these enemies raised up a tempest
of indignation against Remesal and his book, especially
in Oajaca. Through the influence, however, of sensible and
powerful friends in Mexico and Guatemala all opposition was
overcome. See pages 747-51 of his work. The author was born
in the town of Allariz in Galicia, and on the 9th of October
1613, nearly five months after he left Spain, arrived at
Guatemala, where he was most kindly received by the Dominican
order. During the time he remained in their convent, he failed
not to observe the excellent system of government under which
the society worked, and occupied his time in perusing the acts
of the chapters held in the convent. He was so impressed with
the excellence of these laws and regulations that he proceeded
to make a kind of summary of them. While thus employed, a work
on the origin of the province, written by Friar Tomás de la
Torre, fell into his hands. This suggested to him to undertake
a history that would embrace both secular and ecclesiastical
matters. With unconquerable diligence and ardor he prosecuted
to the end the work thus projected. On one occasion, when
suffering from a fibrous abscess in the face, he carefully
perused in a single day the whole of the first book of the
archives of Guatemala city, after having submitted to a severe
surgical operation on his right cheek. Twice he journeyed over
all New Spain, collecting information and, in particular,
studying the books of the cabildos of different cities and
towns. The evidence he thus obtained was in many instances
at variance, he states, with printed books and histories of
his own religion. The authors of these—whose names he does
not mention—he would not condemn, however, but excuse on the
ground that later research will necessarily produce different
accounts of events. See his preface. Remesal was a fearless
writer. Perhaps he had some leaning to the descendants of the
conquerors, yet he does not hesitate to denounce the acts
of the first colonists, to deal with Alvarado in a manner
severely condemning him, and to endorse Las Casas with regard
to the cruel oppression of the Indians. But his statements
are to be accepted with caution, especially where Las Casas
or the Dominican order is concerned. No effort is spared
to hold them up to the gaze of an admiring posterity, and
to expose the errors and perverseness of their enemies. To
this end all sorts of probable and improbable situations and
adventures are described, wherein the religious eventually
triumph. Many important facts are glossed over, or omitted,
the true versions of which it is evident must have come within
his observation. Numerous speeches, sermons, conversations,
even the thoughts and feelings of the leading actors, are
described with a minuteness of detail that is astonishing
considering the lapse of time—over 75 years. The account of
the prosecution of the religious by Baltasar Guerra may be
looked upon as a fiction, while the author's inventive faculty
has had much to do with that of the opposition to Las Casas
in Ciudad Real. His version of Las Casas' doings in Gracias
á Dios seems also greatly exaggerated.
[XX‑1] The old church had cost more than 10,000 pesos, and
the bishop had not only expended his own means upon it, but
had also borrowed 5,000 or 6,000 more. He requests the king
February 20, 1542, that the prompt and full payment of tithes
be enforced, and that he aid him with 3,000 or 4,000 pesos
for the construction of the new church already being built.
_Carta_, in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, xiii.
272-3.
[XX‑2] _Vazquez_, _Chron. de Gvat._, 153.
[XX‑3] Although Marroquin expressed acquiescence in the wishes
of the cabildo he did not approve of the pulling down of the
church, and ordered it to be re-roofed at his own expense.
_Arévalo_, _Col. Doc. Antig._, 190-1. Vazquez states that the
old cathedral was taken down and the materials used in the
construction of the new one. _Chron. de Gvat._, 165.
[XX‑4] In March 1545 Marroquin petitioned the king that the
subsidy of the novenos for the erection of the church be
continued. The grant was extended for four more years. In
accordance with a second request made in September 1547 the
grant of two novenos was extended for six years. Again in
March 1548 the bishop asked for aid in addition to the novenos
already granted. _Squier's MSS._, xxii. 45, 91, 138. Vazquez
states that the building of the church lasted only three
years. _Chron. de Gvat._, 153.
[XX‑5] He also complains of the government officials who
maintained that he had no right to tithes during his absence
in Mexico with Alvarado in 1540-1. _Carta_, in _Pacheco_ and
_Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, xiii. 274-5.
[XX‑6] _Id._, 273-4. In May 1547 Bishop Pedraza asked the
king for an increase of salary from 500,000 maravedís to
2,000 ducados, the stipend given to the bishop of Guatemala
and others. _Squier's MSS._, xxii. 29. The royal officials
were ordered in 1540 to investigate the question of salaries
and amount of tithes received yearly in each bishopric. If
they fell short of 500,000 maravedís, the deficit was to be
supplied out of the royal treasury. _Recop. de Ind._, i. 63-4.
[XX‑7] Cacao formed the chief and most valuable tithe in the
diocese. _Id._, 94. The payment of tithes on pita—the fibre
of the agave manufactured into articles of clothing etc.—and
balsam and the carrying of tithes to the churches was under
consideration by the audiencia, December 20, 1545. _Id._, 132.
[XX‑8] _Squier's MSS._, xxii. 92, 4. In December 1551 the
viceroy of Mexico addressed the cabildo on this question and
expressed his astonishment at the outcry against the payment
of tithes, 'que de derecho divino y humano son obligados a
pagallos.' _Arévalo_, _Col. Doc. Antig._, 181-2.
[XX‑9] _Squier's MSS._, xxii. 44-5, 120-1, 123, 139; _Cartas
de Indias_, 19-23, 442.
[XX‑10] In 1546 according to _Gonzalez Dávila_, _Hist.
Ecles._, i. 149. Vazquez states that the convent of La
Concepcion was not founded until 1577. _Chron. de Gvat._, 153.
[XX‑11] _Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, 441. Vazquez, as previously
quoted, however, states that the name of the first lady
superior was Juana de San Francisco, implying that she was a
Franciscan and not a Dominican. This author's whole account
is a contradiction of Remesal's version.
[XX‑12] The emperor contributed 2,000 ducados toward its
founding. _Gonzalez Dávila_, _Teatro Ecles._, i. 152.
[XX‑13] _Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, 585. Gonzalez Dávila says
that Marroquin 'Dio principio al Hospital de S. Alexo, donde
se curã Indios y Españoles, que oy es Hospital Real, en
año 1647'—a misprint for 1547—_Teatro Ecles._, i. 150. This
hospital was founded for the benefit of Indians who were no
longer capable of service, and whom the Spaniards were wont
to turn out into the streets to die like dogs. _Guat._, _Santo
Domingo en 1724_, 55.
[XX‑14] _Vazquez_, _Chron. de Gvat._, 152. Consult also
_Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, 584-6, where a somewhat different
account is given. In claiming merit for his order this author
represents the Indians as unwilling to enter the hospital
of Santiago, preferring that of San Alejo. Both hospitals
received liberal support from the crown.
[XX‑15] The second opening of the Dominican convent took place
about July 1536. Though Remesal, on pages 111, 115, states
that Las Casas arrived at Santiago in 1535, there is positive
evidence that 1536 is the right year. In the deposition, taken
in Leon on the 23d of August 1536, relative to the proceeding
of Las Casas in Nicaragua, the witness Martinez de Isagre
in his evidence mentions that the padre left Leon about two
months previous to that date. _Informaciones_, in _Pacheco_
and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, vii. 141, 143. Gonzalez Dávila
makes the same error as Remesal. _Teatro Ecles._, i. 143.
Juarros is correct. _Guat._, 264. Torquemada, iii. 338, states
that friars Pedro de Angulo, Juan de Torres, and Matias de
Paz, were sent from Mexico in 1538 to found the province of
the order in Guatemala.
[XX‑16] A misunderstanding occurred between the cabildo and
the friars relative to the grounds of the latter in the old
city. These the Dominicans had sold, but the cabildo, which
had declared the site of the old an egido, deemed the new
grant an equal exchange for the former lots, declared that
the friars had no right to make such a sale, and ordered the
inclosures which had been built to be pulled down. _Remesal_,
_Hist. Chyapa_, 369-70.
[XX‑17] Remesal gives the names and grades of these members.
_Id._, 457, 525.
[XX‑18] _Torquemada_, iii. 489. On the 18th of January 1533
I find that Motolinia was in Tehuantepec with Fray Martin de
Valencia and others of the order, who signed at that place a
letter to the emperor. _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série ii.
tom. v. 228.
[XX‑19] The names of these friars were Alonso de Casaseca,
called also de las Eras, Diego Ordoñez, Gonzalo Mendez,
Francisco de Bustillo, Diego de Alva, and a lay brother
Francisco Valderas. _Torquemada_, iii. 338; _Vazquez_, _Chron.
de Gvat._, 42-3, 154, 518-19; _Gonzalez Dávila_, _Teatro
Ecles._, i. 145.
[XX‑20] The expense of each friar from Seville to Vera Cruz
was 70 ducados. _Id._; _Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._, 384.
[XX‑21] Diego Ordoñez was chosen to succeed him. _Vazquez_,
_Chron. de Gvat._, 51-5.
[XX‑22] Vazquez states that they occupied a small convent
badly out of repair built by Franciscans formerly in the
country. 'Cõventico, que por entõces àpenas tenîa vn lienzo
de horcônes.' _Id._, 59.
[XX‑23] Vazquez gives a copy of the order for the allotment
signed by the joint governors Marroquin and Cueva. It is
without date, but Vazquez infers that it was given during
October 1541, when lots were being distributed. _Id._, 167.
[XX‑24] They were engaged in the difficult task of collecting
the Indians into towns. Fray Ordoñez remained in charge of
the monastery; Gonzalo was sent among the Zutugils; Bustillo
and Alva to the Quichés and Cakchiquels respectively. _Id._,
60-7, 77-82, 106-11, 129.
[XX‑25] _Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._, 384-5; _Torquemada_, iii.
338-9.
[XX‑26] Both the date and number of friars are matters
of dispute. Torquemada states that Motolinia was sent in
1542 to Guatemala by Jacobo de Testera, comisario general
of the order, with twelve of the 150 friars whom he had
brought to Mexico that year. _Torquemada_, iii. 337, 339. He
follows _Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._, 385. Figueroa, in _Pap.
Franciscanos_, MS., i. No. 1, 37 et seq., supports Torquemada
as to date but maintains that the number of friars was 24.
Vazquez, on the authority of _Fund. de la Prov. de S. Franco
de Guat._, MS., 1583, _Lizana_, _Hist. Yuc._, a letter of
Motolinia dated October 21, 1545, and the minutes of the
cabildo, concludes that Motolinia arrived at Guatemala in
1544, with 20 or 24 friars. _Chron. de Gvat._, 42-3, 102,
105-6, 440.
[XX‑27] The convent next founded after that at Santiago was
the one at Atitlan by Fray Gonzalo in 1541; then followed
others at Tecpanatitlan and Comalapa. _Id._, 84-5, 340.
There is some doubt as to the date of the founding of the
Franciscan custodia in Guatemala. Torquemada states that
it was established in 1551, following Mendieta. Vazquez is
contradictory, giving the years 1544 and 1549 as the dates.
_Chron. de Gvat._, 102, 123, and furthermore quotes on pp.
144-6, _Fund. Prov. S. Francisco_, MS., 1583, as follows:
'Digo, que lo q̃ ay en el caso es: que esta Provincia fuè
veinte años Custodia de la Provincia del Santo Evangelio
de Mexico.' As this refers to the erection of the order
into a province in 1529, it would appear that there was a
Franciscan custodia in Guatemala in 1539. Figueroa, in _Pap.
Franciscanos_, MS. i. No. 1, 37, gives 1542 as the date.
[XX‑28] The number of friars sent to Yucatan as variously
given by the authorities already quoted, was four or six. But
Marroquin, writing to the emperor December 1, 1545, states
that Fray Villapando was in Yucatan with eight of the order,
whom he had taken from Guatemala. _Squier's MSS._, xxii.
140. For mention of Villapando's labors in Yucatan see _Hist.
Mex._, ii. 452 et seq., this series.
[XX‑29] _Torquemada_, iii. 339. The cabildo of Santiago in
December 1545 petitioned that Motolinia should be sent back.
The comisario general in Mexico replied, in February 1545,
that more friars would be sent but that Motolinia's services
were more needed in Mexico. _Vazquez_, _Chron. de Gvat._,
105-6.
[XX‑30] _Ibid._; _Audiencia al Emperador_, in _Squier's MSS._,
xxii. 132.
[XX‑31] _Torquemada_, iii. 339, 374-5; _Mendieta_, _Hist.
Ecles._, 385.
[XX‑32] Many through inability to master the difficulties of
the languages had left. _Squier's MSS._, xxii. 39-40.
[XX‑33] _Zapata_, _Carta_, 'Destruyen i no edifican.' _Id._,
40.
[XX‑34] Las Casas, in _Quintana_, _Vidas_, 207-8.
[XX‑35] According to _Motolinia_, _Hist. Ecles._, 259, 268,
Fray Betanzos wrote a letter to Las Casas attributing much
evil and scandal to his mode of proceeding.
[XX‑36] Meaning land of war; the name Vera Paz signifying
true peace was given it by the Dominicans because they had
accomplished by peaceful measures what force of arms had
failed to do. _Miranda_, in _Squier's MSS._, xv. 2; _Juarros_,
_Guat._, ii. 320-1. This last author, quoting Las Casas,
states that this name was conferred by Charles V. i. 153.
Consult also _Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, 118-24. The native
name is written by different authors Tuzulutlan and Tezulutan.
[XX‑37] Now called Dulce.
[XX‑38] _Squier's MSS._, xiv. 1-2. Miranda in 1575 reported
to the oidor Palacio of the Guatemala audiencia that the
river Zacapulas separated Vera Paz from the province of
Guatemala, and that the distance thence to the gulf of Dulce
was about 48 leagues, its greatest width being 27 leagues.
The inhabited portion was only one third or one fourth of its
surface, for the friars had collected the Indians into towns,
and established a system of commerce. _Squier's MSS._, xv. 3.
At the time of these reports the northern part, a wild and
heavily wooded country, was—and still is—inhabited by wild
tribes, being then a refuge for fugitive Indians from Yucatan.
[XX‑39] Quintana conjectures that lack of mines and other
valuable resources prevented their being enslaved. _Vidas_,
2a parte, 173.
[XX‑40] Entitled _De Unico Vocationis Modo_, and abounding in
copious legal and theological arguments in favor of his system
of peaceable conquest. _Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, 118-21; _Las
Casas_, in _Quintana_, _Vidas_, 2a parte, 172-3.
[XX‑41] Las Casas, in _Quintana_, _Vidas_, 238-9. These terms
were guaranteed by Maldonado in May 1537 according to Remesal.
_Hist. Chyapa_, 122-3. They were approved by the audiencia of
Mexico in February 1539, and by the emperor in November 1540.
_Real Cédula_, in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, vii.
146-56.
[XX‑42] _Pelaez_, _Mem. de Guat._, i. 153.
[XX‑43] Remesal gives an interesting and romantic account
of the method first adopted by Las Casas, but one which,
I apprehend, is more an invention than a true statement of
facts. He represents Las Casas and his colleagues as composing
verses in the Quiché tongue, narrating the principal mysteries
of the Catholic faith. These were set to music and taught to
four Indian merchants, who were in the habit of journeying
into Tuzulutlan. The lord of Zacapulas was a formidable and
powerful chief called by Remesal Don Juan. To him the four
merchants were instructed to go and sing their canticles,
having been provided with various articles from Spain such
as would excite curiosity. Their reception was favorable,
and the interest awakened by their songs, the novel presents
which they brought, and their description of the peace-loving
men induced a wish in the haughty chieftain to be visited by
the friars themselves. Accordingly a second expedition was
planned and Fray Luis Cancer was selected to accompany the
Indian traders. His mission was successful. The cacique was
persuaded to embrace Christianity, destroy his idols, and be
baptized. On the return of Fray Luis, Las Casas determined
still further to extend the work in person, and in December
1537 visited Don Juan accompanied by Fray Angulo. They then
extended their journey into the more remote districts of
Tuzulutlan and Coban, being provided with an escort by the
cacique, who vainly endeavored to dissuade them from their
hazardous undertaking. The treatment they met with was,
however, generally favorable, and though they experienced some
opposition among the subjects of both Don Juan and the lord
of Coban, they completed their journey and returned early in
1538. _Hist. Chyapa_, 122-4, 135-40. Consult also _Fernandez_,
_Hist. Ecles._, passim; Las Casas, in _Quintana_, _Vidas_,
174-6; and _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._,
iv. 793-6. Now this account savors at least of inaccuracy.
The efforts of Las Casas and his companions, previous to
his departure to Spain in 1539-40, were confined to the
frontiers which were to a certain extent under subjugation.
In February 1542 Bishop Marroquin, writing to the emperor,
after mentioning the arrival of some Dominicans who brought
with them 'dos señores de la raya de tierra de guerra, que
les salieron al camino,' and describing the excitement caused
by the reading of a royal provision 'eshivida á contemplacion
de fray Bartolomé de las Casas y por su relacion,' uses these
words: 'Esto confiado, que este pedazo de tierra que está á
la mar del Norte, cuya cabecera es Teculutlan, ha de venir
en conocimiento de nuestra santa fée, sin riesgo ni sangre
ni muertes, y cuando no, antes ganará que perderá.' _Pacheco_
and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, xiii. 278-9. This clearly proves
that but little progress had been made in the spiritual
conquest of Vera Paz up to the date of Marroquin's letter.
The mention of the two lords of the Tierra de Guerra and Fray
Domingo de Vico's custom of composing verses on the life
of Christ and scriptural subjects, to be sung by converted
Indians at feasts, as mentioned by Remesal on pages 611-12,
may have suggested to that writer his story of the merchants
and Don Juan and the lord of Coban. Moreover, in December 1545
the audiencia informed the emperor that two Dominicans had,
previous to May preceding, left Guatemala for the provinces of
Tuzulutlan and Lacandon, and that their lives being reported
in danger Fray Angulo had gone to their aid. The oidores also
expressed their disapproval of the proposition to exempt Don
Juan, the cacique of Atitlan, and others from the encomienda
system as a reward for the assistance rendered by them in the
pacification of those districts. _Squier's MSS._, xxii. 131.
[XX‑44] In addressing the emperor from Madrid, December 15,
1540, Las Casas reports the commencement of the work, and
that the lords of the provinces had already treated with
the Dominicans secretly. He expresses the conviction that
the country would be brought to acknowledge the sovereignty
of Spain 'por via de paz, amor y buenas obras.' _Col. Doc.
Inéd._, viii. 555-6.
[XX‑45] The date of his departure from New Spain and of his
arrival at the peninsula are alike uncertain. Remesal states
that he attended a provincial chapter of his order held in
Mexico on the 24th of August 1538 at which the question of
his mission to Spain was discussed and permission given to
him, Ladrada, and Cancer to go thither. At the same meeting
the title of vicar of the Dominican convent in Guatemala was
conferred upon Fray Angulo. _Hist. Chyapa_, 147, 150. Las
Casas, in _Quintana_, _Vidas_, 178, concludes that he arrived
in Spain in 1539. Helps, _Span. Conq._, iii. 304-7, and _Life
of Las Casas_, 178, avers that he returned from Tuzulutlan to
Santiago in May 1539 and proceeded to Mexico to attend the
chapter held on August 24, 1539. According to Icazbalceta,
_Col. Doc._, i. pp. lv. lxii. 258, Las Casas was in Tlascala
in the early part of 1539. For particulars regarding the
sailing of the fleets to and from Spain see _Id._, pp. cxiv-v.
February 15th was the day of leaving Vera Cruz as regulated by
decree of 1564. Remesal states that previous to his departure
Las Casas founded Rabinal after mature deliberation as to
the choice of a site favorable to his design. The undertaking
was extremely difficult, but through the curiosity of roaming
natives and the friendly invitations of the original settlers,
the number of inhabitants increased before long to 500,
including neophytes and other Indians. Las Casas was assisted
in this work by Fray Luis Cancer, who availed himself of the
opportunity of visiting the interior as far as the towns of
Coban. _Hist. Chyapa_, 143-4.
[XX‑46] These were respectively dated November 17, 1539,
and April 20, 1540. In the first of these he is charged with
insisting upon the liberation of certain slaves under penalty
of their owners being refused the sacraments. _Gavarrete_,
_Cop. Doc._, 41-2. In the second one it is asserted that he
was travelling about rather than looking after the Indians
'que estàn de guerra' and 'nunca los vió. Ni creemos que
tuvo inteligencia ninguna con ellos.' _Arévalo_, _Col. Doc.
Antig._, 15-16.
[XX‑47] Copy of this decree which was dated January 9, 1540,
can be found in _Gonzalez Dávila_, _Teatro Ecles._, i. 146-7;
and _Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, 152.
[XX‑48] This decree was issued on October 17, 1540. It also
provided that in the event of the collection of tribute
being decided upon by Las Casas the governor or bishop should
appoint a proper person. _Id._, 153, et seq; _Real Cédula_,
in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, vii. 146-9.
[XX‑49] This decree, however, was not issued until January
28, 1541. _Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, 155-6.
[XX‑50] My authority for giving this date is a passage from
a letter addressed by Cancer from Seville to Las Casas at
the court of Spain. It is as follows: 'Contéles luego el
fundamento, que fue todo el suceso de las provincias de la
Verapaz, y como S. M., á instancia de vuestra Señoría, me
envió allá agora siete años y lo que se hizo con solo dos
religiosos.' _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, vii. 185.
This letter was doubtless written in 1548, shortly before
Cancer's departure on his ill-fated expedition to Florida,
which will presently be narrated. See copy of royal order
dated December 28, 1547, extending permission, also assistance
to the expedition. _Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, 114-15.
[XX‑51] Bishop Marroquin states that nearly the whole of this
region to the northern sea was conquered by Diego de Alvarado,
and that a hundred Spaniards settled therein. They afterward
abandoned it to go to Peru, and in the more important
affairs which occupied the colonists this rugged province was
forgotten. _Las Casas_, in _Quintana_, _Vidas_, 238.
[XX‑52] Among the places visited may be mentioned Zacapula,
'uno de los pueblos de paz que sirven á los españoles en
la ciudad de Guatemala,' at which place four caciques of
Tezulutlan met the bishop. Then he proceeded to Patal and
Jatic, Coban, and Tezulutlan. _Informacion_, in _Pacheco_ and
_Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, vii. 216. From the same document it
may be gathered that at the time of the visit the friars in
the country were: Pedro de Angulo, Luis Cancer, Juan de Sant
Lúcas, Fray Gabriel, Domingo de Vico, Domingo de Azcona, and
two others whose names are not mentioned.
[XX‑53] Marroquin reporting this visit indulges in unfriendly
and ungenerous remarks against Las Casas: 'yo sé que él ha de
escribir invenciones é imaginaciones, que ni él las entiende
ni entenderá en mi conciencia: porque todo su edificio y
fundamento va fabricado sobre hipocresía y avaria, y asi lo
mostró luego que le fue dada la mitra.' But I do not find
that the bishop of Guatemala differs in any material point
from the bishop of Chiapas in his account. He says, 'y media
legua ántes que llegase salió todo el pueblo hombres y mugeres
á me recibir con muchas danzas y bailes ... y alabé mucho
á Dios en ver tan buena voluntad y tan buen principio,' and
admits further on that the friendly reception was due to the
method adopted by the friars. He describes the land as 'la
mas fragosa que hay acá, no es para que pueblen españoles en
ella por ser tan fragosa y pobre.' _Las Casas_, in _Quintana_,
_Vidas_, 238-9. See also _Marroquin_, _Carta_, in _Squier's
MSS._, xxii. 139-40. Motolinia also states that Las Casas
represented Vera Paz as of great extent and densely populated,
but that it was not one tenth as large as represented by him.
_Las Casas_, in _Quintana_, _Vidas_, 243.
[XX‑54] 'El tributo que tienen agora es intolerable, cada
ochenta dias doscientas y cincuenta mantas, cuarenta y dos
ziquipiles de cacao, y lo de la sementera, y creo que se la
comen en las minas los oficiales.' He states, too, that with
warriors taken from Tuzulutlan a town double its size had been
founded near Guatemala. With regard to the tribute he hoped
that it would at any rate be reduced to two payments a year,
one on St John's day and the other at christmas. _Pacheco_ and
_Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, vii. 231-6. Nevertheless immoderate
tribute was complained of for many years afterward. In 1551
a royal decree was issued for the purpose of lessening the
burden. In 1568 the audiencia of Guatemala was ordered to
moderate the tribute paid by the Indians of Vera Paz, the
caciques having forwarded a petition to the crown; and in
1577 the audiencia is again ordered to reduce the tribute.
_Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, 702-3.
[XX‑55] The crown furnished Cancer with 800 ducados, with
which ten tons of goods were purchased for the purpose of
trading with the Indians. The friar addressed three letters
to Las Casas previous to his departure, the first being dated
February 9th, and the second February 14th. None of them give
the year, but there is little doubt that they were written
in 1548. Copies of these letters are to be found in _Pacheco_
and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, vii. 184-201.
[XX‑56] _Ibid._ Remesal states that Cancer took no companions
with him from Spain, but that he selected from the Dominican
convent in Mexico three friars and a lay brother. _Hist.
Chyapa_, 515. There can be no doubt, however, that two
of these accompanied him from Spain. See _Pacheco_ and
_Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, vii. 199.
[XX‑57] Both Fernandez, _Hist. Ecles._, 150-1, and Remesal,
_Hist. Chyapa_, 515-16, attribute the catastrophe which
followed to the action of the captain, who, they assert, was
well aware that he was not carrying out the wishes of Cancer.
Las Casas also states that the captain knew of the danger,
but refused to land farther off under the pretext that four
Spanish armies had disembarked at that point without meeting
with resistance. _Oeuvres_, i. 405.
[XX‑58] Remesal enlarges on the tragedy. He states that
the cacique of the neighboring village was grieved that the
murdered friars had not been taken alive, in order that he
might have conversed with them, and that he caused the skins
of the victims to be stripped off and stretched upon the walls
of his house, while their heads were stuffed with cotton and
suspended from a tree. He then adds 'y comieronse la carne en
vn gran combite, despues de muchos bayles y fiestas.' _Hist.
Chyapa_, 516. According to the same author, between 1566
and 1600 four unsuccessful attempts were made by Jesuits,
Dominicans, and Franciscans to christianize Florida. In these
efforts nearly all the missionaries lost their lives. In a
second attempt made by the Franciscans they gained a foothold
in the country, and in 1612 a province called Santa Élena
was founded by the chapter general at Rome. _Id._, 518-19.
Dávila Padilla, 179-89, states that Fray Louis Cancer was
a native of Saragossa in Spain. He was of noble family, and
proficient in various branches of learning. He first went to
Española, thence to Puerto Rico, where he founded a convent,
and a few years later proceeded to Guatemala. Both this author
and Fernandez, _Hist. Ecles._, 150, assert that on a voyage
from Mexico to Spain he was captured by Turkish pirates, but
ransomed. To judge from his letters Cancer was a single-minded
and devout missionary, filled with religious ardor, and
sanguine of success.
[XX‑59] _Las Casas_, _Oeuvres_, i. 405-6. His vehement
opponent Motolinia, in his letter to the king, dated January
2, 1555, while urging the necessity of carrying the gospel
into Florida, remarks, 'but not after the manner of Las
Casas.' _Icazbalceta_, _Col. Doc._, i. 255.
[XXI‑1] Jan. 14th, according to _Vazquez_, _Chron. Gvat._,
222; evidently before the beginning of March. See _Quesada_,
_Carta_, May 25, 1855, in _Squier's MSS._, xxii. 1-3.
[XXI‑2] Quesada, in his letter cited above, reports it
finished.
[XXI‑3] The salaries of the different offices were to be
fixed; each town was to have a casa de communidad, a strong
box to contain their surplus earnings, a jail, tariff,
records, and accounts of the estates of minors and the
deceased; lands were to be assigned them; the mode of paying
tributes was to be regulated; and, above all, they were to be
instructed. _Quesada_, _Carta_, loc. cit.
[XXI‑4] _Torres_, _Carta_, Nov. 17, 1555, in _Squier's MSS._,
xxii. 6.
[XXI‑5] _Cavallon_, _Carta_, Feb. 27, 1555, in _Squier's
MSS._, xxii. 7.
[XXI‑6] _Torres_, _Carta_, Nov. 8, 1555; _Torres_, _Carta_,
Nov. 17, 1555; _Cárdenas_, _Carta_, Dec. 6, 1555, in _Squier's
MSS._, xxii., 5-7.
[XXI‑7] Its chief feature was bleeding at the nose, for which
no remedy could be found. The country was almost depopulated.
_Vazquez_, _Chron. Gvat._, 157. _Juarros_, _Guat._ (ed. Lond.
1823), 148.
[XXI‑8] They killed four men, besides a priest who attempted
to prevent the seizure of the host, remained nearly two weeks,
and made many prisoners. The viceroy of New Spain was at once
notified. _Velasco_, _Carta_, Sept. 30, 1558, in _Squier's
MSS._, x. 1, 2.
[XXI‑9] _Carta_, Feb. 18, 1555, in _Arévalo_, _Col. Doc.
Antig._, 25.
[XXI‑10] 'Que no solo le era licito al Rey hazerles guerra,
sino q̃ en conciencia estaua a ello obligado, y para a
defender a sus subditos totalmente destruyra los de Lacandon.'
_Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, 616.
[XXI‑11] Remesal, _Hist. Chyapa_, 621, says many escaped in
the direction of Yucatan through a large river connected with
the lake which Pelaez, _Mem. Guat._, i. 161-2, supposes to
have been the Zacapulas.
[XXI‑12] In 1638, Pinelo says that it was not known whether
Puchutlas was in Lake Lacandon or in another lake. _Relacion_,
i. Fancourt in his map accompanying _Hist. Yuc._, places
the town north of L. Lacandon. Other maps of this region do
not attempt to give its locality. In making my map of this
region I have drawn from this and other sources. Dávila says
the expedition started forth to visit the provinces of La
Candon, Pochultra, Catanu, and Tofilte pequena. _Relacion_,
in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, xvi. 327.
[XXI‑13] This according to Juarros, though he does not give
us his authority for the statement. _Guat._, i. 259.
[XXI‑14] _Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, 622, piously observes
that the expedition was ordained by God for the salvation of a
single soul, that of an infant, 'Entiendese que solo la ordenò
nuestro Señor para saluar vn alma predestinada de vn niño de
solos quinze dias que hallãdole vn Español atrauessado con
vna saeta le bautizò antes que espirase.' Pelaez, _Mem. Hist.
Guat._, i. 159-64, takes the more practical view adopted in
the text.
[XXI‑15] Remesal, _Hist. Chyapa_, 523-645, forms the chief and
original authority for the foregoing events, and it is much
to be regretted that we have no other account with which to
compare his statements. In all subsequent descriptions of this
expedition their authors have directly or indirectly followed
Remesal. Villagutierre, _Hist. Conq. Itza._, 51-80, copies him
literally. Pinelo, _Relacion_, 2-4; Juarros, _Guat._, 258-9;
Pelaez, _Mem. Hist. Guat._, i. 159-64, all follow him. Squier,
_Cent. Amer._, 554-61, follows both Villagutierre and Pinelo.
[XXI‑16] _Arévalo_, _Col. Doc. Antig._, 26. Vazquez, _Chronica
Gvat._, 222, says that he was appointed Nov. 28, 1558.
[XXI‑17] Dowerless maidens had been provided for, provisions
had become abundant and cheap, and both Spaniards and Indians
were contented. _Cartas_, in _Arévalo_, _Col. Doc. Antig._,
28, 30.
[XXI‑18] 'Mandó que diesen los indios cierta cantidad de
pescado cada semana, no habiendo rios ni mar dentro de diez y
doce leguas. Mandó con pena ... que no vendiesen las gallinas
por más de un real, valiendo á dos reales, y sino quisiesen
venderla á real, dió licencia que los españoles se la tomasen
por fuerza.' _Las Casas_, _Representacion_ in _Pacheco_ and
_Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, vii. 163.
[XXI‑19] _Las Casas_, _Representacion_, loc. cit.; _Remesal_,
_Hist. Chyapa_, 624-6; _Cabildo_, _Carta_, Feb. 12, 1563, in
_Arévalo_, _Col. Doc. Antig._, 36.
[XXI‑20] _Hist. Chyapa_, 639.
[XXI‑21] _Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, 646.
[XXI‑22] 'Que se le envie à mandar tenga especial cuidado del
bien é aumento de los que en esta cibdad é provincias viven.'
_Carta, Jan. 26, 1562_, in _Arévalo_, _Col. Doc. Antig._,
32. In another letter they petitioned the king that in the
appointment of governors preference be given those having
experience in the Indies, as with a new governor there always
came a number of servants, dependants, and relatives who had
to be provided for, to the prejudice of the more meritorious
conquerors and settlers. _Carta, Feb. 12, 1563_, in _Id._, 36.
[XXI‑23] Spelled Briceño by Remesal, _Hist. Chyapa_, 646;
Briceño de Coca, also Briseño, by Juarros, _Guat._, i. 354;
ii. 49; the orthography here adopted is from the letters of
the cabildo, in _Arévalo_, _Col. Doc. Antig._, 39, 45.
[XXI‑24] Presbyter ... and visitador of the provinces of
Popayan and Guatemala. _Escamilla_, _Not. Cur._, MS., 2.
[XXI‑25] At the end of July, according to Remesal, _Hist.
Chyapa_, 646; Feb. 12, 1565, according to Juarros, _Guat._,
ii. 49. In January of 1564 the cabildo were awaiting his
arrival. In the following December they say that he arrived
August 2d of the previous year, 'del año pasado,' which is
evidently an error, the same year being meant.
[XXI‑26] _Cabildo_, _Carta_, Dec. 20, 1564, in _Arévalo_,
_Col. Doc._, 39. Remesal, _Hist. Chyapa_, represents
Landecho's rule as very corrupt; that he was placed under
arrest in his own house by Brizeño, and that to escape a fine
of 30,000 pesos he secretly fled to the coast, embarked, and
perished at sea. Remesal also states that all the oidores
were suspended excepting one, whose name he does not give,
and all fined in sums varying from 3,000 to 9,000 pesos.
Juarros follows, in brief, Remesal's account of the corrupt
rule, arrest, fine, escape, and death of Landecho, and the
fining of the other oidores, including Loaisa, who he says
was retained. In the account of Brizeño's arrival, however,
he gives the popular tradition that the visitador came first
in disguise and made himself known only to the prior of
the convent of Mercy, with whom he lodged. Having learned
from personal observation and conversations the true state
of affairs, he proceeded to the town of Petapa, whence he
announced his arrival to the audiencia and cabildo. The letter
of the cabildo cited above does not favor either of these
versions. It says: 'De la visita resultó quedar suspendido el
Presidente y Gobernador que en ella estaba, juntamente con el
Lic. Jufre de Loaisa Oidor.'
[XXI‑27] Corn sold at the exorbitant price of four tostones
a fanega, and bands of men and women went about the country
seeking work sufficient to enable them to obtain food.
_Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, 641, 645.
[XXI‑28] Private residences, and churches, and convents, were
greatly damaged; many Indians were buried under the ruins of
their houses, and the inhabitants were compelled to live in
temporary shelters or in the open air, while constant prayers
were offered to appease the divine wrath. _Remesal_, _Hist.
Chyapa_, 647; _Juarros_, _Guat._, i. 88; ii. 353.
[XXI‑29] Minutes of _Cabildo, Jan. 29, 1580_, quoted by
_Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, 559-60.
[XXI‑30] At this time Francisco del Valle Marroquin was acting
as procurator at court for the city of Guatemala. In a letter
dated Feb. 20, 1564, he informed the cabildo that the transfer
of the audiencia had already been determined upon, and about a
month later wrote that in consequence of the dissatisfaction
with which the procurator from Peru had left the court, the
council deemed it a favorable opportunity to transfer the
audiencia. _Marroquin_, _Cartas_, cited in _Pelaez_, _Mem.
Hist. Guat._, i. 164-6. In 1563 the audiencia of Quito was
established. _Décadas_, in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col.
Doc._, viii. 35. The foregoing facts would appear to imply
that the transfer of the audiencia had some connection with
political changes in Peru. Whatever were the motives of the
crown for this measure, they were too urgent to be effected
by the powerful influence brought to bear against this change,
which is indicated by the letters of Marroquin.
[XXI‑31] Remesal, _Hist. Chyapa_, 646, gives May 17, 1564,
as the date of the first decree, and Juarros, _Guat._, ii.
49, Sept. 17, 1563. The dates here adopted are those given
in _Panamá_, _Reales Cédulas_, in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_,
_Col. Doc._, xvii. 531-2.
[XXI‑32] _Marroquin_, _Carta_, Feb. 20, loc. cit., and
_Panamá_, _Reales Cédulas_, loc. cit.
[XXI‑33] _Cabildo_, _Cartas_, in _Arévalo_, _Col. Doc.
Antig._, 37-40; _Panamá_, _Cédulas Reales._ loc. cit.;
_Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, 646-7. Juarros, _Guat._, i. 259-60,
says Oidor Loaisa conveyed the seal.
[XXI‑34] _Cabildo_, _Carta_, March 12, 1570, in _Arévalo_,
_Col. Doc. Antig._, 43-4, mentions the audiencia as already
in Santiago. Remesal, _Hist. Chyapa_, 657-8 bis, says that
Gonzalez was appointed June 28, 1568, but that he found
decrees of September 27, 1567, and March 3, 1568, addressed
to the audiencia of Guatemala. According to this same author
the audiencia arrived on the 5th of January 1570. Juarros,
_Guat._, i. 260; ii. 50, gives June 28, 1568, and Jan. 25,
1569, as the dates of the decrees ordering the removal of the
audiencia, and in the dates of the appointment of Gonzalez
and the arrival of the audiencia at Santiago follows Remesal.
[XXI‑35] _Mem. Hist. Guat._, i. 169. See also _Juarros_,
_Guat._, ii. 50; _Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, 658 bis. The
oidores composing the audiencia were the licentiates, Jufre
de Loaisa, Valdés de Carcamo, and Cristóbal Asqueta. See last
two authorities cited.
[XXI‑36] _Carta_, in _Arévalo_, _Col. Doc. Antig._, 44-5.
Remesal, _Hist. Chyapa_, 659, says that he was honorably
acquitted and returned to Spain, in which he is followed
by Juarros, _Guat._, i. 260. Escamilla, _Not. Cur._, MS.,
says Brizeño went to Santa Fe de Bogotá as president of that
audiencia.
[XXI‑37] By Remesal he is sometimes called Domingo de Ara.
Dávila says he constructed a vocabulary of the language of
Chiapas.
[XXI‑38] 1590, says _Fernandez_, _Hist. Ecles._, 114, but the
above date is confirmed by _Dávila_, _Teatro Ecles._, 197;
_Concilios Prov._, i. 325, and _Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, 653.
[XXI‑39] According to Calle, _Mem. y Not._, 125, the bishopric
was established in 1556. Gonzalez Dávila, _Teatro Ecles._,
i. 171-2, says Angulo was appointed April 21, 1560, and died
at Zalamá, Vera Paz, while on his way to Guatemala to be
consecrated. Remesal says that he received his appointment
in Guatemala at the beginning of 1560; accepted it April
21st; went thence to Mexico; the following year was ordered
to his diocese to await the arrival of the bulls for his
consecration; and that in March or April 1562 died at Zalamá,
Vera Paz, while on the way to Guatemala. By royal decree of
September 1560, the audiencia was ordered to pay him the usual
500,000 maravedís, until he had sufficient tithes for his
support. I deem this author more reliable than the others as
he wrote earlier, was a Dominican, and had greater facilities
for obtaining information.
[XXI‑40] _Cabildo_, _Carta_, Jan. 26, 1564, in _Arévalo_,
_Col. Doc. Antig._, 38-9.
[XXI‑41] Fernandez, _Hist. Ecles._, 116, says Father Pedro
de la Peña followed Angulo, then Cárdenas, and that Father
Antonio de Ervias, Dominican, was bishop in 1570. _Calle_,
_Mem. y Not._, 125, places Peña second, and says that he was
removed to Peru in 1580; that Ervias ruled from 1583-90, and
that Cárdenas was appointed in 1595. Remesal, _Hist. Chyapa._,
702-4, names Hervias as the successor of Cárdenas, in 1583
or 1584, Castro next, and finally Rosillo. This was the
last bishop named, according to Remesal, who adds that while
in Guatemala, in 1614, he was told by Bishop Cabezas, that
the incorporation of the bishopric of Vera Paz with that of
Guatemala was then being discussed. The order of succession as
given by Remesal as far as Ervias, is confirmed by Mendieta,
_Hist. Ecles._, 548, a most reliable author, and a resident
of New Spain, where he wrote between the years 1575-96.
[XXI‑42] April 18, according to Juarros, _Guat._, i. 276, and
after a long illness according to Vazquez, _Chron. Gvat._,
149-50. See also _Quesada_, _Carta, Mayo 25, 1555_, in
_Squier's MSS._, xxii. 5.
[XXI‑43] _Vazquez_, _Chron. Gvat._, 149-50; _Gonzales Dávila_,
_Teatro Ecles._, i. 150; _Concilios Prov., 1555, 1565_, 285.
[XXI‑44] _Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, 654; _Juarros_, _Guat._,
i. 276; _Vazquez_, _Chron. Gvat._, 190.
[XXI‑45] _Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, 587-600; _Vazquez_,
_Chron. Gvat._, 133-7; _Quesada_, _Carta, Mayo 25, 1555_, in
_Squier's MSS._, xxii. 3-4.
[XXI‑46] _Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, 532-7, 560-3; _Fernandez_,
_Hist. Ecles._, 142; _Dávila Padilla_, _Hist. Fvnd. Mex._,
110-11.
[XXI‑47] _Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, 500, 520-3, 578-84,
596-601, 613-14, 626-7, 636-9, 642-7; _Juarros_, _Guat._, ii.
98-9.
[XXI‑48] _Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._, 382-5; _Vazquez_, _Chron.
Gvat._, 144-9, 179, 223; _Cogollvdo_, _Hist. Yucathan_, 326.
[XXI‑49] _Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._, 386; _Relacion_, in
_Prov. del Sto Evangelio_, MS., 1; _Vazquez_, _Chron. Gvat._,
129-37, 147, 182-4, 224-6; _Juarros_, _Guat._, ii. 99-100,
106.
[XXI‑50] The neglect to punish the notorious abuses of the
clergy, 'having in his household certain women who were
neither his sisters nor his cousins; and receiving bribes
through his nephew and one of the women, who was young and
of doubtful reputation,' appear to have been the principal
charges. _Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, 656.
[XXI‑51] In Aug. 1569, according to Juarros, _Guat._, i. 277;
in Santa Ana, San Salvador, according to Gonzalez Dávila,
_Teatro Ecles._, i. 153. See also _Cabildo_, _Carta_, July
9, 1567, in _Arévalo_, _Col. Doc. Antig._, 41-2; _Remesal_,
_Hist. Chyapa_, 654-65; _Vazquez_, _Chron. Gvat._, 194-200;
_Juarros_, _Guat._, i. 276-8.
[XXI‑52] _Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, 706; _Juarros_, _Guat._,
i. 277-8.
[XXI‑53] At Guatemala he presented himself before the
audiencia and demanded redress. A judge was sent to
investigate, and he reported abuses witnessed by Bishop
Gomez himself; an utter ignorance of the native speech, so
that they gladly confessed to any visiting priest, and the
absolute refusal of the natives to have el señor cura for
their guardian. _Vasquez_, _Chron. de Gvat._, 243.
[XXI‑54] Those of San Juan de Comalapa, San Francisco
de Tecpan Guatemala, La Assumpcion de Tecpanatitlan, San
Miguel de Totonicapan, and Espíritu Santo de Quezaltenango.
_Vasquez_, _Chron. de Gvat._, 261.
[XXI‑55] There were also six doctrinas belonging to the Merced
order, and 22 to the padres clérigos. _Mendieta_, _Hist.
Ecles._, 386.
[XXI‑56] The cabildo prayed the king for 200 strong
breast-plates, (petos); 500 helmets, (celedas ó morriones);
400 coats of mail, (cotas); 400 arquebuses, etc. Many would
be bought by citizens, and the rest remain in keeping of the
audiencia. Gunpowder could not be manufactured in Guatemala
for lack of saltpetre, etc., and they asked an annual grant
of twelve centals from Mexico. _Arévalo_, _Col. Doc. Antig._,
69-70.
[XXI‑57] 'The licenciado Rueda, late president of the
audiencia, is about to leave for Spain. He has exercised his
office with care and ensured good Christian government as
will be seen by the papers connected with the _vista_ on his
conduct now sent by Doctor Sandé.' _Santiago Cabildo_ (Feb.
16, 1595), in _Arévalo_, _Col. Doc. Antig._, 80. Contrast
this with _Juarros_, _Guat._, 261. 'President de la Rueda
was punished for having so badly treated the religious during
his government. He fell into a state of idiocy, rushing from
the house without clothes into the country, where he ate
grass like oxen, and remained in that state till he died.'
During Rueda's administration a bridge was built across the
Los Esclavos. It was 128 yards long, 18 in breadth, and had
eleven arches. At the point where it was constructed the river
was of great depth and communication was frequently cut off
between the capital and the eastern provinces by inundation.
_Juarros_, _Guat._, 239-41 (ed. Lond., 1823). _Conder's Mex.
and Guat._, 201.
[XXI‑58] That by which the appointment of 'fiel ejecutor' was
vested in the cabildo. The office was one of great profit and
its duties were discharged by each member in rotation. The
cabildo had enjoyed this privilege by royal license for many
years, its concession being granted by cédula of July 9, 1564,
and confirmed by one of April 21, 1587. _Juarros_, _Guat._,
129. (London ed. 1823.)
[XXI‑59] Sandé came to Mexico as alcalde of the audiencia. In
1575 he was appointed governor of the Philippine Islands and
held that position until 1580, after which he became an oidor
of Mexico. _Datos, Biog._, in _Cartas de Indias_, 840-1.
[XXI‑60] The king's grant of one half of the first year's
tribute from the encomiendas becoming vacant during ten years,
was of great assistance in opening these ports. The president
sends a map of the port and of the country for more than 15
leagues about it. _Santiago Cabildo_, _Carta al Rey_ (April
20, 1591), in _Arévalo_, _Col. Doc. Antig._, 77-8.
[XXI‑61] As an instance of the dimensions to which this cacao
trade could grow it may be mentioned that 50,000 loads, worth
500,000 pesos, were raised within an area of two leagues
square in Salvador. _Palacio_, _Relacion_ in _Pacheco_ and
_Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, vi. 15.
[XXI‑62] Palacio mentions a heavy shock that occurred in 1576
by which houses were destroyed and several lives lost. In a
letter to the king he relates that he saw a large fragment
of a church façade which had been hurled to a considerable
distance. _Relacion_ in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._,
vi. 23-4, 59.
[XXI‑63] _Ponce_, _Rel. de Las Casas_ in _Col. Doc. Inéd._,
lviii. 140.
[XXII‑1] Cimarron, a Spanish word, primarily signifies 'wild'
as applied to plants, and 'untamed' as applied to animals;
hence the appropriateness of the epithet. The cimarrones
played a somewhat conspicuous part in the subsequent troubles
of the country, and are not to be confounded with a tribe of
Indians of similar name, the Simerones referred to in _Native
Races_, iii. 794 this series. The mistake is made, however, by
the author of _Drake, Cavendish, and Dampier_, 60, and also
by Bidwell, _Panamá_, 53. Garcilaso de Vega, _Hist. Peru_,
ii. 466, says the epithet had its origin in the Windward
Islands—'vocablo del language de las isles de Barlovento.'
[XXII‑2] García de Hermosillo was himself an eye-witness of
one of the many cimarron atrocities in 1554, when eight men
were killed including a son of one of the judges of the India
House at Seville. _Hermosillo_, _Memorial al Rey_, _Squier's
MSS._, xxi. 15.
[XXII‑3] Garcilaso de la Vega, _Hist. Peru_, ii. 466, calls
him Ballano.
[XXII‑4] Ursua was a native of a town of the same name
in Navarre. He went to New Granada with his uncle, the
licenciado, Michael Diaz de Armendariz. _Piedrahita_, _Hist.
Gen._, 530. Of his career subsequent to this war we learn
that he went to Lima whence, after various services, he was
sent in 1561 to explore some rich Brazilian forests in the
neighborhood of the rio Marañon, where he met his death at
the hands of his own countrymen.
[XXII‑5] As an illustration, a law of 1540, dealing with
offences and their punishment, states: 'Mandamuos, que en
ningun caso se ejecute en los negros cimarrones la pena
de cortarles las partes, que honestamente no se pueden
nombrar.' In towns and cities negroes were not allowed to
be out after dark; arms were not to be carried, and any one
lifting a weapon against a Spaniard, even though no wound
were inflicted, was liable to receive one hundred lashes and
to have a nail driven through the hand. For a second offence
the hand of the offender was cut off. Negresses were not
allowed to wear jewelry, pearls, or silk unless married to a
Spaniard. Free negroes were required to pay tribute according
to property. _Zamora_, _Bib. Leg. Ult._, iv. 461-7.