_Robles_, _Doc. Hist. Mex._, ii. 435, the sacking of Granada
occurred in 1685. But Lussan's date is supported by his
mention of the fact that Leon and Realejo had been sacked by
the English pirates before the arrival of the French on the
coast, _Journal du Voy._, 112; and Dampier states that those
cities were captured in August 1685. _Voy._, 216-21.
[XXX‑45] _Lussan_, _Journal du Voy._, 154. Robles says 900
men entered Leon and Granada. _Diario_, ii. 435.
[XXX‑46] Lussan states that the people of Granada had been
warned three weeks previously by the authorities of Esparza.
_Journal du Voy._, 154-5.
[XXX‑47] Burney states that Granada was not regularly
fortified, but had a place of arms surrounded by a wall.
_Discov. South Sea_, iv. 267. Lussan says this was capable of
holding 6,000 men. _Journal du Voy._, 160.
[XXX‑48] 'Ils foncerent dans la ville les yeux fermez,
chantans dançans comme des gens qui vont à un festin.' _Lettre
du Gouv._, in _Lussan_, _Journal du Voy._, 256.
[XXX‑49] Morel, _Visita_, etc., MS., 33, says without more
loss than 13 men.
[XXX‑50] The absurdity of practical religion is reached when
we find it stated on good authority that one of the principal
causes of the rupture between the French and English pirates
was the impiety of the latter, 'ne faisant point de scrupule,
lorsqu'ils entroient dans les Eglises de couper à coups de
sabre les bras des Crucifixs, & de leur tirer de coups de
fusil & de pistolet, brisant & mutillant avec les mêmes armes,
les image des Saints en derision du culte que nous autres
François leur rendions.' _Lussan_, _Journal du Voy._, 94.
[XXX‑51] All the wealth of the city had been placed on board
two ships and conveyed to an island in the lake, but the
pirates having no canoes could not seize it. _Id._, 163-4.
[XXX‑52] _Id._, 162. The Spaniards believed the pirates'
message a mere threat, and did not try to redeem the city.
_Morel_, _Visita_, MS., 33.
[XXX‑53] Vetancurt states that this year, 1686, the English
entered Granada and rifled the tomb of Bishop Alonso Bravo
de Laguna, and that having stripped the ornaments from the
body, which they found perfectly preserved, set fire to the
cathedral, with which the prelate's remains were burned.
_Menolog._, 136.
[XXX‑54] They had carried off from Granada a cannon, but were
obliged to abandon it the first day owing to the oxen dying
of thirst. _Lussan_, _Journal du Voy._
[XXX‑55] 'They came upon Ria Lexa unexpectedly, and made 100
of the inhabitants prisoners.' _Burney's Discov. South Sea_,
iv. 269.
[XXX‑56] In all only 7,600 pesos, and this sum was divided
among the crippled and wounded. _Lussan_, _Journal du Voy._,
177.
[XXX‑57] 'Qui est à trente lieües sous le vent de Panama.'
_Id._, 179-80.
[XXX‑58] At San Lorenzo, near Pueblo Nuevo, 'le Commandant
du lieu vint nous offrir une somme d'argent pour la rançon
des prisonniers; ce que nous refusâmes, parce que nous avions
beaucoup plus besoin de vivres: Nous luy dîmes que s'il ne
nous en apportoit, ... qu'il n'avoit qu'à envoyer sur l'Isle
y chercher leurs têtes.' _Id._, 244-5.
[XXX‑59] On one occasion a mounted Spaniard displayed his
hatred for the pirates by reviling them and making grimaces
at them from a safe distance. The intruders placed five men
in ambush and continued their march. The unfortunate Spaniard
fell into the hands of the concealed party. Lussan, with his
usual flippancy when treating of barbarities, thus describes
what followed: '& luy fimes faire la grimace tout de bon.
On l'interrogea avec les ceremonies ordinaires, c'est à dire
en luy donnant la gêne, pour sçavoir où nous étions.' _Id._,
264-5.
[XXX‑60] Grogniet died on the 2d of May following from the
effect of a wound which he received at Guayaquil, where the
pirates captured a large quantity of booty in merchandise,
pearls, precious stones, and silver-plate. _Id._, 302, 308.
[XXX‑61] The padres persuaded them that the freebooters were
not even of human form, and that they would eat them and their
children. On one occasion a Spanish lady fell into the hands
of Lussan, and with tears in her eyes exclaimed: 'Segnor, por
l'amor de Dios no mi como' (sic). _Id._, 304-5.
[XXX‑62] They carried with them plunder in gold, silver, and
jewelry, valued at £200,000. The silver was held in little
esteem on account of its weight, and for an ounce of gold
80 and 100 piastres in silver were given. Many of the men
had lost their share of the booty by gambling and a plot was
formed by these to murder their rich companions. Lussan,
however, who had accumulated in gold and precious stones
about £7,000, divided his wealth among the most needy, on
the condition of their returning a certain proportion to him
when they arrived at their destination. _Archenholtz_, _Hist.
Pir._, 218-21; _Lussan_, _Journal du Voy._, 385-6.
[XXX‑63] The sick and wounded with the baggage and horses were
left with a guard in camp, with orders to fire their muskets
frequently during the night that the enemy might think them
all there. Lussan says there were 80 thus left in camp, but
as there were only 280 in the first place, and some had died,
there must have been a mistake. _Exquemelin_, _Hist. Flib._,
iii. 312-4.
[XXX‑64] _Lussan_, _Journal du Voyage_, 411. Nevertheless
this author rather inconsistently adds: 'Cependant touchez
de compassion par la quantité de sang que nous voyons couler
avec l'eau de la ravine, nous épargnâmes le reste.' This same
authority, who was one of the assailants, states that the
pirates had only one killed and two wounded, which statement
Archenholtz, _Hist. Pir._, 226, seriously questions.
[XXX‑65] This stream is or was known by a variety of names.
On different maps I find it called Rio Grande del Coco, Rio
de Oro, Rio Herbias, Rio Segovia, Wank River, Yare River,
and Cape River. Archenholtz remarks: 'This river, whose name
does not occur in any of the historical materials we have
consulted, but which appears to be the river Magdalen, derives
its source from the mountains of New Segovia.' _Hist. Pir._,
230. Burney, _Discov. South Sea_, iv. 292, says: 'according
to D'Anville's map ... it is called Rio de Yare. Dampier ...
names it Cape River.'
[XXX‑66] Lussan calls them piperies. They were constructed
of four or five pieces of light timber lashed together with
lines of the bejuco plant. _Journal du Voy._, 422.
[XXX‑67] Lussan says there were at least a hundred waterfalls,
the larger ones with tremendous whirlpools. These cataracts
could be passed only by portage. 'In short, the whole is
so formidable, that there are none but those who have some
Experience, can have right conceptions of it. But for me ...
who, as long as I live, shall have my Mind filled with those
Risques I have run, it's impossible I should give such an
Idea hereof but what will come far short of what I have really
known of them.' _Bucaniers of America_, i. 171.
[XXX‑68] Six Frenchmen concealed themselves behind the rocks
and fell upon five Englishmen who were known to be well
supplied with booty and massacred them. 'Nous trouvâmes mon
compagnon & moy, leurs corps étendus sur le rivage.' _Lussan_,
_Journal du Voy._, 430-1. The murderers escaped and their
companions never saw them again.
[XXX‑69] Lussan states that they left 140 behind finishing
their canoes.
[XXX‑70] Twelve leagues distant, to the east of Cape Gracias
á Dios.
[XXX‑71] The English buccaneers remained for a time with the
Mosquito Indians near Cape Gracias á Dios. The greater part
of the Frenchmen reached the settlements, but 75 of them who
went to Jamaica were imprisoned by the duke of Albemarle, the
governor. On his death the following year they were released;
but neither their arms nor plunder were returned to them.
_Burney's Discov. South Sea_, iv. 293-4.
[XXX‑72] _Lussan_, in _Bucaniers of Amer._, iii. 180; and
_Journal du Voy._, 448.
[XXXI‑1] Paterson, the son of a Dumfriesshire farmer, was
born in 1658. There are no authentic records as to his
early career. In _Francis' Hist. Bank of England_, and
_Strain's Inter. Com._, 15, it is stated that he went out
as a missionary to the West Indies and afterward joined the
buccaneers. The statement is not so improbable as it may seem,
for the freebooters while robbing and murdering the Catholic
Spaniard imagined they were serving God, as did the Spaniard
when he plundered and slaughtered the natives. Wilkes, _Hist.
Oregon_, 48, says he was supposed to have been originally a
South American buccaneer.
[XXXI‑2] See _Orig. Papers and Letters relating to the Scots
Company_, 50.
[XXXI‑3] _Id._, 53. It will be observed that his Majesty's
ministers then as to-day were not always very proficient in
English grammar.
[XXXI‑4] The anonymous author of '_A Defence of the Scots
Settlement at Darien_,' Edinburgh, 1699, 3. His nom de plume
is Philo Caledon.
[XXXI‑5] The writer of '_A Just and Modest Vindication of the
Scots Design, For the having Established a Colony at Darien_,'
1699, anon.
[XXXI‑6] In December 1698 the company granted to a council
constituted from its members certain rights conferred on
them by the Scotch parliament and confirmed by William IV.
In _An Enquiry into the Causes of the Miscarriage of the
Scots Colony_, Glasgow, 1700, anon., 67, the full text of the
declaration of the council is given. This work was published
in answer to a charge that the failure of the company was
wholly due to the Scots themselves, and especially to the
officers of the company. The English commons declared it
'false, traitorous, and scandalous,' and ordered it to be
burned by the common hangman, and the author imprisoned. The
Scots were no less incensed and equally clamorous for the
punishment of the offender.
[XXXI‑7] English opposition and high prices compelled them to
go to Amsterdam and Hamburg, where they ordered six ships with
50 guns each. _Darien_, _Enquiry_, 82. Four ships only, one of
which was sold before the first expedition started. _Burney's
Discov. South Sea_, iv. 362. The 17th of July 1698 the first
expedition, consisting of the three ships, the _Caledonia_,
the _St Andrew_, and the _Unicorn_, and two tenders, carrying
about 1,200 men, left the frith of Edinburgh. Id., 363. July
26, 1698, and same number of vessels. The expedition sailed
from Leith. _Winterbotham's Hist. U. S._, iv. 124; _Strain's
Inter-Com._, 16. In beginning of Sept. 1699, _Seemann's Hist.
Isth._ 46. The last named is evidently wrong and contradicts
himself in later quotations. Winterbotham is probably correct
as to date and point of departure.
[XXXI‑8] Sir William Beeston, governor of Jamaica, issued a
proclamation in keeping with these instructions on the 8th of
April 1699, and similar orders were issued by the governors
of Barbadoes and New York. _Darien_, _Orig. Papers_, 42-6.
[XXXI‑9] Up to this time the king had partly concealed his
policy. June 28, 1697, the council of the company complain
to the king of the action of his resident in Hamburg. Aug.
2d, the secretary of state replies that the resident has
been directed not to obstruct the company's negotiations. On
the 28th of September 1697 the company's directors complain
that the resident has received no such order. July 22, 1698,
parliament was besought to assist in procuring from the king
such action as would deter his resident at Hamburg. An inquiry
by the council, Jan. 13, 1699, is answered by the secretary
of state Feb. 7, 1699, requesting information about the
settlement. _Darien_, _Orig. Papers_, 10, 20, 34; confirmed
in _Darien_, _Enquiry_, 26-33; and in part in _Macpherson's
Annals_, ii. 666.
[XXXI‑10] For full description of these people see _Native
Races_, vol. i., this series.
[XXXI‑11] His reason was restored after he returned home,
and he lived until 1719. Four years before his death he was
awarded the sum of £18,241 as indemnity for his losses in the
Darien expedition.
[XXXI‑12] Winterbotham, _Hist. U. S._, 125, gives 1698 as
the date of this memorial. There is a copy of the original in
_Defence, Scots Settlement_, 2, where the date is given as in
the text.
[XXXI‑13] In August 1699.
[XXXI‑14] The capitulation was signed March 31, 1700.
[XXXI‑15] When news arrived in Mexico of the capitulation
of the Scotch, the church bells were rung and a solemn
thanksgiving observed. _Robles_, _Diario_, iii. 254.
[XXXI‑16] _Ariza_, _Darien_, MS., 18-21. In this work the
career and fate of García are told.
[XXXI‑17] This information was furnished by the dean of the
cathedral of Panamá.
[XXXI‑18] He died in prison at Madrid. _Alcedo_, _Dic._, iv.
45; and _Haya_, in _Datas para la Historia del Istmoa_.
[XXXI‑19] _Giro del Mondo_, 240. Captain Seeman mentions that
the largest and most beautiful pearl ever found on the coast
of Panamá measured three quarters of an inch in diameter, and
was perfectly round. It was obtained at the Puerdes Islands.
_Voy._, i. 268.
[XXXI‑20] The asiento was to last 30 years, to May 1, 1743.
The contractors were to export 4,800 negroes annually and to
pay to the crown of Spain 33⅓ escudos for each one; and also
to advance his Catholic Majesty 200,000 escudos payable in 20
years. Should more negroes be required, 4,800 extra might be
exported, for each of whom 16⅓ pesos were to be paid. Negroes
carried to the windward coast were not to be sold for more
than 300 pesos each, but there was no limit to price in Tierra
Firme or New Spain. No other company was to be allowed to
engage in this traffic, and no merchandise could be carried
under penalty of confiscation. The ships of the contractors
could sail from either British or Spanish Ports. _Salmon's
Mod. Hist._, iii. 219-22.
[XXXI‑21] _Reales Cédulas_, MS., i. 192; _Haya_, _Informe al
Rey_, 4; _Robertson's Hist. Amer._, ii. 394-9.
[XXXI‑22] Letters of marque were issued on July 21st, and
Vernon's squadron sailed on the 20th, touching, perhaps, at
Portsmouth for orders.
[XXXI‑23] The governor of the city, Francisco Martinez de
Retzez, underwent bitter humiliation if we may believe Sir
Edward Seaward, who was at the time a prisoner in Portobello.
Seaward and his friend Captain Knight had been arrested on
account of an altercation with the governor and for refusing
to apologize to the king of Spain for having in the previous
year released certain captives imprisoned in Portobello. Both
were ill treated, and when they reported the matter to Vernon
the admiral ordered the governor and themselves to appear
before him. 'I have no quarrel with Don Francisco Martinez
de Retzez on my own account,' said Seaward, 'but I have, and
ever shall have, a quarrel with him on account of the king my
master, whom he most grossly insulted by disrespectful words,
in the presence of Captain Knight and myself.' 'What did he
say?' asked Vernon. 'He first insulted Sir Edward Seaward,
by the most insolent and contemptuous behavior,' replied
the captain, 'and when I remonstrated, telling him, that he
should recollect that Sir Edward Seaward was equal in rank
to himself, holding honourable commissions under the king of
England, he replied, "I do not consider the king of England
himself equal in rank to me; for he is little better than a
Dutchman." 'You damned poltroon!' roared the admiral, 'with
all your long yarn of hard names, what shall I call you? Down
on your marrow-bones, you scoundrel, and beg pardon of the
king our master, or I'll kick you from hell to Hackney!' The
don asked pardon of his late captives, but would do no more.
This would not satisfy Vernon, and throwing down a guinea
he grasped him by the neck and forced him into a stooping
position, shouting, 'There is the king's picture! down on your
knees, you blackguard, and ask forgiveness.' The governor took
up the coin and exclaiming in a low tone, 'Yo he ofendido,'
laid it down again. This was considered a sufficient apology.
_Seaward's Narr._, edited by Jane Porter, 3d ed., London,
1841, ii. 280-1, 290-2. The work, no doubt largely fiction,
purports to have been compiled from the MSS. of Seaward's
diary.
[XXXI‑24] The crews of the guardas costas and other Spanish
vessels in the harbor fell to plundering Portobello on the
night of its capture and the inhabitants begged the admiral's
protection. _Geog. and Hist. Descrip. W. Ind._, 109, London,
1741. This work gives a brief sketch of the history of
Cartagena, Portobello, Vera Cruz, Habana, and San Agustin
up to the beginning of 1740, with a description of each of
these cities. It is claimed that the book was compiled from
authentic memoirs, and as it was published less than two years
after the capture of Portobello it is probably worthy of some
credence, especially in matters of detail, although biassed
in the main.
[XXXI‑25] _Id._, 108. In _Douglas' Summary Hist. and Pol._
(London, 1755), 46, it is stated that Vernon seized the
Spanish factory and carried off goods to the value of £70,000.
March y Labores, in _Hist. Marina Española_, ii. 662, says;
'No encontró allí el vencedor la riqueza que se prometia.'
[XXXI‑26] Soon after Anson left England the Spanish government
despatched under Admiral Pizarro a squadron of six vessels to
defeat Anson's purpose. The two armaments sighted each other
near the straits of Magellan, but during the storm mentioned
in the text three of the Spanish vessels were wrecked, two of
the others reaching the mouth of La Plata with a loss of half
their crew, and the remaining ship arriving there with a loss
of 300 out of 450 men.
[XXXII‑1] For physical, social, and moral description of the
Mosquitos, see _Native Races_, i. 711, this series; and of
their language, _Id._, iii. 571-2, 782-90.
[XXXII‑2] Using the word navel somewhat in the sense it is
applied to a portion of a shield, that is a projecting part.
[XXXII‑3] _The Mosqueto Kingdom_, written about 1699, by M.
W. in _Churchill's Coll. Voy._, vi. 309 et seq., London, 1757.
It is not improbable that M. W. was a buccaneer, one of those
who crossed through Honduras.
[XXXII‑4] _Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 294 et seq., this series.
[XXXII‑5] There is a copy of this cédula and of another one
dated the same year authorizing the audiencia of Guatemala to
allow such a contract. _Calvo_, _Traités_, xi. 196-203.
[XXXII‑6] _Mosquitolandes_, 25. 'Since 1670 the Mosquitos have
solicited the protection and sovereignty of Great Britain.'
_Museo Mexicano_, 2da ép. 194.
[XXXII‑7] _Mosq. Terr., Offic. Corr._, in _Mosq. Doc._,
60-3. This treaty was ratified by the legislative assembly of
Jamaica.
[XXXII‑8] _Aranz_, _Informe sobre los Mosquitos_, MS. The
report is copied from the archives of the captain-general of
Guatemala.
[XXXII‑9] A council was appointed of which the superintendent
was president, a court of common pleas, and justices of the
peace. _Mosq. Terr._, _Off. Corr._, app. iv.
[XXXII‑10] In January 1775, an embassy consisting of Young
George, son of the Mosquito king, Isaac his brother, and two
Mosquito chiefs, arrived in England. Their main object was
to obtain redress for wrongs inflicted upon natives in the
interior, whence free men were being continually carried off
to the slave markets. On their return voyage they narrowly
escaped capture by Spanish cruisers. After landing the
passengers at Cape Gracias á Dios the vessel proceeded to her
destination at Black River, and was seized while at anchor in
the roadstead. _Id._
[XXXII‑11] In 1777 some of the principal settlers sent to
England two assorted cargoes of sugar, rum, indigo, bark,
sarsaparilla, tortoise-shell, and other articles. The sugar on
board each vessel was refused admission at the customs. _Id._
[XXXII‑12] The English fleet was composed of two
line-of-battle ships, six war frigates, a schooner, and two
brigs. _Pelaez_, _Mem. Guat._, iii. 127.
[XXXII‑13] While the treaty was under discussion it was a
vexed question whether the term Spanish or American continent
should be used. It will be remembered that the surrender of
Cornwallis occurred during the preceding year.
[XXXII‑14] The full text of this treaty is given in
_Castellon_, _Mosq. Question_, 52-6.
[XXXII‑15] The number of English settlers, with their slaves,
who left the Mosquito Coast, was 3,550. _Soc. Mex. Geog.,
Bol._, 2da ép., i. 393-400.
[XXXII‑16] Soon after the departure of the English, the
king of the sambos and some of his chieftains proceeded to
Cartagena and signified their desire to be baptized. Their
request was granted, and the ceremony was performed in the
cathedral by the archbishop of New Granada July 8, 1788.
Missionaries were also sent to Mosquitia at their instance,
but their labors were fruitless. _Pelaez_, _Mem. Guat._, iii.
151.
[XXXII‑17] After his term of office expired, Loyala went to
Mexico and became a Jesuit. _Dicc. Univ. Hist. Geog._, iv.
800.
[XXXII‑18] _Nic._, _Nueva Discusion_, 6-7. He is also in
_Pelaez_, _Mem. Guat._, ii. 177.
[XXXII‑19] _Relacion Punctual_, MS., 18. Pelaez says that the
same name appears in the book of sentences of the audiencia,
June 18, 1765, but his own allusions to the two next named
make his date inadmissible, unless there was a reappointment,
or Lynch was mistaken.
[XXXII‑20] He had previously governed in Comayagua, Florida,
and Yucatan, and was promoted from the governorship of
Nicaragua to the presidency of Guatemala. _Juarros_, _Comp._,
269.
[XXXII‑21] His name occurs as the officer in command in
_Barroeta_, _Relacion sobre Mosquitos_, 5, no. 34.
[XXXII‑22] The number given in a diary of 1780, reprinted in
_Nic._, _Bol. Ofic._, April 27, 1857, p. 7, is 2,500.
[XXXII‑23] Now Bartola.
[XXXII‑24] Four hundred Mosquitos, and the smugglers brought
several pieces of cannon with them. _Nic._, _Bol. Ofic._, 29th
April, 1857, p. 7.
[XXXII‑25] Nelson in his autobiography thus modestly states
his share in the expedition: 'In January 1780 an expedition
was resolved on against San Juan. I was chosen to command
the sea part of it. Major Polson, who commanded, will tell
you of my exertions; how I quitted my ship, carried troops in
boats 100 miles up a river, which none but Spaniards, since
the time of the Buccaneers, have ever ascended. It will then
be told how I boarded (if I may be allowed the expression) an
outpost of the enemy situated on an island in the river; that
I made batteries and afterwards fought them, and that I was
a principal cause of our success.'
[XXXII‑26] In 1803 Nelson writes: 'The fever which destroyed
the army and navy attached to that expedition was invariably
from thirty to forty days before it attacked the new comers,
and I cannot give a stronger instance than that in the
_Hinchinbrook_ [Nelson's ship], with a complement of 200 men,
87 took to their beds in one night.'
[XXXII‑27] Statements differ as to the losses of the British.
'This expedition cost the English 5,000 lives and £1,000,000.'
_Arévalo_, _Col. Doc. Antig._, 174. Three million dollars and
4,000 men. _Nic. Gac. Sup. Gob._, 92, 'Les Anglais furent
obligés de se retirer honteusement après avoir perdu 4,000
hommes et dépensé plus de trois millions de piastres, selon
le témoignage du colonel Hodgson.' _Belly_, _Nic._, i. 30.
[XXXII‑28] _Nic., Cor. Ist._, in _Cent. Am. Pap._, iii.
322. News of his appointment, was received in Mexico Nov. 2,
1701. _Robles_, _Diario_, iii. 332, 495. It is added that he
resigned the office and no allusion is made to any promotion.
[XXXII‑29] _Alcedo_, _Dic._, iii. 325. It is simply said:
'He did not go to his diocese,' in _N. Esp., Breve Resúmen_,
ii. 387; but in _Nic._, 'He was elected in 1727, and died in
the city of Seville while preparing to embark.' _Correo del
Istmo_, in _Cent. Am. Papers_, iii. 322.
[XXXII‑30] _Castro_, _Diario_, in _Doc. Hist. Mex._, série i.
tom. iv. 235-7, 239-41, 253; v. 6-7, 12-13, 39-40, 109; vi.
27. Alcedo, _Dic._, iii. 326, with his usual carelessness,
says he died in 1757. In _Flores y Rivera_, _Elegios_,
in _Pap. Var._, 75, it is said: 'Very warm eulogies were
pronounced upon the deceased at the university of Mexico on
the 29th of October 1756.'
[XXXII‑31] Not mentioning the lesser ones, 10 large volcanoes
came in the following order: Tortuga, Rincon de la Vieja,
Heridenda, Miravalles, Cuecualapa, Thenorio, Pelado,
Buenavista, Chomes, and Aguacate. _Nouv. Annales de Voy._,
cli. 9.
[XXXII‑32] Mr Squier inclines to the belief that the Guatusos
are of the Aztec stock, but little more is known to-day of
their origin than was the case a century ago, as they have
been left almost undisturbed. In the _Cronica de Costa Rica_,
Dec. 9, 1857, appears the following by an officer in the Costa
Rica service: 'It is pretended that the Guatusos are descended
from the colonists who fled from Esparza when that city was
taken by early filibusters. Such as have chanced to see them
affirm that they are white, bearded, and practise a system of
military discipline.... Twice we accompanied the general of
the Rio Frio with the intention of exploring the territory,
but without finding a landing-place.'
[XXXII‑33] He attended a meeting of the Royal Patriotic
Society of Guatemala, held on the 15th of June, 1798, and was
made an honorary member. _Soc. Catálogo_, in _Pap. Var._, no.
45, p. 1.
[XXXII‑34] He was accused Feb. 4, 1704, of carrying on
commerce with foreigners. He was afterward lieutenant of royal
officers of the province, and then maestre de campo by decree
of Aug. 31, 1716. _Pelaez_, _Mem. Hist. Guat._, ii. 172-3.
[XXXII‑35] Father Andrade, in a letter of Nov. 16, 1706, says
that they gathered from Urinama 41, from Cavecar upwards of
700, from San José 336, and 150 others. _Pelaez_, _Mem. Hist.
Guat._, iii. 30-1.
[XXXII‑36] Similar cédulas were issued Sept. 1, 1713; June
16, 1714; Aug. 6, 1717; Dec. 20, 1737; May 21, 1738, and
afterward, showing the importance attached to the matter.
_Bejarano_, _Informe sobre la Talamanca_.
[XXXII‑37] Many of them fled, others died, and the rest
remained in the service of the Spaniards at and near Cartago.
_Haya_, _Informe al Rey_, 15.
[XXXII‑38] Diego de la Haya Fernandez is mentioned as governor
of Costa Rica on Nov. 10, 1718, and again on July 7, 1722,
when his predecessors are named. There is a discrepancy even
in the report of Haya himself—in the beginning it is written
out in full that he took possession of the government at
Cartago in 1718: 'El año pasado de mil setecientos diez y ocho
tomé posesion.'
[XXXII‑39] So the governor appoints lieutenant-generals for
the two cities, four judges for the neighboring valleys,
and a teniente in Matina, Boruca, and Barba. There is not an
escribano in all the province. _Haya_, _Informe al Rey_, 9.
[XXXII‑40] This governor's reports, and his encouragement
of trade and agriculture, went far to avert the worst
consequences. _Astaburuaga_, _Cent. Am._, 54.
[XXXII‑41] Even this poverty-stricken country was not poor
enough to escape despoiling by sambos and corsairs.
[XXXII‑42] 'During my sojourn, 1752, two notorious prisoners,
after sending threats of punishment to their captors, freed
themselves and disappeared. No steps were taken for their
recapture, even the governor expressing relief when no more
mischief was done.' _Morel de Sta. Cruz._ See also _Nic. and
Costa Rica_, MS., 3-4.
[XXXII‑43] He is referred to in the _Cuaderno Historial de
Misiones_. _Pelaez_, _Mem. Hist. Guat._, ii. 173. According
to the same authority Navarro was governor in 1748, but
according to Lynch, _Relacion Punctual_ (1757), MS., 3,
Pastora was governor until he lost his life in 1756, being
slain by Mosquito Indians at the mouth of the river Maya. In
the reports on missions in Talamanca, brigadier Luis Diez
Navarro is mentioned as the governor of Costa Rica in 1748
and Manuel Soler in 1759.
[XXXIII‑1] An account of the abandonment of this town has been
given in _Hist. Mex._, this series.
[XXXIII‑2] _Peniche_, _Belice_, in _Soc. Mex. Geog._,
_Boletin_, 2da ép., i. 217-9; _Pelaez_, _Mem. Hist. Guat._,
iii. 136, 140; _Stout's Nic._, 258. Squier, _Stat. Cent. Am._,
575-6, states that the name was also said to be derived 'from
the French _balise_, a beacon.' This he is disposed to accept
as correct, 'since no doubt some signal or beacon was raised
here to guide the freebooters to the common rendezvous.'
[XXXIII‑3] _Peniche_, _Belice_, in _Soc. Mex. Geog._,
_Boletin_, 2da ép., i. 220-2. According to Martin, _Hist.
West Indies_, i. 138, and Pelaez, _Mem. Hist. Guat._, ii.
140, a large force from Peten attempted to dispossess the
wood-cutters of the Belize River, but intimidated by the bold
front of the English, they contented themselves with building
a fort on its north-west branch, which, however, was abandoned
after four years' possession.
[XXXIII‑4] A portion of the colony had already arrived in
1736. _Salcedo, Carta_, in _Soc. Mex. Geog._, _Boletin_, 2da
ép., i. 225.
[XXXIII‑5] The date of this expedition is uncertain. Sierra,
_Ojeada sobre Belice_, places it in 1727, but cites no
document in support of his assertion. Ancona, _Hist. Yuc._,
ii. 416, who follows him closely, is doubtful as to its
correctness, although this latter's opinion that it occurred
before the visit of Figueroa to Bacalar and caused the
occupation of this place is apparently founded on conjecture.
[XXXIII‑6] Sierra, _Efemérides_, says Belize was attacked
February 22, 1733, and in his _Ojeada sobre Belice_ the same
author states that the expedition was formed and carried
out between 1726 and 1730. Lara, _Apuntes Históricos_, gives
no date. Peniche, in _Soc. Mex. Geog._, _Boletin_, 2da ép.,
i. 223-5, follows Sierra, but gives a copy of a letter from
Governor Salcedo to the king of August 7, 1736, in which 1733
is given as the date of Figueroa's expedition. Ancona, _Hist.
Yuc._, has accepted the date given by this letter.
[XXXIII‑7] Sierra, _Ojeada Sobre Belice_; Lara, _Apuntes
Históricos_, and Peniche, cited above, say that on his way to
Bacalar Figueroa was joined by the colonists from the Canary
Islands; in which statement they are followed by Ancona,
_Hist. Yuc._, ii. 415-17. This is evidently a mistake, as the
letter of Salcedo already cited shows that even in 1736 but
a portion of them had arrived.
[XXXIII‑8] _Pelaez_, _Mem. Hist. Guat._, ii. 140-1.
[XXXIII‑9] _Salcedo_, _Carta_, in _Soc. Mex. Geog._,
_Boletin_, 2da ép., i. 225-6. I reproduce here '_A Map of a
part of Yucatan, or of that part of the Eastern shore within
the Bay of Honduras allotted to Great Britain for the Cutting
of Log-wood, in consequence of the Convention_. _Signed with
Spain on the 14th July 1786. By a Bay-Man._'
[XXXIII‑10] On his way to Mérida from Bacalar Figueroa was
seized with illness and died. On the 10th of August 1733 Lara,
_Apunt. Hist._, affirms that at the demands of the English
government Figueroa was reprehended by the crown for this
attack, which so mortified him as to cause his death. This
version is accepted by Sierra in his _Ojeada sobre Belice_,
and also by Peniche, in _Soc. Mex. Geog._, _Boletin_, 2da ép.,
i. 226-7, but as these statements are mentioned by no other
authority and are discredited by Ancona, _Hist. Yuc._, ii.
419-21, I am disposed to reject them.
[XXXIII‑11] _Peniche_, in _Soc. Mex. Geog._, _Boletin_, 2da
ép., i. 222-7; _Salcedo_, _Carta_, in _Id._, 225-6; _Ancona_,
_Hist. Yuc._, ii. 413-22.
[XXXIII‑12] _Peniche_ in _Soc. Mex. Geog._, _Boletin_, 2da
ép., i. 228-31.
[XXXIII‑13] _Squier's States Cent. Am._, 576-7.
[XXXIII‑14] _Peniche_ in _Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin_, 2da ép.,
i. 231-4.
[XXXIII‑15] 'Y Su Magestad Católica no permitirá que los
vasallos de Su Magestad Británica ó sus trabajadores sean
inquietados ó molestados con cualquiera pretexto que sea
en dichos parajes, en su occupacion de cortar, cargar y
trasportar el palo de tinte ó de campeche; y para este efecto
podrán fabricar sin impedimento y occupar sin interrupcion las
casas y almacenes que necesitaren para sí y para sus familias
y efectos.' _Calvo_, _Recueil Traités_, ii. 371.
[XXXIII‑16] _Peniche_, in _Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin_, 2da ép.,
i. 235-6.
[XXXIII‑17] Anderson, _Hist. Commerce_, iv. 47, quotes the
London _Gazette_ of this date, in which it is stated that
the English government had received a duplicate of an order
censuring the government of Yucatan.
[XXXIII‑18] _Peniche_, in _Soc. Mex. Geog._, _Boletin_, 2da
ép., i. 240-3; _Ancona_, _Hist. Yuc._, ii. 269-73. Squier,
_States Cent. Am._, 577-8, erroneously attributes this attack
to the prevalence of 'smuggling and other illicit practices'
among the wood-cutters, making no mention of the fact that
England and Spain were then at war.
[XXXIII‑19] _Castellon_, _Doc. Nic. Hond._, 51-2; _Peniche_,
in _Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin_, 2da ép., i. 243-50; _Squier's
States Cent. Am._, 578-80; _Ancona_, _Hist. Yuc._, ii. 472-77.
[XXXIII‑20] Full text of treaty may be found in _Castellon_,
_Doc. Nic. Hond._, 52-6. See also _Peniche_, in _Soc. Mex.
Geog., Boletin_, 2da ép., i. 251-6; _Ancona_, _Hist. Yuc._,
477-82.
[XXXIII‑21] _Grimarest_, _Informe_, in _Soc. Mex. Geog._,
_Boletin_, 2da ép., i. 394-402.
[XXXIII‑22] _Henderson's Hond._, 9; _Ancona_, _Hist. Yuc._,
ii. 503-8; _Peniche_, in _Soc. Mex. Geog._, _Boletin_, 2da
ép., i. 380; _Squier's States Cent. Am._, 581; _London Soc.
Geog._, xi. 81.
[XXXIII‑23] _Squier's States Cent. Am._, 581; _London Soc.
Geog._, xi. 81.
[XXXIV‑1] Page 294, this vol.
[XXXIV‑2] John Twitt, in _Hakluyt's Voy._, iii. 568-9.
[XXXIV‑3] _Arévalo_, _Col. Doc. Antig._, 194-6.
[XXXIV‑4] _Hakluyt's Voy._, iii. 601. In _Ogilby's Amer._,
231, the year 1576 is given as the date of this expedition;
and it is there stated that soon afterward Trujillo was
captured by Van Horn, a Hollander, and two thirds of the town
destroyed by an accidental fire, the spoils of the raid being
insignificant.
[XXXIV‑5] The date of this transfer is variously given as
1558, in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, xv. 468; 1561,
_Juarros_, _Hist. Guat._, 333, and _Calle_, _Mem. y Not._,
127; 1562, in _Gonzalez Dávila_, _Teatro Ecles._, i. 306; and
1588 in _Ogilby's Amer._, 230.
[XXXIV‑6] See p. 303 et seq. this vol.
[XXXIV‑7] Cerda was promoted to Las Charcas in 1577. _Gonzalez
Dávila_, _Teatro Ecles._, i. 306.
[XXXIV‑8] His administration was one of great benefit to the
diocese. Soon after his arrival he wrote the king concerning
its urgent necessities, and his Majesty sent him 50 pictures
and 50 missals, and instructed him to found a professorship,
which was done Sept. 29, 1602. The bishop made many gifts to
the principal chapel of the Merced convent, and was buried
there. _Gonzalez Dávila_, _Teatro Ecles._, i. 307.
[XXXIV‑9] _Id._, 305. The total number of these Indians is
stated at 8,000 in _Calle_, _Mem. y Not._, 126.
[XXXIV‑10] In 1629 Galdo solicited the padre-general of
the Jesuits to send a few of his order to Honduras; but the
experience of the Jesuits in Granada and Realejo a few years
before led to a refusal. _Alegre_, _Hist. Comp. Jesus_, ii.
176.
[XXXIV‑11] See p. 446 et seq., this vol.
[XXXIV‑12] The name of the prelate who was in charge at
the time is a matter of doubt. In 1651 Doctor Juan de Merlo
was consecrated bishop of Honduras in Mexico, but did not
proceed to his diocese until December of the following year.
_Guijo_, _Diario_, in _Doc. Hist. Mex._, série i. tom. i.
190, 228. How long he held office is not known. In 1671 the
see was offered to Pedro de Angulo, who declined the mitre.
_Robles_, _Diario_, in _Id._, série i. tom. ii. 114. The next
appointment mentioned is that of Martin de Espinosa, who died
suddenly in 1675, while in the act of dispensing alms after
mass. He was a centenarian, but apparently in good health.
_Id._, 210. According to Vasquez, he foretold his death eight
days before; its approach being revealed to him in a vision.
_Chron. de Gvat._, 215-16. No other reference is made to the
episcopate of Honduras until the close of the century, when
it is stated that Angel Maldonado, who had received the mitre,
was transferred to Oajaca. _Robles_, _Diario_, in _Doc. Hist.
Mex._, série i. tom. iii. 256-7.
[XXXIV‑13] 'Y aũque se libraron despachos, para que remitiesse
lo actuado el Señor Obispo, ... no los remitio, porque quizas
podian reconocerse falidos ... y _post tot discrimina rerum_,
fuè declarado el Señor Obispo por estraño.' _Chron. de Gvat._,
215.
[XXXIV‑14] The names of the governors of Honduras in the order
of their succession from 1561 to 1781 are given in _Pelaez_,
_Mem. Hist. Guat._, ii. 177-80.
[XXXIV‑15] Neither Pelaez nor Zamacois makes any mention of
this first attack, but D. Galvez in _Soc. Mex. Geog._, _Bol._,
ii. ép. 243-5, is so clear and specific in his narrative that
we must consider it an omission on their part.
[XXXIV‑16] _Carta de Galvez_, in _Soc. Mex. Geog._, _Bol._,
2da ép. Very different accounts of this affair are given by
Pelaez and Cavo. The first in _Mem. Hist. Guat._, iii. 107,
says that the commander and the rest of his officers made no
resistance, but left as hostages the second in command and
two chaplains; the soldiers and many of the inhabitants were
banished. Cavo, _Tres Siglos_, iii. 35-6, says that on the
last day of the defence, when the drums were about to beat
to quarters in the castle, the British scaled the walls,
and before the guards had recovered from their surprise over
100 Englishmen had already mounted the battlements; at the
sight the negroes fled, leaving the English masters of the
fortress. He adds that the castellan forseeing such a disaster
had carried off 40,000 pesos and other valuables by a road
unknown to the enemy, and would have saved all else had he
been permitted to do so.
[XXXIV‑17] The three merchant ships taken had on board
3,000,000 pesos, belonging to merchants of Guatemala.
_Zamacois_, _Hist. Méjico_, v. 628.
[XXXIV‑18] In _Zamacois_, _Hist. Méj._, v. 631-4, it is stated
that 500,000 pesos were sent from Mexico for war purposes.
Cavo, in _Tres Siglos_, iii. 37, says that the viceroy sent
200,000 pesos, though 1,000,000 were asked for, but that
he had quite recently expended 600,000 pesos on the other
provinces.
[XXXV‑1] Page 383 this vol. Juarros says, 'Gobernó con toda
equidad.' _Guat._, i. 262.
[XXXV‑2] They claimed the right of direct address and
petition to the king, which was restricted in every way
by the audiencia; and on April 19, 1601, petitioned his
Majesty to issue a cédula to the effect that they might
send a procurador to the court without the necessity of the
audiencia's approval. They, moreover, complained that the
alcaldes ordinarios were constantly opposed in matters of
jurisdiction by the corregidor del Valle, who was always a
relative or friend of the president. _Arévalo_, _Col. Doc.
Antig._, 90, 100-3. This office of corregidor del Valle de
Guatemala had been previously suppressed. By royal order
of July 7, 1607, his duties were assigned to the alcaldes
ordinarios of Guatemala in rotation. _Calle_, _Mem. y Not._,
118. The leading citizens had always been in the habit of
taking cushions to kneel upon in church, whether oidores were
present or not. This the audiencia had forbidden. _Arévalo_,
_Col. Doc. Antig._, 93. The president was also accused of
having appropriated the principal apartments of the cárcel
de corte and entertaining there the oidores by night and day.
_Id._, 95.
[XXXV‑3] _Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, 728; _Juarros_, _Guat._,
316.
[XXXV‑4] So called from an Indian village of that name. The
inhabitants were of the Toquepa nation. _Id._, 314.
[XXXV‑5] _Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, 728; _Squier's MSS._,
xvii. 1-11; _Calle_, _Mem. y Not._, 119.
[XXXV‑6] _Arévalo_, _Col. Doc. Antig._, 100-1.
[XXXV‑7] Remesal, ubi sup., gives the number of vessels
as 12, and states that hostilities lasted 11 days. Juarros
says 9 days. But a more reliable version of the affair is to
be seen in a letter of the cabildo to the king: 'This year
at the new port of Santo Tomás two or three small fragatas
manned by 35 or 40 men with very little artillery defended
themselves against eight Dutch ships of the Conde Mauricio,
most of them vessels of from 400 to 500 tons, well supplied
with artillery, and having over 1,000 men. Our people did
the enemy much damage, sinking one of his ships and driving
him off, themselves receiving but little hurt, for they were
sheltered by a great rock near the shore, on which rock part
of the artillery was placed.' _Arévalo_, _Col. Doc. Antig._,
106-7.
[XXXV‑8] 'Fué sepultado en la Iglesia Catedral.' _Juarros_,
_Guat._, i. 262.
[XXXV‑9] Thomas Gage states that when he retired from office
he was 'worth Millions of Duckats.' _New Survey_, 282.
[XXXV‑10] He enlarged and beautified the plaza de la
Candelaria so extensively that it acquired the name of plaza
del Conde. This president was the first to whom was given the
title of 'Muy Ilustre Señor' instead of 'Magnífico Señor.'
_Juarros_, _Guat._, i. 262-3. According to Escamilla, _Not.
de Guat._, 3, he held office till 1627, when he returned to
Spain.
[XXXV‑11] Gage, who was in Guatemala at the time, in _New
Survey_, 267-8, 282-4, is specific in his statement concerning
Guzman as the immediate successor of Gomera and is minute in
other references to his conduct. By Juarros the name of Guzman
is not mentioned, but 'Diego de Acuña, formerly president of
San Domingo,' is named as succeeding Gomara, _Guat._, 263;
and as also in _Escamilla_, _Not. Guat._, 3, without any
additional particulars however. These authors evidently refer
to the same person.
[XXXV‑12] Called by Gage, ubi sup., 'Gonzalo de Paz y
Lorençana.' According to Juarros, he entered office in 1634,
the year after the retirement of Guzman, who, Juarros states,
was president for seven years. loc. cit.
[XXXV‑13] _Gage_, _New Survey_, 282. An incident of his
administration was the founding of San Vicente de Austria.
_Juarros_, _Guat._, i. 263.
[XXXV‑14] Gage remarks that 'the city of Guatemala was so
well supplied with provisions and they were so cheap that a
mendicant was not easily found.'
[XXXV‑15] Gage states that there was in his time 'a Grazier
that reckoned up going in his own Estancia and ground, forty
thousand heads of Beasts.' _New Survey_, 278-9.
[XXXV‑16] _New Survey_, 278, 280-81.
[XXXV‑17] In 1604 the city contained 890 principal families,
comprising encomenderos, merchants, traders, machinists,
agriculturists, and others. The tax-list aggregated 4,500
_tostones_. The amount fell less than 2,000 tostones during
1607 to 1612, inclusive; and increased to 5,195 in 1613. In
1614 the amount was 7,180 tostones, and in 1626 it reached
15,980 tostones. The mode of assessing the people was so
offensive that in 1625 dissensions became rife and the
complaints against the assessors were so bitter that one of
them, Márcos Estopiñan, alcalde ordinario, was thrown into
prison. The excessive taxation ceased soon after; for in a
cédula dated August 3, 1629, the alcabalas were rented for
eight years to the cabildo for 10,000 tostones annually.
_Pelaez_, _Mem. Guat._, i. 226-9.
[XXXV‑18] The president's salary was 5,000 ducats yearly; that
of each of the oidores 2,000 ducats. _Calle_, _Mem. y Not._,
117. Gage says 12,000 ducats was the president's salary. _New
Survey_, 282.
[XXXV‑19] The salary of each of these officers was 300,000
maravedís. _Calle_, _Mem. y Not._, 118.
[XXXV‑20] Each corregidor received 200 pesos de mina a year.
_Id._
[XXXV‑21] In 1617 the office of alguacil mayor was sold
for 18,000 tostones, and in 1643 for 49,000 reales. In 1645
the receivership of fines and court fees was sold for 6,000
pesos, while the offices of the escribanos de camara were
regularly sold for 20,000 pesos each. Other offices commanded
corresponding prices. _Id._, 119.
[XXXV‑22] Selecting a few instances to illustrate these sales,
I find that in 1636 the office of alférez real sold for 3,998
ducats; that of escribano publico was sold in the same year
for 11,000 pesos; of the receiver-general of fines and fees in
1616 for 28,500 tostones, and in 1642 for 6,000 pesos. _Id._
[XXXV‑23] They were the following: 'Procurador Sindico ...
Mayordomo, Fiel Executor, Correduria, Portero, con 30,000
marauedis de salario. Mojoneria, Pregoneria.' _Id._
[XXXV‑24] _Alegre_, _Hist. Comp. Jesus_, 136, 448; _Juarros_,
_Guat._, 150.
[XXXV‑25] The provincial of the Dominicans, writing in 1724,
says that to repair the damage to their convent and church
at Guatemala by the late earthquake cost the order more than
25,000 pesos; that the loss of yearly income has been at least
9,000 pesos; and that it took a considerable sum to repair
the mills and put in order the estate belonging to the order.
_Guat._, _Sto Domingo, en 1724_, 10
[XXXV‑26] _Escamilla_, _Noticias Curiosas de Guat._, 4. His
appointment was made in 1653 for eight years; he arrived
at Vera Cruz Sept. 30th; and on Jan. 15, 1654, left for
Guatemala. _Guijo_, _Diario_, in _Doc. Hist. Mex._, série i.
tom. i. 261, 274.
[XXXV‑27] 'He espoused the party of the "Mazariegos,"' says
Juarros, _Guat._, i. 264, meaning probably one of the active
participants.
[XXXV‑28] The right to bear the city flag on public occasions
belonged to the officers of the cabildo, but the audiencia
usurped the momentous prerogative and gave it to the alguacil
mayor. The king was requested to interfere. _Arévalo_, _Col.
Doc. Antig._, 126-7.
[XXXV‑29] These cédulas bear date Nov. 6, 1604; Nov. 6, 1606;
July 7, 1607; May 23, 1673; and Dec. 10, 1687. Philip II. had
named the city 'most noble and most loyal,' and styled the
corporation 'Muy Noble Ayuntamiento,' and Felipe III. gave the
city the privilege of having mace-bearers on all occasions of
public ceremony. _Juarros_, _Guat._ (London, 1823), 129-30.
[XXXV‑30] In a letter dated Jan. 30, 1667, from Guatemala, it
is said that Caldas arrived and took possession of the office
Jan. 18th in that year. _Caldas_, _Carta sobre el Lacandon_,
1. In _Escamilla_, _Noticias Curiosas de Guat._, 4, 1668 is
given as the year in which he became president.
[XXXV‑31] Caldas in his letter to the king suggests that his
Majesty should order the viceroy of Mexico and the governor
of Campeche to gather together all vagabonds and evil-doers,
and send them to Caldas, as also the lesser criminals, that
they might serve in the conquest; moreover, negro slaves and
mulattoes, whose owners desired it, would be enrolled. He
also states that Guatemala and Campeche are the most directly
interested, as their commerce could be conducted by a direct
road of 80 leagues instead of 600, the length of the existing
route. _Caldas_, _Carta sobre el Lacandon_, 5-6. Briefly
confirmed by _Pelaez_, _Mem. Guat._, i. 297; _Ximenes_, lib.
v. cap. xx.
[XXXV‑32] It was the first official document printed in
Guatemala. _Pelaez_, _Mem. Guat._, ii. 261.
[XXXV‑33] The cabildo in a letter to the king dated April 1,
1669, speak of Caldas as 'gobernador tan atento y cristiano.'
About Santillan they remark, 'semejante Ministro como el
suspenso, nunca serà conveniencia, Señor, lo sea en esta
Ciudad.' _Arévalo_, _Col. Doc. Antig._, 128.
[XXXV‑34] He died in 1673 and was buried in the cathedral.
_Escamilla_, _Not. Cur. de Guat._, 4.
[XXXV‑35] The government was now composed of the following
officers: The president, governor, captain-general, and
five oidores, to be at the same time criminal judges, a
treasurer, alguacil mayor, and other necessary ministers
and officers. To the jurisdiction of the audiencia belonged
Guatemala, Nicaragua, Chiapa, Higueras, Cape Honduras, Vera
Paz, Soconusco, and the islands on the coast. The limits in
the east were Tierra Firme; on the west, Nueva Galicia; on
the north and south, the oceans. _Recop. de Ind._, i. 325-6.
[XXXV‑36] During the interval between the death of Caldas and
the installation of Barrios, the presidency had been held by
the bishop of Guatemala, Fray Fernando Francisco de Escobedo,
and Enrique de Guzman. Escobedo's administration gave great
dissatisfaction, and he underwent a residencia; but before
it was completed he was called to Spain as grand prior of
Castille. Later Escobedo became a member of the council of
the Indies, and as such, favored the petition of Guatemala
for free trade with Peru and like measures. _Pelaez_, _Mem.
Guat._, ii. 209. In _Robles_, _Diario_, in _Doc. Hist. Mex._,
série i. tom. ii. 416, it is said that Escobedo was made grand
prior de San Juan, and was mulcted in the sum of 32,000 pesos
as the result of his residencia.
[XXXV‑37] _Gavarette_, _Cop. Doc._, MS., 46; _Pelaez_, _Mem.
Guat._, ii. 259.
[XXXV‑38] Especially as to the performance of rites in the new
districts of Ocotenango and Chimaltenango. Several parishes
were taken from the Mercenarios and Dominicans, it being
alleged that there were none among them acquainted with the
native speech. _Ayetta_, _Informe_, in _Prov. del Sto Evang._,
MS.
[XXXV‑39] May 28, 1688, a shot was fired at the oidor Pedro
de Selva, and while the audiencia was in session discussing
the matter, the bishop called on the president and informed
him that under the seal of confession it had been revealed to
him that the carabine had been loaded with blank cartridge
only. The shot was meant as a warning to the oidor to amend
his views regarding a case then pending, wherein many innocent
persons were interested. When the president endeavored to show
that the oidor had acted throughout with fairness, the bishop
gave way to anger and left the palace, exclaiming with a loud
voice: 'The country is being ruined by the iniquity of its
rulers!' _Gavarette_, _Cop. Doc._, 55.
[XXXV‑40] In _Gavarette_, loc. cit., it is said that the
bishop was removed, but all other authorities describe his
proceedings as bishop of Guatemala until his death in 1701,
or 1702.
[XXXV‑41] Scals requested that an order be issued to the
effect that Venegas 'en sus peticiones y escritos trate
con decencia al señor presidente,' and states that Venegas
repeatedly asserted that he, Scals, had usurped the
presidency. _Pelaez_, _Mem. Guat._, ii. 209-10.
[XXXV‑42] One expedient was to plead ignorance concerning
matters discussed, and refusing therefore to vote. This the
president met by ordering that the oidores be notified of
motions about to be made. Another was the pretence of illness,
and consequent inability to attend; to obviate this he
directed that votes should be accepted in writing. _Pelaez_,
_Mem. Guat._, ii. 269-70.
[XXXV‑43] Oviedo brought his claims before the council, but
notwithstanding his appointment was dated first in order of
time, they decided against him. _Diego Oviedo y Baños_, _sobre
Presidencia_. This pamphlet, the date of which is not given,
was probably published in or about 1705, and seems to be part
of a larger work containing the full case of Oviedo, edited
by the licentiate Baltasar de Aseredo.
[XXXV‑44] _Robles_, _Diario_, iii. 252.
[XXXV‑45] According to _Escamilla_, _Not. Cur. de Guat._, MS.,
5, he was restored to office in 1700 and returned to Spain in
1701. Juarros, _Guat._, i. 268, says 'el Señor Berrospe murió,
antes que se serenase la borrasca.'
[XXXV‑46] See p. 380, this vol.
[XXXV‑47] In a session of the cabildo during 1607, his
Majesty is informed that Bishop Ramirez has for some time
past kept the chapter in great excitement by his conversation
and sermons in which he uses harsh and terrible language.
_Arévalo_, _Col. Doc. Antig._, 112. Compare _Juarros_,
_Guat._, i. 279-80; _Calle_, _Mem. y Not._, 116.
[XXXV‑48] The date given by Pelaez is 1607. _Mem._, i. 295;
_Morelli_, _Fast. Nov. Orb._, 348; and _Calle_, _Mem. y Not._,
116. In _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, viii. 46, the
year 1608 is named; and Squier in _Cent. Am._, 561, states
1609. Remesal suggests a later date.
[XXXV‑49] _Gonzalez Dávila_, _Hist. Ecles._, 164.
[XXXV‑50] Gonzalez Dávila, _Teatro Ecles._, 168, says he was
appointed July 5, 1645, and arrived in Guatemala September
16th of the same year. In _Juarros_, _Guat._, i. 283, the
date given for the king's appointment is 1641, which is the
year Dávila gives for the transfer of Saravia. According to
Escamilla, _Noticias Curiosas de Guat._, 9, Bishop Soltero
entered Guatemala at the end of the year 1644 or the beginning
of 1645. He agrees with Dávila in stating that he took
possession of the office Sept. 16, 1645. We may conclude that
there was an interval between the administrations of Saravia
and Soltero of some three or four years.
[XXXV‑51] On the 31st of May 1647 the Santiago cabildo in a
letter to the king stated that during the recent pestilence
he rose from a sick-bed to visit all parts of the province
and care for the people, dispensing alms, and by his example
inciting others to good works. _Arévalo_, _Col. Doc. Antig._,
119-120.
[XXXV‑52] In 1608 the king released this hospital from an
indebtedness of 17,411 tostones which had been loaned to it
by the crown. _Gonzalez Dávila_, _Teatro Ecles._, i. 152.
[XXXV‑53] A mine of silver was made over to it in 1633; its
income was at that time at least 30,000 ducats a year. _Gage_,
_New Survey_, 283.
[XXXV‑54] Obtained entirely from contribution. President
Escobedo was especially liberal and donated more than 55,000
pesos toward the expense of the new buildings. He also secured
to the order a revenue of 300 dollars: 'pues dexò situados
de renta segura mas de trecientos pesos.' _García_, _Hist.
Beth._, ii. 28-31; also _Medina_, _Chron. San Diego Mex._, 37.
[XXXV‑55] The bishop Saenz Mañosca having endeavored to soften
'the severe rules of the order against the wishes of Fray
Rodrigo, the latter resolved to prevent any alteration by
obtaining the pope's ratification of the rules. One of the
Bethlehemite brothers, at that time in Spain, was ordered
to proceed with that object to Rome, where he succeeded,
according to the bull signed by Pope Clement X. on May 2,
1672.' _García_, _Hist. Beth._, ii. 60-70.
[XXXV‑56] The bishop's rejoinder is very voluminous and
controverts most of the statements made by his adversary.
_Ribera_, _El Maestro_, no. i. 1-42; no. ii. 28; no. iii.
1-56.
[XXXV‑57] In _Medina_, _Chron. S. Diego Mex._, 241, it is
said he died in Guatemala on the date given in the text,
and Juarros, _Guat._, i. 285, adds that he was buried in the
cathedral there. Escamilla, _Not. Cur. de Guat._, 4, states
that he had left for La Puebla before his decease. The author
last cited gives his name as Mallorca y Murillo, and Juarros
as Mañosca y Murillo.
[XXXV‑58] 'I may say it,' Chiapas, 'exceedeth most Provinces
in the greatness and beauty of fair Towns, and yieldeth to
none except it be to Guatemala.' _Gage's New Survey_, 219.
[XXXV‑59] According to an official census taken in 1611 the
population of Chiapas amounted to a little over 100,000.
_Pineda_, in _Soc. Mex. Geog., Bol._, iii. 400-35.
[XXXV‑60] Speaking of the inhabitants of the town of Chiapas,
Gage says 'they are as dexterous at baiting of Bulls, at
_juego de Cannas_, at Horse-races, at arming a Camp, at all
manner of _Spanish_ dances, instruments, and musick, as the
best _Spaniards_.' _New Survey_, 234.
[XXXV‑61] Consisting of not more than 400 Spanish householders
and about 100 Indian houses. _Id._, 221.
[XXXV‑62] The poison was administered in a cup of chocolate or
some sweetmeat; hence arose the proverb, 'Beware of Chocolatte
of Chiapa.' While Gage was in Ciudad Real—called by him Chiapa
Real—the bishop Bernardino de Salazar died with every symptom
of having been poisoned. The ladies of the capital were
accustomed to have chocolate served to them in the cathedral
during mass. This habit the bishop attempted to suppress, and
even proceeded to excommunication, but without effect. Then
a disgraceful tumult occurred in the cathedral, and shortly
afterward the bishop was taken ill, and the physicians agreed
that he had been poisoned, which opinion he fully believed
in at his death. Gage calls Ciudad Real 'that poisoning and
wicked city.' _Id._, 229-33.
[XXXV‑63] For a list of the governors of Chiapas who ruled
from 1590 to 1713, see _Pelaez_, _Mem. Guat._, ii. 183.
[XXXV‑64] 'He,' the governor, 'tradeth much in Cacao and
Cochinil, and domineers over both _Spaniards_ and _Indians_
at his will and pleasure.' _Gage's New Survey_, 228.
[XXXV‑65] Gage estimated the bishop's stipend, derived chiefly
from offerings received from the great Indian towns, at 8,000
ducats a year. The account of one month's offerings was kept
by Gage; they amounted to 1,000 ducats, besides fees due from
sodalities and confraternities. _Id._, 229.
[XXXVI‑1] San Miguel Manche contained about 100 houses;
Asuncion Chocahaoc the same number; the other villages less.
_Juarros_, _Guat._, 270.
[XXXVI‑2] The meaning of Peten is island. 'La palabra
_Petenes_, que es lo mismo que _Islas_.' There were five
petenes in the lake, one large and four smaller ones. When
finally subdued the population of these islands was estimated
at 24,000 or 25,000 persons. _Villagvtierre_, _Hist. Conq.
Itza_, 279, 401-2.
[XXXVI‑3] Situated on the large island.
[XXXVI‑4] 'Tziminchac, q̃ quiere dezir, _Cavallo del Trueno,
ò Rayo._' _Villagvtierre_, _Hist. Conq. Itza_, 100. For an
account of the origin of this idol see _Hist. Cent. Am._, i.
561, this series.
[XXXVI‑5] The canek does not seem to have regarded the action
of Orbita with anger, having merely told them that the time
for their work had not yet come, permitting them meanwhile to
depart in peace. An Itza chieftain, however, pursued them,
and they would have been slain but for the intercession of
the Tipu cacique, to whom the Itza leader replied 'con grande
enojo: Pues no traygas mas acá otra vez à estos Xolopes, que
assi llaman à los Españoles, à desde que vieron à los primeros
comer Anonas.' _Villagvtierre_, _Hist. Conq. Itza_, 107.
[XXXVI‑6] 'Mitotes, ò bailes, y borracheras.' _Id._, 121.
Consult also my _Native Races_, ii. 289.
[XXXVI‑7] _Cogollvdo_, _Hist. Yuc._, 505-6, 'Llevaronlos
... como arrastrando ... al Embarcadero: Embarcaron el
primero al Padre Orbita tirandole en la Canoa por muerto.'
_Villagvtierre_, _Hist. Conq. Itza_, 123.
[XXXVI‑8] Villagutierre says: 'Esto dizen las Historias que
seria, porque debian de estar sin Armas;' but he does not
believe it credible that Spanish soldiers would go unarmed.
_Id._, 136. Compare _Cogollvdo_, _Hist. Yuc._, 544.
[XXXVI‑9] Squier's account of this expedition is quite at
variance with that of Villagutierre. He says that the priests,
who accompanied it, alone crossed over to the island. Mirones
then retreated; and being pursued, the whole Spanish force
was destroyed. He, moreover, gives the date as 1662. _Cent.
Am._, 548. Consult _Cogollvdo_, _Hist. Yuc._, 544.
[XXXVI‑10] _Cogollvdo_, _Hist. Yuc._, 547.
[XXXVI‑11] 'Cerrando los Caminos, poniendo en ellos Estatuas,
à traza de Españoles ridiculos, y delante de ellas otras de
Idolos formidables, diziendo, eran los Dioses de los Caminos,
y que se los estorvavan à los Españoles, para que no passassen
à sus Tierras.' _Villagvtierre_, _Hist. Conq. Itza_, 144-5.
Pinelo, _Rel._, 4-5, gives a brief though incorrect account
of Mirones' expedition.
[XXXVI‑12] 'Otras mercedes para despues de conseguida la
pacificacion de aquellos naturales.' _Cogollvdo_, _Hist.
Yuc._, 684.
[XXXVI‑13] The proceeds of his encomienda were deposited in
the royal treasury of Guatemala, 'como en deposito, para el
gasto que se auia de hazer en ella,' that is the expedition.
_Id._, 685.
[XXXVI‑14] This messenger was a Spaniard, whom Vilvao almost
succeeded in poisoning: 'teniendo modo como echar veneno en
el pinole, que auia de beber por el camino, con que despues
estuuo muy cercano à morir.' _Id._, 689.
[XXXVI‑15] 'Y viẽdo los Soldados que tenia, quan remiso
estaba, se le huyeron en aquel tiempo, que solos cinco
quedaron en su compañia.' _Id._, 696.
[XXXVI‑16] Infante and Gabaldá had some time previously been
submitted to much ill-treatment by the Indians of Nohhaa,
who after an idolatrous debauch compelled them to leave the
town and betake themselves to the woods, whither the natives
presently brought them their robes and the church ornaments.
_Id._ Fancourt, _Hist. Yuc._, 232, erroneously states that
the father was despoiled of his effects.
[XXXVI‑17] 'Que es tambien del Beneficio de Vçumaçintla,
y distante de èl veinte y dos leguas.' _Cogollvdo_, _Hist.
Yuc._, 698.
[XXXVI‑18] 'Natural de la Imperial Ciudad de Toledo, y
Cauallero de la Orden de Calatraua.' _Id._, 684.
[XXXVI‑19] Villagutierre states that one of the chief
difficulties the missionaries had to contend with was the
opposition of native pseudo-christians who monopolized a
profitable trade with the more remote nations, whom they
prejudiced against the Spaniards, that their gains might not
be impaired. _Hist. Conq. Itza_, 161-2. Chico states that in
consequence of the extortions practised on the christianized
natives, they abandoned their settlements and relapsed into
idolatry. _Restitucion de los Chamelcos_, in _Doc. Orig.
Chiap._, 7.
[XXXVI‑20] The most outlying town of Vera Paz.
[XXXVI‑21] 'Y estando dormidos, bolvieron los Choles, y les
dieron de palos, y aun debieron de matar al Indio Christoval,
su Amigo, que nunca mas pareciò; y entonçes, solo vno bolvió.'
_Id._, 171. Juarros states that the messengers were severely
beaten with clubs and dismissed without reply. _Guat._, 278.
[XXXVI‑22] Fancourt conjectures that it 'was most probably
the Selegua, known nearer its junction with the sea ... as the
river Grijalva or Tabasco.' _Hist. Yuc._, 243. For map of the
Lacandon territory see p. 362, this vol.
[XXXVI‑23] For copies of these orders and particulars, see
_Id._, 192-9. Consult also _Elorza y Rada_, _Nobil._, 216.
[XXXVI‑24] The entire force was divided into 9 companies—5
Spanish and 4 Indian; 3 Spanish and 2 Indian companies made
up the command of the president, and one of each, those of
the other divisions. _Juarros_, _Guat._, 280.
[XXXVI‑25] According to Villagutierre the command of the
Huehuetenango division was first given to Captain Tomás de
Mendoza y Guzman, but later Guzman was put in command of
one of the president's companies, and Mazariegos, who had
volunteered to serve without pay, was placed in charge of the
above named force. _Hist. Conq. Itza_, 229, 234, 245.
[XXXVI‑26] _Id._, 268. Fancourt states that 'there was nothing
to fix its identity, not even a hut.' _Hist. Yuc._, 253.
[XXXVI‑27] 'Dexando doze Soldados, con algunos Indios de
Guerra, en el Sitio de San Juan de Dios.' _Villagvtierre_,
_Hist. Conq. Itza_, 270.
[XXXVI‑28] 'Con solo vna grande Viga, ù Madero por Puente.'
_Id._, 272. Fancourt thus regards this sentence: 'where had
formerly been a wooden bridge, in all probability one of those
constructed by Cortés, but of which only a single beam or
plank remained.' _Hist. Yuc._, 254.
[XXXVI‑29] This village had been named by Fray Diego de Rivas,
San Pedro Nolasco.
[XXXVI‑30] The appointment of Amézqueta was strongly
opposed by the fiscal, but ratified by the council on full
deliberation. _Pelaez_, _Mem. Guat._, i. 301, apparently from
_Ximenez_, série v. tom. lxxvi.
[XXXVI‑31] Villagutierre, _Hist. Conq. Itza_, 361, says 140
leagues.
[XXXVI‑32] The men began to sicken and provisions to fall
short, and the rainy weather having begun they returned.
_Pelaez_, _Mem. Guat._, ii. 301.
[XXXVI‑33] Velasco and his company are supposed to have been
induced by proffers of friendship to cross over to the island
in small canoes. They were then either drowned in the lake or
massacred as they landed. _Villagvtierre_, _Hist. Conq. Itza_,
370-1. Another account states that hearing signal shots fired
by some of their party, 15 Spaniards rushed to arms, believing
that an engagement had opened. They were assailed and slain.
_Id._, 433. Fancourt accepts this story as probable. Still
another statement is that the Itzas, 'avian muerto, ... à los
de Guatemala, cogidos durmiendo en la Sabana, y que se los
comieron, y las Cavalgaduras.' _Id._, 456. Their bones were
afterward found and buried. _Id._, 485-6.
[XXXVI‑34] 'Y à aquel Parage de Chuntùqui, se le puso por
Nombre, y por Patrona à Santa Clara.' _Id._, 319.
[XXXVI‑35] 'Y aora te remito vn Machete, muy lindo, con
su Bayna, y su Cuchillo, y su Cinta ancha, y tres varas de
Tafetàn encarnado, para que te põgas en mi Nombre.' _Id._,
336.
[XXXVI‑36] 'En cuya señal diò el Rey Canek dos Coronas, y vn
Abanico.' _Id._, 394.
[XXXVI‑37] 'Se hallaron con mas diez mil Indios Infieles, que
salian flechandolos; de las Canoas que estavan escondidas en
los Manglares de la Laguna.' _Id._; 405.
[XXXVI‑38] A private letter of Count Adanero, then president
of the council, to Ursua, is exceedingly courteous and
complimentary. _Elorza y Rada_, _Nob._, 243-7. Copies of the
cédulas are given in _Villagvtierre_, _Hist. Conq. Itza_,
438-9.
[XXXVI‑39] 'Que ningun Cabo ... ni otra Persona alguna, de
qualquiera Calidad que fuesse, pena de la Vida, ... fuesse
ossado à romper la Guerra contra Indio alguno, aunque le
diesse motivo para ello, hasta tener nueva orden de su
General.' _Id._, 473.
[XXXVI‑40] A picture of Saint Paul also miraculously floated
on the waves down upon the galliot. 'Y por este Prodigio, se
le puso à la Galeota el Nombre de San Pablo.' _Id._, 474.
[XXXVI‑41] 'Desde el Rey, hasta la mas pequeña Criatura, que
era capàz de executarlo, para ir à ganar la Tierra firme.'
_Id._, 479.
[XXXVI‑42] 'Y se echavan al Agua; de tal suerte, que no
se veìa otra cosa por la Laguna, desde la Isla, à Tierra
firme, que no fuesse cabeças de Indios, Varones, Mugeres, y
Muchachos, que iban nadando, como à porfia.' _Id._
[XXXVI‑43] Copies can be found in _Villagvtierre_, _Hist.
Conq. Itza_, 532-63.
[XXXVI‑44] The king says: 'Hè resuelto daros muy particulares
gracias, por el desvelo, aplicacion, y cuidado con que
vuestro valor, y constancia se dedica à conseguir Obra tan
del servicio de Dios.' _Villagvtierre_, 556.
[XXXVI‑45] Eight missionaries and 25 Indian families, to be
settled in the islands, with more than 1,200 head of cattle
and horses, accompanied the expedition. A great quantity of
tools, seed, and grain, as well as pay for the soldiers, was
also sent. _Id._, 592.
[XXXVI‑46] _Id._, 591-658. Martin de Ursua y Arizmendi, conde
de Lizarraga-Vengoa, was a member of one of the most noble
houses of Navarre, and a native of Olariz in the district
of the Valle de la Valdorba. He was knight of the order of
Santiago, conquistador of Itza, and perpetual governor and
captain-general of its provinces. _Elorza y Roda_, _Nobiliario
de el Valle de la Valdorba_, 210-11.
[XXXVI‑47] After the conquest of the Itzas in 1697, the
Spanish settlement in Peten was for half a century only
a military outpost, with a small garrison from Guatemala.
Afterward it became a criminal colony. Berendt in _Smithsonian
Report_, 1867, 424. The conquest seems to have been completed,
however, for in 1759 there were in the Peten district 7
villages, besides the principal settlement. _Juarros_, _Guat._
(Lond. ed.), 299.
[XXXVII‑1] See _Native Races_, i. 645; v. 603-4.
[XXXVII‑2] Cosío entered upon the presidency in 1706, having
been preceded by Alonso de Ceballos y Villagutierre, who was
president after Berrospe from 1702 to 1703, and by José Osorio
Espinosa de los Monteros. _Juarros_, _Guat._, i. 268.
[XXXVII‑3] _Garcia_, _Sublevac. Zend._, 47-8.
[XXXVII‑4] 'Que fueron al pueblo de Cancuc á remover á la
Virgen Sma en la cruz en que habia muerto su hijo Jesus
porque ya los Indios salian de Ciudad Real á matarla, y que
fuesen á defenderla, y que supiesen que ya no habia tributo
ni ley, ni Padres ni Obispo que alla los tomara á cargo para
defenderlos.' _Id._, 61-3.
[XXXVII‑5] At Cancuc they had erected 34 whipping-posts, and
the Spaniards were given 50 blows at each post, provided
they held out so long against death. Some of the captives
with their hands tied behind them were suspended with the
neck in the fork of a whipping-post and scourged to death.
Others again were simply hanged. Such as had been friendly
to Spaniards were suspended over a slow fire until their
feet were roasted. The fiscal of Oxchuc and friars Jorge and
Marcos, together with other Spaniards, were thrown by the
Indians into pits and stoned to death. _Id._, 65-7.
[XXXVII‑6] The proclamation said: God was angry with the
world because he was not venerated and feared as he ought
to be, old customs being abandoned and new ones introduced.
As murmurs had been heard because tribute, the order of Sto
Domingo, the king, and the dominion of the Jews had not been
done away with, San Pedro had ordered priests to be ordained
for all the pueblos who should be responsible to God for their
parishes. But for the masses celebrated by these priests the
world would come to an end, and through them only would God's
anger be removed. Children must be sent to the church to be
instructed in God's law. The vicar-general would presently
visit each pueblo in order to see if this order were obeyed.
He who refused obedience should be brought to Cancuc and given
200 blows, after which he should be hanged. _García_, _Sub.
Zend._, 74-5.
[XXXVII‑7] Secular distinctions were also conferred. Titles
of 'Don' were given, the patents being signed by the priestess
thus: 'Doña María Angel, Procuradora de la Vírgen Santisima.'
_Id._, 77.
[XXXVII‑8] At a later date the rebel Tzendales considered that
it was necessary to form their government on the plan of that
of the Spaniards. They determined to found an audiencia with
president and oidores at a place called Hueiteupan, to which
they gave the name of Guatemala. _Id._, 82-3.
[XXXVII‑9] The Tzendales buried the silver belonging to the
churches, and it has never been found. _Pineda_, in _Soc. Mex.
Geog._, _Bol._, iii. 350.
[XXXVII‑10] 'The Tzendales, 15,000 strong, encamped at
Huistlan with the further intention of marching on Ciudad
Real.' _Pineda_, in _Soc. Mex. Geog._, _Bol._, iii. 349.
This estimate probably includes the other force which was to
have started simultaneously against Ciudad Real, as mentioned
later.
[XXXVII‑11] They had about 30 escopetas taken at Chilun. Their
other weapons were long spears, the heads of which were made
of tools taken at Ococingo, and other arms of ancient usage.
Each Tzendale, moreover, carried a basket of stones. _García_,
_Sublevac. Zend._, MS., 85-6.
[XXXVII‑12] The Spaniards lost nine killed and about the same
number wounded. _Id._, 91-3.
[XXXVII‑13] Four of the Sinacantlan ringleaders were afterward
hanged by Gutierrez. _Id._, 95-6.
[XXXVII‑14] When his force reached San Pedro Chimalco it
consisted of 400 men; 150 of whom were arquebusiers, and
the rest Chiapanec and Mexican Indian lancers, residents of
Guatemala City. _Id._, 100-3.
[XXXVII‑15] These forces were sent by Gutierrez, who, after a
small body of his troops had been repulsed by the enemy, had
called a council of war, at which it was decided to return to
Ciudad Real and send aid to Segovia.
[XXXVII‑16] The Dominican prior of Tecpatlan, Fray Franco
Montoya, happened to be at Ciudad Real during Segovia's
preparations for the campaign. He had never seen artillery
other than that which was on the ship that brought him from
Spain, but he offered to construct either a mortar or a
cannon. He made a mortar which was of much service, chiefly
because of the horror it caused among the Indians, who called
it the _madre de escopetas_. _Id._, 99.
[XXXVII‑17] The president, who with the auditor de guerra,
Diego de Oviedo, had arrived at Ciudad Real, sent to thank
Segovia and his force at Occhuc and the Dominican padres with
him for their success there. He also requested that Segovia
and the padres would come to Ciudad Real as he wished to
consult them.
[XXXVII‑18] This portion of García's manuscript here ends
abruptly.
[XXXVII‑19] During the Tzendales' revolt the town of Chamolla
was the most loyal of all in the province, although it had
been the most injured by the city. At first some of the
Chamolltecs had been inclined to rise, but this partial
defection soon died out, and the people gave many proofs of
loyalty. _Id._, 111. During this period a female leader had
arisen at Guatinpan and greatly aided the priestess of Cancuc
in infusing religious fanaticism into the insurgents. _Id._,
109.
[XXXVII‑20] The work from which I have chiefly gathered
material for this sketch, quoted as '_Garcia_, _Sublevacion
de los Zendales_,' has for its full title _Informe sobre
la Sublevacion de los Zendales, escrito par el Padre W.
Pedro Marselino García de la orden de Predicadores, Predor.
General, Calificador del Santo Oficio y Vicario Provincial
de San Vicente de Chiapa, dirigida al Ilmo. Señor Obispo
desta diocesis y fecho en 5 de Junio de 1716_, MS., 1 vol. in
imperial 8vo, pp. 154. It contains a copy of testimony taken
by PP. Frs Maxelina, García, and Diego de Cuenca, by direction
of the bishop, concerning the death of the several Dominican
friars at the hands of the revolted Tzendales; the details of
these murders are given. The manuscript also contains copies
of letters and journals of Padre García written at the time,
which contain a very full account of the origin of the Tzendal
rebellion, the singular religious schism which they sought
to establish, and the various proceedings, civil, military,
and ecclesiastical, which led to the final suppression of the
rebellion. The continuity of the events related is not easily
followed, since the manuscript was carelessly arranged for
binding. In places, moreover, it is wanting, and is somewhat
worm-eaten. It is therefore difficult at all times to decipher
the facts, which are moreover hidden in the verbosity common
to an ecclesiastical writer of that time.
[XXXVII‑21] _Chiapas_, _Informe del Intendente_, in _Soc.
Mex. Geog._, _Bol._, 3d ép., ii. 326-7. In 1800 the office of
alcalde mayor at Ciudad Real was sold for 4,687 pesos, those
of eight regidores for 400 pesos each. The position of notary
public and secretary of the cabildo sold for 627 pesos and at
a later date for 1,110 pesos. _Pineda_, _Descrip. Geog._, 45.
[XXXVII‑22] 'No se descubria otra cosa que pesadas Cruzes,
agudas espinas, abroxos, crueles imbenziones de diziplinas,
arrastrados por los suelos los Hombres, lagrimas, y
humilidad.' _Arana_, _Relacion Estragos Guat._, 383.
[XXXVII‑23] The missions were now closed with a 'prosesion de
sangre.' Most of the shocks lasted for the space of an Ave
María. _Arana_, _Rel. Estragos Guat._, 380-98. The volcano
threw up stones, ashes, and other matter. Letters could be
read distinctly in the dead of the night, although the volcano
was at least two leagues distant from the city. _Alegre_,
_Hist. Comp. Jesus_, iii. 179.
[XXXVII‑24] Out of the 40,000 inhabitants who resided in the
city before these earthquakes, scarcely 1,500 could be counted
when they had ceased. On the plaza mayor on the 5th of Oct.
were the president and five or six families. On the plazuela
de San Pedro were Diego de Oviedo and Tomás de Arana, the
oidores, the nuns of Santa Clara, and two other families. In
the Jesuit square remained the members of that order and some
other persons. Under the porch of Santo Domingo were some
monks and a few seculars. In the potrero of the apostolic
missionaries were six religious and a few others. There were
a few more at Jocotenango. _Arana_, _Relacion Estragos Guat._,
380-98.
[XXXVII‑25] The bishop, on one occasion of unusual alarm,
being sick in bed, was brought to the centre of the plaza
mayor by the hands of the president himself, who remained
steadfastly in the city, and, with others, rendered whatever
assistance was in his power. _Id._, 398.
[XXXVII‑26] _Arévalo_, _Col. Doc. Antig._, 146-8, contains the
lengthy document in extenso, in addition to its recital of
the dire consequences of the visitations. Arana's report of
the matter is briefly referred to in _Alegre_, _Hist. Comp.
Jesus_, iii. 179. See also _Juarros_, _Guat._, i. 208-9;
and ii. 208; _Alzate_, _Gaceta Literatura,_ iii. 442; _Album
Mexicano_, i. 418.
[XXXVII‑27] It was especially prayed that Indians might be
allowed to work on the indigo plantations, this being the
chief reliance of the provinces of Guatemala. _Arévalo_, _Col.
Doc. Antig._, 148, 151-2.
[XXXVII‑28] In _Escamilla_, _Not. Cur. de Guat._, 6, he is
styled D. Echevers y Subija. He had been chamberlain to his
Majesty and was a knight of Calatrava.
[XXXVII‑29] Alluding to these disturbances, we find in _Gac.
Mex._, Jan. 1728, and in _Arévalo_, _Compend._, 5-6, that
these riots were suppressed by the prudent determination and
dignified but firm measures of the marques de Casa Fuerte,
viceroy of New Spain.
[XXXVII‑30] In this instance the alcaldes were deprived
of their offices by the king, and made to pay a fine of a
thousand reales de ocho. _Providencias Reales_, MS., 300-9.
[XXXVII‑31] In 1723 Bishop Juan Bautista Álvarez de Toledo
was succeeded by Nicolás Cárlos Gomez de Cervantes. During the
administration of the former the king had found it necessary
to issue a cédula, dated November 15, 1717, ordering that no
new churches, convents, or hospitals should be founded without
his permission, since they were already so numerous as to
interfere with each other's usefulness. _Providencias Reales_,
MS., 207-8.
[XXXVII‑32] Among other charges made against the clergy of
this period may be mentioned the following: sick persons were
compelled to go to the church to receive extreme unction, many
dying on the road thither; Indians were compelled to marry
at a tender age in order to increase their contributions;
fraternities were organized, to the members of which great
pecuniary loss was occasioned; curates absented themselves
without permission, and the priestly office was sold to the
highest bidder. _Ordenes de la Corona_, MS., iv. 155-7.
[XXXVII‑33] Up to 1730 the tithes collected in the bishopric
had never exceeded 3,000 pesos; but from that time they
increased, until in 1750 they amounted to 30,000, and ten
years after they were estimated at 60,000 pesos. _Escamilla_,
_Not. Cur. de Guat._, 78. Pedro Pardo de Figueroa, seventeenth
bishop and first archbishop of Guatemala, was born in Lima
of noble parentage. He assumed the religious habit of the
Franciscans at the age of sixteen. Having filled the chairs
of philosophy and theology, he was sent by his order to
the courts of Madrid and Rome, occupying the position of
secretary-general of his order. He was elected bishop of
Guatemala in 1735, and on the 13th of September of the
same year was consecrated by the archiepiscopal viceroy of
New Spain, Juan Antonio de Vizarron y Eguiarreta. In these
dates the _Concil. Prov._, 1-2, 297, is followed according
to _Juarros_, _Guat._, i. 291. Figueroa was consecrated on
September 8, 1736, and on Nov. 18th Manuel Falla, precentor
of the cathedral, took possession of it in his name. On the
22d of September 1737 the bishop made his public entry into
the cathedral. Escamilla, _Not. Cur. de Guat._, 16, confirms
Juarros.
[XXXVII‑34] Dec. 17, 1740, the king decided that at all
receptions of bishops the two alcaldes should occupy the
chairs of the dean and archdeacon in the choir. _Arévalo_,
_Col. Doc. Antig._, 9-13.
[XXXVII‑35] _Concil. Prov._, 1-2, 297-8. Juarros, _Guat._, i.
292, states that the bull was issued in December 1743. A copy
of it is given in _Nueva España, Breve Resúmen_, 370-5.
[XXXVII‑36] Two prominent bishops of Honduras maybe mentioned:
Antonio Guadalupe Lopez Portillo, a native of Guadalajara
and delegate to the general council held at Rome in 1723,
_Figueroa_, _Vindicias_, MS., 75, and Francisco Molina who was
elected in 1743; but of the events of their administrations
no records exist.
[XXXVII‑37] _Guat._, _Sto Domingo en 1724_, 22-4.
[XXXVII‑38] The following is a copy of this curious edict:
'Vengan sobre ellos, y á cada vna de ellos, la ira, y
maldicion de Dios todo poderoso, y de la Gloriosa Vírgen
Santa María su Madre, y de los Bienaventurados Apostoles San
Pedro, y San Pablo, y de todos los Santos del Cielo. Y vengan
sobre ellos todas las plagas de Egypto, y las maldiciones
que vinieron sobre el Rey Pharaon, y sus gentes por que no
obedecieron, y cumplieron las Mandamientos divinales; y sobre
aquellas cinco Ciudades de Sodoma, y Gomarra, y sobre Datàn,
y Abiròn, que vivos los tragó la tierra, por el pecado de
la inobediencia, que contra Dios Nuestro Señor cometieron; y
sean malditos en su comer, y beber, y en su velar, y dormir,
en su levantar, y andar; en su vivir y morir, y siempre estèn
endurecidos en su pecado; el diablo esté á su mano derecha;
quando fueren en juizio siempre sean condenados; sus dias sean
pocos, y malos; sus bienes, y hazienda sean traspassados en
los estraños; sus hijos sean huerfanos, y siempre estèn en
necesidad.' _Ordenes de la Corona_, MS., vi. 143-4.
[XXXVII‑39] The northern limit of the government of Guatemala
was established as early as 1549. At this date the licentiate
Gasca, commissioned by the viceroy of New Spain, and aided
by president Cerrato, of Guatemala, fixed as the boundary
between New Spain the provinces subject to the audiencia of
the Confines, 'a line beginning at the bar of Tonala, in 16°
north latitude, and running thence in the direction of the
gulf of Mexico, between the towns of Tapana and Maquilapa,
leaving the former on the left and the latter on the right,
to a point opposite San Miguel Chimalapa; thence turning
and running as far as the Mijes Mountain, situated in 17°
21' of the same latitude; thence to the town of Sumazintla
(modern spelling Usumasinta), situated on the river of the
same name; thence following up this river to a point opposite
Huehuetlan, in 15° 30' of the same latitude, and thence to
Cape Three Points in the Gulf of Honduras.' In 1599 the line
was again changed, leaving to Guatemala the territory lying
between 8° and 18°, more or less, north latitude. In 1678
another change was made by the viceroy of New Spain, which
took from the captain-generalcy of Guatemala many towns on
the coast, as far as the river Huehuetlan, and also extended
the boundary of Yucatan. Finally, upon the establishment of
the intendencias in 1787, the boundary line was again fixed,
and the captain-generalcy of Guatemala made to include the
territory within 7° 54' and 17° 49' north latitude. These
limits were confirmed by subsequent commissions in 1792,
1794, and 1797, and adopted by the Spanish government in
its map of 1802. _Soc. Mex. Geog._, _Boletin_, 3da ép., iii.
78-9. Although these boundaries were approved by the crown,
the exact location of the dividing line between Chiapas
and New Spain appears to be a matter of dispute among many
authorities. _Pineda_, _Descripcion Geog._, 17; _Larrainzar_,
_Hist. Soconusco_, 1-2.
[XXXVII‑40] _Guat._, _Apunt._, 8. The _Nueva España, Breve
Resúmen_, MS., ii. 349, says, 'it extends for more than 300
leagues along the coast of the South Sea, but in a straight
line from east to west it is but 240, its greatest width being
180;' and again, 'from the limits of Tehuantepec, the last
of the provinces of New Spain, to the Escudo de Veraguas,
the limits of the kingdom of Tierra Firme (via the cities of
Santiago, Leon, Nicoya, Cartago, Boruca), it is 650 leagues.'
[XXXVII‑41] _Nueva España, Breve Resúmen_, MS., ii. 349.
[XXXVII‑42] _Soc. Mex. Geog._, _Boletin_, 3da ép., iii. 78-9.
In the enumeration of provinces but twelve are mentioned, that
of Guatemala being omitted also. _Eco de España_, Aug. 27,
1853; _García_, _Reseña Geog._, 7.
[XXXVII‑43] A junta of ministers was appointed by the king,
whose duty it was to oversee the actions of the various
viceroys, presidents, etc. This junta gave instructions
to the regents. _Cedulario_, MS., i. 34-6; iii. 81-91. The
functions of the regents are described in _Reales Cédulas_,
MS., ii. 159. Previous to arriving at their place of duty the
regent was to notify the ruling authority, president, viceroy,
etc., and they were required to meet him one league from the
capital. The archbishop and clergy were required to call upon
him. The enumeration of their duties fills 78 articles.
[XXXVII‑44] After Herrera came Juan Antonio de Uruñuela, a
knight of the order of Cárlos III.; Juan José de Villalengua
y Marfil, minister of the supreme council of the Indies;
Ambrosio Cerdán, knight of the royal order of the Immaculate
Concepcion; Manuel Castillo Negrete, and José Bernardo
Asteguieta y Sarralde. _Juarros_, _Compendio_, 356. According
to Gomez, _Diario_, 151, the second regent was Orihuela,
actual oidor of the audiencia of Mexico when appointed to this
office.
[XXXVII‑45] In 1767 the salaries of the various officials
were: governor, captain-general, and president of the
audiencia, 5,000 ducats; the four oidores, and the fiscal of
the audiencia, each 750,000 maravedís; the royal accountant
and treasurer, each 300,000 maravedís.
[XXXVII‑46] 'De èstas, quatro tenian titulo de Gobíerno,
que eran: Comayagua, Nicaragua, Costa Rica, and Soconusco;
Alcaldías Mayores, San Salvador, Ciudad Real, Tegucigalpa,
Zonzonate, Verapaz, Suchiltepeques, Nicoya, Amatique, y las
Minas de San Andrés de Zaragoza; Corregimientos, Totonicapán,
Quezaltenango, Atitán, Tecpanatitán ó Sololá, Escuintla,
Guazacapán, Chiquimula, Acasaguastlan, el Realejo, Matagalpa,
Moninbo, Chontales, Quesalguaque, Tencoa, Quepo, Chirripo,
Pacaca y Ujarraz, y el Valle de Guatemala.' The governors, and
the alcaldes of the first six alcaldías mayores named, were
appointed by the crown; the president of the audiencia making
the appointments for two years, to the remaining districts,
except that of the Valley of Guatemala, which was conferred
by the Ayuntamiento of Santiago on their common alcaldes,
who with the title of corregidores exercised the office
alternately for six months each. _Juarros_, _Guat._, ii. 37-8.
[XXXVII‑47] The corregimientos of Quepo, Chirripo, Ujarráz,
and Pacaca, owing to the decreasing population of Costa Rica,
were incorporated into that government; the corregimiento of
Tencoa was absorbed by the government of Comayagua; and to
the government of Nicaragua were united the corregimientos of
Moninbo, Chontales, and Quesalguaque. _Juarros_, _Guat._, ii.
38.
[XXXVII‑48] In the beginning of the century the alcaldías
mayores of Amatique and San Andrés de la Nueva Zaragoza
were suppressed; a few years later the corregimientos of
Escuintla and Guazacapan were consolidated to form the
alcaldía mayor of Escuintla; and that of Sololá was formed
of the corregimientos of Atitlan and Tecpanatitlan; in 1753
the alcaldías mayores of Chimaltenango and Sacatepeques
were formed of the corregimiento of the valley of Mexico;
in 1760 the corregimiento of Acasaguastlan was annexed to
that of Chiquimula; and in 1764 the provinces of Chiapa and
Zoques was separated from the alcaldía mayor of Ciudad Real
and formed into that of Tuxtla. _Juarros_, _Guat._, ii. 38.
About the middle of the century, according to _Nueva España,
Breve Resúmen_, MS., ii. 349, there were nineteen governments
in nine provinces and ten districts; and Cadena, _Breve
Descrip._, 9, writing in 1774, says there were twenty-four
governments and alcaldías mayores.
[XXXVII‑49] As intendencias were first established in Mexico
their functions are described in the history of that country.
[XXXVII‑50] _Guat._, _Apunt._, 106. According to Juarros,
_Guat._, ii. 38-9, the districts of Realejo, Matagalpa,
and Nicoya were united to the government of Nicaragua to
form the intendencia of that name; the alcaldía mayor of
Tegucigalpa was united to the government of Comayagua to
form the intendencia of Honduras; and to the government of
Soconusco were united the alcaldías mayores of Ciudad Real
and Tuxtla to form the intendencia of Chiapas. The fourth
intendencia was San Salvador. Forty subdelegaciones are by
this author assigned to the four intendencias, as follows: To
the intendencia of Nicaragua six: Granada, Realejo, Subtiava,
Segovia, Matagalpa, Nicaragua; to the intendencia of Chiapas
eleven: Ocozingo, Simojovel, Palenque, Tonalá, Soconusco,
Tila, Istacomitán, Tuxtla, Guista, Comitán, and San Andrés;
to the intendencia of Honduras nine: Gracias á Dios, Olancho,
Olanchito, San Pedro Sula, Yoro, Santa Bárbara, Trujillo,
Tegucigalpa, Choluteca; and to the intendencia of San
Salvador fourteen: San Miguel, San Vicente, Santa Ana Grande,
Chalatenango, Olocuilta, Cojutepeque, Texutla, Opico, Metapas,
Usulutan, Gotera, San Alexo, Sacatecoluca, Sensuntepeque.
Under this former system in later times all appointments were
made by the crown, the president of the audiencia having the
power to make temporary appointments only. Usually, however,
the presidents were authorized to fill all the offices under
the government and in the city, some ad interim, others
permanently. After the establishment of the intendencias the
president had the privilege of appointing as subdelegado, one
of three persons proposed to him by the intendente, whenever
a subdelegacion became vacant.
[XXXVII‑51] José Vazquez Prego Montados y Sotomayor, of the
order of Santiago, lieutenant-general of the royal armies,
and commander-general of the forces before Gibraltar, assumed
office January 17, 1752. He died at Guatemala June 24, 1753,
from the effects of a cold contracted during an official
visit to Omoa, whose fortress he had ordered built. From
the date of his death the senior oidor, Juan de Velarde y
Cienfuegos, governed until October 17th of the following
year, when his successor, Alonso de Arcos y Moreno, arrived.
He was a knight of the order of Santiago, mariscal de campo,
and subsequently lieutenant-general of the royal armies. This
latter appointment, however, did not arrive until after his
death, which occurred October 27, 1760. The oidor Velarde
again assumed charge of the presidency, and when relieved
in the following year was transferred to the audiencia of
Mexico, subsequently to that of Granada, and eventually
became a member of the council of the Indies. On the 14th
of June 1761 Alonso Fernandez de Heredia, mariscal de campo,
took possession of the presidency. He had already served as
governor in the provinces of Nicaragua, Honduras, Florida,
and Yucatan. Joaquin de Aguirre y Oquendo was appointed to
succeed him, but the latter dying at Guatemala April 9, 1764,
when about to take possession of office, Heredia continued
in charge till Dec. 3, 1765, when he was relieved by Pedro de
Salazar y Herrera, Natera y Mendoza. He remained in Guatemala,
where he died March 19, 1772, while undergoing his residencia.
President Salazar was a knight of the order of Monteza,
commander of Vinaroz and Benicarlo, captain of grenadiers
of the royal Spanish guards, and mariscal de campo of the
royal armies. Like President Sotomayor, he, too, experienced
the fatal effects of the climate of Omoa, for he died May
10, 1771, from a disease contracted while on a visit to that
port. His successor, President Mayorga, did not arrive till
June 1773, the government in the interim being administered
by the senior oidor, Juan Gonzales Bustillo y Villaseñor.
This officer was subsequently transferred to the audiencia
of Mexico, thence to the India House at Cádiz, and finally
to the supreme council of the Indies. _Juarros_, _Guat._,
i. 270-1; _Arévalo_, _Col. Doc. Antig._, 157-9; _Escamilla_,
_Not. Cur._, 7; _Cadena_, _Breve Descrip._, 26.
[XXXVII‑52] 'It stood under a cupola, supported by 16 columns,
faced with tortoise-shell, and adorned with medallions in
bronze of exquisite workmanship; on the cornices were statues
of the virgin and the 12 apostles.' _Juarros_, _Guat._, i. 86.
[XXXVII‑53] In 1795 it was 23,434. _Juarros_, _Guat._ (ed.
Lond., 1823), 497.
[XXXVII‑54] _Cadena_, _Breve Descrip._, 4-9; _Juarros_,
_Guat._, i. 85-7.
[XXXVII‑55] The Jesuit church suffered most. _Alegre_, _Hist.
Comp. Jesus_, iii. 295-6. See also _Juarros_, _Guat._ (ed.
Lond., 1823), 154; _Escamilla_, _Not. Cur._, 17; _Cadena_,
_Breve Descrip._, 7, 11.
[XXXVII‑56] _Juarros_, _Guat._ (ed. Lond., 1823), 154.
According to Cadena, _Breve Descrip._, 11, the two shocks in
1765 occurred on June 21st and October 24th, respectively.
[XXXVII‑57] _Arévalo_, _Col. Doc. Antig._, 157-9.
[XXXVII‑58] During the alarm caused by the threatened
outbreak the authorities of Santiago armed a force, and the
royal officials had their valuables removed to one of the
churches for safety. Before this excitement had subsided a
Jesuit priest was cruelly murdered in the jail by three negro
criminals whom he was confessing. The jailer gave the alarm
by ringing the bell of the jail, and thereupon the people,
in the belief that a riot had broken out, seized their arms
and hastened to the principal square, even the women flocking
thither with stones. The three negroes were captured after
a determined resistance, and one of them having been killed
in the scuffle the other two were hanged the same afternoon.
A few days later a Dominican was found murdered in his cell.
_Escamilla_, _Not. Cur. Guat._, MS., 18-19.
[XXXVII‑59] _Iturriaga_, _El Dolor del Rey_.
[XXXVII‑60] _Batres_, _Relacion de las Fiestas_.
[XXXVII‑61] _Juarros_, _Guat._ (ed. Lond., 1823), 153-4.
[XXXVII‑62] From the incidents narrated by old residents,
eye-witnesses of the event, and the appearance of the city in
his time, Juarros, _Guat._, ii. 266-8, concludes that even
the official reports of the effect of this earthquake were
grossly exaggerated, probably owing to the interested reports
of engineers, architects, and notaries. He quotes from two
pamphlets published at Mexico in 1574, to show instances of
exaggeration in the details of this calamity. In one that
appears in Cadena, _Breve Descrip._, 40, the statement is made
that trustworthy persons affirmed that during the earthquake
they saw the mighty Volcan de Agua opened from cone to base
by the first shocks, and again united by those that succeeded.
This and other vagaries equally absurd, the effects only of a
terrified imagination, form part of every description of this
disaster, but do not necessarily impair the truthfulness of
the account as a whole. The work of Cadena here quoted has
been used as the base of the present account, and from the
fact that its author was a prominent churchman, an eye-witness
of the events related, and that his book, which received the
sanction of superior authority, was published within a year
of the occurrence, its trustworthiness can hardly be doubted.
The work, a reprint of the original made in Guatemala in
1858, is a small 12mo of 56 pages, and describes the events
of the period extending from June 11, 1773, to March 10, 1774,
including a detailed description of the city of Guatemala, its
destruction, and the measures for its removal up to the last
date. It is written in the usual inflated religious style.
The author, Fray Felipe Cadena, was a Dominican, professor of
theology in the university of San Cárlos, synodal examiner of
the archbishopric, and secretary of his order in Guatemala.
There are other accounts, however, whose exaggerations are
gross, and whose narrative could not have been obtained from
any reliable source. According to _Russell's Hist. Amer._, i.
390, the city of Guatemala, with 40,000 to 50,000 inhabitants,
and nearly 15,000,000 pesos in treasure and merchandise, was
so completely swallowed up in April 1773 that not even a trace
was left of it. _Flint's Hist. and Geog._ gives the date of
the earthquake as 1779, and says that it was accompanied by
terrific and destructive phenomena; the sea rose from its bed;
one volcano poured out boiling water, another waves of blazing
lava; and 8,000 families were swallowed up in a moment.
[XXXVII‑63] According to Escamilla, _Not. Cur._, MS., 25-7,
the soldiery were guilty of pillaging the convents. _Succecion
chronologica de los Presidentes que han governado este
Reyno de Goatha. Obispos de Goathemala y Noticias Curiosas
Cronologicas destas Indias_ is the title of a manuscript
volume in folio of 78 pages, usually attributed to José María
Escamilla. It was begun in 1777. It opens with a list of the
governors up to that date, taken from the cabildo records of
the city of Guatemala. This is followed by a list of bishops
and archbishops, though from what source is not stated.
Beginning with the dates of the discoveries of America and
the South Sea and with the conquests of Mexico, Guatemala,
and Peru, a brief chronological list is given of the more
important events in Guatemala and its dependent provinces
from 1525 to 1762. From the latter date until 1779 the events
are described with more fulness, especially the account of
the destructive earthquake in 1773, the consequent removal of
the city, and the bitter controversy to which it gave rise.
It is uncertain whether the author was in Guatemala previous
to 1777, as the minuteness with which he describes the
events of the preceding four years may have been the result
of information obtained from the residents of the city. Nor
is there anything to indicate the name of the compiler. The
manuscript was presented to the Abbé Brasseur de Bourbourg
in 1856 by Escamilla, according to notes in the handwriting
of the abbé on the title-page, and at the end of the volume,
and in his _Bibliothèque Mexico-Guatemalienne_, p. 60. Its
chief value is the account of the destruction and rebuilding
of Guatemala City.
[XXXVII‑64] _Juarros_, _Guat._ (ed. Lond., 1823), 157.
[XXXVII‑65] _Arévalo_, _Col. Doc. Antig._, 160-71.
[XXXVII‑66] _Escamilla_, _Not. Cur._, MS., 24-65; _Juarros_,
_Guat._, i. 85-9; ii. 266-72; _Cadena_, _Breve Descrip._,
10-53.
[XXXVII‑67] _Juarros_, _Guat._, ii. 353-4; _Squier's States
Cent. Am._, 493-4.
[XXXVII‑68] _Juarros_, _Guat._ (ed. Lond., 1823), 157-8.
[XXXVII‑69] _Escamilla_, _Not. Cur._, MS., 4.
[XXXVII‑70] _Pelaez_, _Mem. Hist. Guat._, iii. 86-94.
[XXXVII‑71] _Pelaez_, _Mem. Hist. Guat._, iii. 106-29.
[XXXVII‑72] _Arévalo_, _Col. Doc. Antig._, 171-6.
[XXXVII‑73] _Juarros_, _Guat._, i. 272-3.
[XXXVII‑74] He was a native of Granada, precentor, and bishop
of Popayan, to which he was raised in 1740. His appointment
to the archbishopric of Guatemala was dated 1751; his bulls
issued January 23, 1752. On the 10th of May 1753 Doctor
Agustin de la Caxiga, chancellor of the cathedral, took
possession in his name, and on the 13th following inducted
him into office. _Juarros_, _Guat._, i. 292-3.
[XXXVII‑75] The manner of proceeding was somewhat summary.
The clergyman who was assigned to the curacy without previous
notice suddenly appeared, accompanied by the alcalde mayor of
the district, who gave him possession, and the friar in charge
was compelled to transfer everything to his successors under
inventory. _Escamilla_, _Not. Cur._, MS., 20.
[XXXVII‑76] _Escamilla_, _Not. Cur._, MS., 20; _Juarros_,
_Guat._, i. 293.
[XXXVII‑77] _Guat._, _Constit. Coleg. Xpto_, i. 292.
[XXXVII‑78] _Pineda_, in _Soc. Mex. Geog._, _Boletin_, iii.
348-9.
[XXXVII‑79] _Juarros_, _Guat._, i. 292-3; 1776 is given as
the date of his death by _Concilios Prov., 1555, 1565_, 298;
and _Alcedo_, _Dic._, ii. 315.
[XXXVII‑80] A native of Belchite in the kingdom of Aragon,
professor of sciences in the university, and subsequently
canon in the cathedral of the city of Saragossa. He was
appointed to the archbishopric of Guatemala in 1767.
_Juarros_, _Guat._, i. 294.
[XXXVII‑81] The motives and nature of this measure are fully
treated in my _History of Mexico_, this series.
[XXXVII‑82] _Escamilla_, _Not. Cur._, MS., 19-20; _Jesuits_,
_Colec. Gen._, 24, and _Pelaez_, _Mem. Guat._, iii. 66-8, give
a somewhat different version. According to these authorities
the decree was given to the alcalde mayor, who notified
the friars at two o'clock in the morning. The statements of
Escamilla, who was present in Guatemala at this time, are to
be preferred.
[XXXVII‑83] _Escamilla_, _Not. Cur._, MS., 65-74; _Juarros_,
_Guat._, i. 294-5; Id., _Compend._, 292-4.
[XXXVII‑84] Francos was a native of the Villa of Villavicencio
de los Caballeros, and was canon of the cathedral of Plasencia
when appointed to the archbishopric of Guatemala. He died on
the 17th of July 1792. His successors were Don Juan Felix de
Villegas, who ruled from May 8, 1794, to February 3, 1800;
and Don Luis Peñalver y Cárdenas who entered office on June
3, 1802. _Juarros_, _Guat._, i. 295-7. Although Juarros
is justly regarded as the chief historian of the Central
American provinces for the conquest and colonial period, he
has failed to describe in a connected form the political,
social, and moral development of those countries during
that period. This omission has, in part, been filled by the
assiduous labors of the presbyter Francisco de Paula García
Pelaez. Residing for many years, as parish priest, at the
old city of Guatemala, known as the Antigua, he devoted his
leisure time, from 1833 to 1841, in examining as opportunity
permitted the public and private archives of the province,
and in studying the principal ancient and modern writers on
that territory. The result of this research was a work of
three volumes in small quarto, entitled _Memorias para la
Historia del Antiguo Reyno de Guatemala_, which was published
in Guatemala in 1851. It is divided into the aboriginal and
the colonial epochs. The former treats of the origin of the
natives and the degree of civilization they had attained
at the time of the conquest, and consists of a brief and
systematically arranged compilation of facts, with the
corresponding references to the authorities from which they
were obtained, each chapter being devoted to a separate topic.
This occupies but 32 pages of the first volume, the remainder
of the work being taken up with the political history of
the country to the beginning of the nineteenth century, and
with the general condition and progress of the people and
their institutions from the conquest to 1821. The manner of
treatment, though more connected, is similar to that of the
first epoch. The style is terse and clear, though somewhat
dry, as few comments are made, and those of an impartial
nature. It contains a multitude of valuable facts not found
elsewhere; yet Pelaez deplores the incompleteness of his work;
for, though he examined many of the original documents in the
public archives of Guatemala, the want of an assistant to aid
him in extracting notes compelled him to leave the bulk of
them untouched. The author subsequently became archbishop of
Guatemala.