mainly agree, but the number of cavalry is variously stated,
and even the official letters of Alvarado are contradictory
on this point. Herrera, dec. v. lib. vi. cap. i., gives 500 as
the total, of whom 227 were cavalry. Oviedo, iv. 240, mentions
600, with 240 cavalry. According to a legal investigation made
in Guatemala in 1536 his whole force was 500 and his cavalry
230, _Informacion echa en Santiago Set._ 15, 1536; and this
is the estimate here adopted. Alvarado, _Carta_, _Squier's
MSS._, xix. 1-4, writing to the emperor a few days before his
departure from Puerto de la Posesion, states that he had 450
men including 260 horse, and, a few weeks later, writing from
Puerto Viejo to the governor of Panamá, says that he set sail
from Nicaragua with 500 men of whom 220 were cavalry.
[VII‑12] In _Squier's MSS._, xix. 7-14, is a full account of
Alvarado's report to the emperor, dated May 12, 1535, after
his return from Peru.
[VII‑13] Chap. i., this volume.
[VII‑14] _Informacion contra Alvarado_, in _Pacheco_
and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, x. 152-236. Cuzco lies
slightly to the south of the thirteenth parallel, and was
therefore in the territory assigned to the adelantado;
but it is not probable that he was aware of this fact.
[VII‑15] _Alvarado_, _Carta_, in _Squier's MSS._, xix. 21.
[VII‑16] 'Y asi él se volvió á la cibdad de Mexico sin hacer
cosa ninguna.' _Alvarado_, _Carta_, in _Squier's MSS._, xix.
17. This investigation was attended with some circumstances
difficult of explanation. Maldonado's official proceedings
were anomalous, and were strictly neither those of a visitador
nor a juez de residencia. The king's decree mentioned in the
text enjoined secrecy as to the motives of his visit; yet he
caused the object of his arrival to be publicly cried. The
difference between a visita and residencia is as follows: The
visita could be made at any time by special commission of the
crown, but without suspending, in the exercise of his official
duties, the person whose conduct was to be investigated. The
inquiry was strictly secret, and the visitador had no power to
pass sentence. His duty was to remit the original depositions
to the India Council, by which tribunal judgment was passed.
The residencia, on the other hand, was taken at the expiration
of a person's term of office; the examination was public,
and afforded every opportunity for defence. _Icazbalceta_,
_Col. Doc._, ii. pp. xxviii.-xxx. The secrecy of witnesses
and non-interference with the authority of the person whose
conduct was investigated were not always maintained, however,
in the visita. In that to which Viceroy Mendoza was subjected,
in 1547, his authority was at first disregarded and the names
of witnesses disclosed. _Solórzano_, _Política Indiana_, lib.
v. cap. x. It may be remarked that the chroniclers seem to
have been quite unaware of this first visit of Maldonado in
1535, and only record his arrival in Guatemala as juez de
residencia in 1536. It is, however, fully substantiated by
Alvarado's letter above quoted. For a full explanation of
the term 'residencia,' see _Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 250-1, this
series.
[VIII‑1] See _Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 638, this series.
[VIII‑2] Marroquin was a good Latin scholar and was the first
to apply the system of studying that language to the Indian
dialects. He translated the Catholic catechism into Quiché.
_Vazquez_, _Chronica de Gvat._, 150.
[VIII‑3] _Gonzalez Dávila_, _Teatro Ecles._, i. 142.
Torquemada mentions that Francisco Jimenez, one of the 12
Franciscans who first arrived in New Spain, was appointed
the first bishop of Guatemala, but declined the position 'por
quedar en el estado humilde ... de Fraile Menor,' iii. 445.
Vazquez, quoting a royal cédula dated May 24, 1531, proves
that a bishop had been already appointed at that date. _Chron.
Gvat._, 36-7. According to Remesal, the emperor appointed
Domingo de Betanzos the first bishop, and as he could not be
induced to accept the honor, the mitre was given to Marroquin
at the request of Alvarado. _Hist. Chyapa_, 58-9. In _Nueva
España_, _Breve Res._, MS., ii. 351-76, is a copy of the bull
confirming the bishop's appointment, printed in Spanish and
Latin.
[VIII‑4] Vazquez relates that Fray Toribio Motolinia,
mentioned by Torquemada as the sixth of the first 12
Franciscan missionaries, resided in Guatemala during portions
of 1528 and 1529; but this is extremely doubtful. According
to the former chronicler he preached and baptized at
Quetzaltenango and Patinamit in both years. _Chron. Gvat._,
20-1; but there is conclusive evidence that he was in Mexico
some time during 1528 engaged in violent opposition to the
audiencia. _Santa María_, _Lettre_, in _Ternaux-Compans_,
_Voy._, série ii. tom. v. 92 et seq., and was also there
on the 15th of April 1529 occupied in the same contention.
_Procès-verbal_, in _Id._, 104 et seq. It is not very
probable that, during the interval, he should have made a
journey to Guatemala and as Vazquez claims even to Nicaragua.
Consult also Ramirez, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. Doc._, i. pp.
xlv.-cliii. According to Torquemada, Toribio was sent to
Guatemala in 1533 to found monasteries. iii. 489.
[VIII‑5] In 1527, according to Gonzalez Dávila, who states
that a hospital was founded at the same time. _Teatro_,
_Ecles._, i. 140. Remesal, who is more to be relied on in
this matter, gives 1529 as the date of Betanzos' arrival in
Santiago, and says that he came at the request of Alvarado on
his return from Spain. _Hist. Chyapa_, 15, 42-5.
[VIII‑6] 'Celebrose su consagracion con ostentissimo aparato,
assi por ser la primera q̃ en Yndias se hazîa, como por la
magnificencia del S. Principe, que le consagrô.' _Vazquez_,
_Chron. Gvat._, 39.
[VIII‑7] Remesal gives a copy of this constitution, which was
signed, 'Episcopvs Gvactemalensis.'
[VIII‑8] _Arévalo_, _Col. Doc. Antig._, 182-5; _Marroquin
al Emperador_, in _Cartas de Indias_, 413-14. The bishop's
signature, in his letters addressed to the emperor from 1537
to 1547, is different in almost every letter. On May 10, 1537,
he signs himself 'Episcopus Sancti Jacobi Huatemalensis;' on
August 15, 1539, 'Episcopus Cuahvtemalensis;' on August 10 and
November 25, 1541, 'Episcopus Cuacvtemolensis;' and on June 4,
1545, and September 20, 1547, 'Episcopus Cuachutemallensis.'
_Cartas de Indias_, 425, 428, 431, 433, 443, 450.
[VIII‑9] The tithes, when paid in kind, were of little value
unless delivered at convenient places. The king, therefore,
issued a cédula ordering that they be taken by the natives to
the mines, or some other suitable place, within a radius of
20 leagues around each town. _Mendoza_, _Carta_, in _Pacheco_
and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, ii. 209; _Florida_, _Col. Doc._,
138.
[VIII‑10] Speaking of the provision, he says: 'Recibiré merced
la reciban con todo amor y voluntad.' _Arévalo_, _Col. Doc.
Antig._, 184.
[VIII‑11] _Arévalo_, _Col. Doc. Antig._, 14.
[VIII‑12] The bishop's humility and pardonable boastfulness
are sometimes a little striking. Speaking of the provision for
the delivery of the tithes, he says: 'Sino se pierde por mis
deméritos, que creo no pierde, pues trabajo mas que los demàs
perlados, que en estas índias al presente residen.' _Id._,
184.
[VIII‑13] During the earlier period of the Spanish conquests
in America this order took no active part. A few individuals,
however, found their way to the new world, among whom was
Bartolomé de Olmedo, who accompanied Cortés to Mexico.
_Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa._, 148.
[VIII‑14] On March 17, 1538, according to _Gonzalez_,
_Dávila_, _Teatro Ecles._, i. 144. Remesal states that the
convent was not formally organized until a year or two later,
and quotes an entry in the books of the cabildo dated the 12th
of August 1538, from which it appears that certain citizens
wished to assist in the building and furnishing of a convent
and church for the use of the order. _Hist. Chyapa_, 148.
There is some doubt as to the exact date.
[VIII‑15] _Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, 147-9; _Gonzalez Dávila_,
_Teatro Ecles._, i. 144-8; _Escamilla_, _Noticias Curiosas_,
MS., 12; _Iglesias y Conventos de Mex._, 283.
[VIII‑16] _Juarros_, _Guat._, i. 380.
[IX‑1] See _Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 606, this series.
[IX‑2] Salcedo brought with him to Trujillo 209 slaves; of
these 102 were branded in the face. _Testimonio_, _Pacheco_
and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, xiv. 70-7.
[IX‑3] It is stated that Salcedo's death was caused by a sore
on one of his legs, and by the rough treatment received while
imprisoned at Leon; but his friends suspected that he had been
poisoned. _Herrera_, dec. iv. lib. vii. cap. iii.
[IX‑4] The only document which Herrera could produce in
support of his claim was a memorandum without date, signature,
or witness. The appointment of Cereceda, on the other
hand, was signed by Salcedo and attested by 12 witnesses.
_Cerezeda_, _Carta_, in _Squier's MSS._, xx. 3-5. See also
_Oviedo_, iii. 192.
[IX‑5] Diego Mendez had already been waylaid during the night
and severely wounded at the entrance of his house. He would
have been killed had not some of his friends come to his
assistance. _Cerezeda_, _Carta_, in _Squier's MSS._, xx. 4,
5; _Oviedo_, iii. 193.
[IX‑6] It was claimed that a portion of the repartimientos
belonging to the late governor had been unlawfully
appropriated, and was therefore liable to confiscation. Soon
afterward the boy died, and his entire inheritance was divided
among certain of the officials. _Oviedo_, iii. 193.
[IX‑7] Cereceda afterward excused himself by saying that
he had given his consent in order to preserve peace in the
province. 'Consentí que se les diese lo que no les diera
si fuera solo haciendo lo que era razon; hicelo solo por
sosegallos i que no alterasen ó amotonasen la tierra,' in
order to gain time until the king should definitely determine
upon a new governor. _Cerezeda_, _Carta_, in _Squier's MSS._,
xx. 5, 6.
[IX‑8] _Herrera_, dec. iv. lib. vii. cap. iii.
[IX‑9] The morality of the colonists appears to have been
somewhat more lax hereabout than usual. In commenting on
the conduct of Herrera and other officials Cereceda says:
'Tenian ocupadas quatro casas de casados deste pueblo i que
con infamia publica i pesar los maridos los comportavan, sin
yo ser parte á lo remediar con palabras i amenazas, porque lo
demas por el mayor daño se escusava.' _Carta_, in _Squier's
MSS._, xx. 7.
[IX‑10] The certificate was originally taken from Mendez by
the cabildo, and deposited with the Notary Carrasco, who,
being an enemy to Herrera, was easily induced to return it to
its owner. _Cerezeda_, _Carta_, in _Squier's MSS._, xx. 15-18.
See also _Oviedo_, iii. 108.
[IX‑11] 'É ovo regidor que dixo, ó temiendo al Diego Mendez,
ó porque le paresçia ser conviniente á la república, que si no
se pudiesse concertar en que fuesse su teniente Diego Mendez,
que lo fuesse el Cereceda dél, porque esso era lo que convenia
al serviçio de Dios é de Sus Magestades, é al bien é sosiego
de aquella universidad é de la tierra. É porque algunos se
riyeron desto, replicó assi: "Reysos é parésçeos mal lo que he
dicho? Pues asentadlo assi, escribano, que yo lo digo assi."'
_Oviedo_, iii. 203.
[IX‑12] _Cerezeda_, _Carta_, in _Squier's MSS._, xx. 39.
Oviedo, iii. 207, says that only seven were wounded. Herrera,
dec. v. lib. i. cap. x., mentions but four.
[IX‑13] 'Que eran aquel Pedro Vidal, alguacil, que dió la
puñalada al Vasco de Herrera é le echó la soga al cuello, con
la que fué despues ahorcado el malfechor; y el otro Alonso
Vazquez, alcalde é capitan de la guarda del tirano.' _Oviedo_,
iii. 208.
[IX‑14] _Dávila_, _Relacion_, in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_,
_Col. Doc._, xiv. 114-17. See also _Oviedo_, iii. 213.
[IX‑15] 'Murieron mas de la mitad dellos, assi de los que
servian á los chripstianos en sus haçiendas, como de las
naborias de casa.' _Oviedo_, iii. 213.
[IX‑16] _Cerezeda_, _Carta_, in _Squier's MSS._, xxii. 50;
_Oviedo_, iii. 212. See also _Hist. Mex._, ii., this series.
[IX‑17] Herrera endeavored to persuade Ávila to accompany him,
and proceed in quest of new discoveries. The latter, however,
declined, and on the return of Cereceda was sent on with his
men, by sea, to Yucatan. _Oviedo_, iii. 212-30.
[IX‑18] Oviedo, iii. 213, gives 180 as the number.
[IX‑19] The Quimistan (Quinbistan?), Zolûta, Zelimonga, and
Zulâ Indians returned, but not those of Naco. _Herrera_, dec.
v. lib. ix. cap. viii.
[IX‑20] Distant 23 leagues from Puerto de Caballos, 3 from
Quinbistan, 7 from Naco, and 15 from San Gil de Buenavista.
_Herrera_, dec. v. lib. ix. cap. viii.
[IX‑21] Cereceda was to be 'captain of all the other
captains.' Herrera, dec. v. lib. ix. cap. ix., estimates the
strength of the combined forces at 80 soldiers, but this is
manifestly an error.
[IX‑22] Herrera speaks of her as a native of Seville, and as
having been captured by Cizimba, 'que auia diez años—tenia
por muger,' at the time of the massacre at Puerto de Caballos.
dec. v. lib. ix. cap. ix.
[IX‑23] 'Los que quedaron en la ciudad de Truxillo ...
sinificauan al Rey sus necessidades, suplicauante ... que no
la olvidasse, pues no era menos provechosa que las otras de
las Indias, por las muchas minas que en ella auia: y quanto
al sitio de la Ciudad dezian, que era muy sano, enxuto, y
ayroso, y de muy buenas aguas.... Dezian que no auia vezino
que no tuuiesse en su casa vn huerto con todas las frutas de
Castilla, que se auian podido auer, las quales se dauan muy
bien, como naranjos, cidras, limones agrios y dulces, granados
y higueras, de las quales a siete meses que se plãtan, se
cogia fruta: de melones y vbas, y otras tenian abundancia.'
_Herrera_, dec. v. lib. ix. cap. ix.
[IX‑24] Herrera says that affairs in the province were in
a sad plight, for Cereceda, 'cuya crueldad excedia a toda
humana prudencia,' had lost all control over his men. dec. vi.
lib. i. cap. viii. Montejo, who afterward became governor of
Honduras, also speaks in very disparaging terms of Cereceda.
'All the time he was in Zula and Naco he never moved two
leagues from his abode. Of the 27 or 28 towns in existence
when he reached the country he did not leave a single one. He
destroyed everything, even the cattle and mares. The people
he brought away in irons, leaving some towns without a single
inhabitant. He and his advisers, a priest named Juan Ávila
and a certain Juan Ruano, had laid waste the best portion of
Honduras.' _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, ii. 240-1.
[IX‑25] 'Quisiesse socorrer á los pobladores chripstianos, que
estaban en Honduras, en paçificar la tierra, é dar órden cómo
no se acabassen de perder los españoles que allí estaban.'
_Oviedo_, iii. 214.
[IX‑26] Oviedo, iii. 214, says that this occurred in 1533.
Célis himself states that Cereceda sent him to Guatemala
toward the end of 1535, or early in 1536. _Camino de Guat._,
in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, xiv. 540-9; whereas
Herrera states that Célis went of his own accord. 'Estas cosas
llegaron a termino que el Tesorero como buen ministro sossegô
la gente, con prometer de yr a Guatemala á pedir socorro a
don Pedro de Aluarado.' dec. vi. lib. i. cap. viii.
[IX‑27] _Cava_, _Honduras_, in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col.
Doc._, xiv. 280 et seq., Célis subsequently put in a claim
for 800 castellanos, for the subsistence of his party, and for
horses employed during the exploration of a road to Guatemala.
On the 24th of October 1539 a judicial investigation was held
before the alcalde mayor, at Puerto de Caballos, to ascertain
whether the treasurer had, as he claimed, discovered a road
thence to Guatemala. Several witnesses were examined, and all
testified that Alonso Ortiz had discovered and travelled over
the road before Célis; that the latter when he passed on to
Guatemala was under no expense whatever, for his supplies were
furnished by others. _Célis_, _Camino_, in _Id._, xiv. 540-50.
In Guatemala he stopped at the house of the king's treasurer,
and was therefore under no expense. _Montejo_, in _Id._, ii.
241.
[IX‑28] There were present, Andrés de Cereceda, the alcalde
Alonso Ortiz, and the regidores Bernardo de Cabranes, Juan
Lopez de Gamboa, and Miguel García de Liñan. _Mendoza_,
_Carta_, in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, xiv. 301-4.
[IX‑29] _Mendoza_, _Carta_, in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_,
_Col. Doc._, xiv. 301-4. The foregoing is the account given
in Cereceda's official report to the viceroy of Mexico.
Herrera, however, gives quite a different version of the
matter. He states that the settlers, seeing that, after an
absence of four months, the treasurer Célis did not return or
send any message, agreed to abandon the place. Loading their
Indian servants with what little effects they had left, they
proceeded on their way, after tying Cereceda and two of his
friends to trees, because he forbade them to take away their
slaves on the ground that it was contrary to royal orders to
carry them from one province to another, although he himself
had done so and had allowed his friends the same privilege.
But after marching a few leagues they fell in with men coming
from Guatemala, whereupon they returned to the settlement and
made friends with the governor, dec. vi. lib. i. cap. viii. In
a letter to Alvarado dated May 9, 1536, Cereceda says nothing
about being tied to a tree, although he complains of gross
ill-treatment at the hands of the colonists.
[IX‑30] It was intended to establish here a large settlement.
The city was founded on the 26th of June 1536. The various
officials were appointed, sworn, and inducted into office.
Sites for dwellings were assigned to the alcaldes, regidores,
and vecinos. The name of the town was not to be changed except
by the emperor's orders; and it was decreed that none should
reside elsewhere until the emperor's pleasure was known.
_Honduras_, _Fundacion_, in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col.
Doc._, xvi. 530-8.
[IX‑31] This settlement was distant from Comayagua 38 leagues
and from Guatemala 106 leagues. _Juarros_, _Guat._, i. 41;
_Herrera_, dec. vi. lib. i. cap. viii.
[IX‑32] _Alvarado_, _Carta_, in _Squier's MSS._, xix. 24-5,
29. In this letter he proposes to the king to conduct a large
expedition from Spain through the Straits of Magellan into
the South Sea, in which he believed there were many islands
and even some continents.
[X‑1] 'A quien se auia dado el oficio de contador, y
depuestole del de alcalde mayor, por las diferẽcias que traía
con Pedrarias.' _Herrera_, dec. iv. lib. ix. cap. xv. Oviedo,
iv. 112, still speaks of him as 'alcalde mayor é contador'
when he takes charge of the government.
[X‑2] 'Que era de derecho, que quando dos personas que tenian
poderes del Rey, moria el vno, el que quedaua sucedia al
otro.' _Herrera_, dec. iv. lib. ix. cap. xv.
[X‑3] Herrera and Oviedo both state that after the death of
Pedrarias 'quedó en el cargo de la gobernaçion el licenciado
Françisco de Castañeda,' whereas Andagoya, _Nar._, 39, says
that 'the Bishop Diego Alvarez Osorio succeeded Pedrarias as
governor, but died a short time after he had assumed office,
leaving Castañeda as his successor.' This is undoubtedly an
error. The editors of _Datos Biog._, in _Cartas de Indias_,
710, give as the date of Osorio's death the year 1534, which
is also erroneous. His decease occurred in 1536. See _Las
Casas_, _Informacion_, in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col.
Doc._, vii. 127.
[X‑4] In a few days Castañeda had appropriated eight of them.
_Herrera_, dec. iv. lib. ix. cap. xv.
[X‑5] 'No podia dexar de auer fraude, pues los auia dado a
menosprecio, por contemplaciones, y por cõseguir sus fines.'
_Herrera_, dec. iv. lib. ix. cap. xv.
[X‑6] 'El qual se dió todo el recabdo quél pudo á
enriquesçerse; é púdolo bien hacer, pues no le quedó quien le
fuesse á la mano.' _Oviedo_, iv. 112.
[X‑7] Among those who left the province were Sebastian de
Benalcázar and Juan Fernandez, who joined Pizarro on the
Isthmus in March 1531. In their company went Francisco
Bobadilla, Juan de las Varillas, and Gerónimo Pontevedra,
friars of the order of Mercy, who figured in the conquest of
Guatemala and Nicaragua. _Navarro_, _Relacion_, in _Col. Doc.
Inéd._, xxvi. 238.
[X‑8] During the brief rule of Salcedo in Nicaragua, one
Maestro Rojas, a patron of the church, imprisoned the
ex-treasurer Castillo on a charge of heresy, but the former
held no jurisdiction in the case, and Rojas remained in
confinement until the arrival of Pedrarias, accompanied by
Fray Francisco de Bobadilla, who was vested with the requisite
authority by the bishop of Panamá. His power was transferred
to the bachiller Pedro Bravo, and from him to Pedrarias,
who tried the case, acquitted Castillo, and restored him to
office. _Squier's MSS._, iv.
[X‑9] _Hist. Chyapa_, 105. It appears that he was not a friar,
being spoken of as 'muy magnífico é muy reverendo señor D.
Diego Alvarez Osorio.' _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._,
vii. 116; see also _Alcedo_, iii. 322, who adds that he was
a native of America, though of what place is unknown; and
_Gonzalez Dávila_, _Teatro Ecles._, i. 235; _Juarros_, _Hist.
Guat._, i. 49.
[X‑10] New tithes were to be levied on cocoa, honey, wax,
and flax, to provide for the salary of the bishop, which was
500,000 maravedís, and the limits of the new diocese were
to be determined 'y estavan bien servidas las iglesias.'
_Squier's MSS._, xxii. 109.
[X‑11] For previous mention of Las Casas see _Hist. Cent.
Am._, i. 277-9, 284, 309.
[X‑12] 'En tanto, desde que Rodrigo de Contreras fué á aquella
tierra estuvo exerçitando su offiçio, como buen gobernador, é
tuvo en paz é buena justiçia aquellas tierras é provinçias,
que por Su Majestad le fueron encomendadas, é procurando
la conversion é buen tractamiento de los indios para que
viniessen á conosçer á Dios.' _Oviedo_, iv. 113.
[X‑13] A provision was ratified by the emperor on the 20th of
April 1537, and contained also permission to make the conquest
of the islands in lakes Nicaragua and Managua. _Pacheco_ and
_Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, xxii. 515-34.
[X‑14] Before the flight of Castañeda Las Casas visited
Española whither he was summoned to negotiate a treaty with
the powerful chief Enrique. He returned once more to Realejo,
and soon afterward attempted a second voyage to Peru, but was
driven back to port by stress of weather.
[X‑15] See the lengthy deposition taken in Leon by request of
the governor before Bishop Osorio, and concluded after the
prelate's death, before the lieutenant-governor and alcalde
mayor licenciado Gregorio de Zeballos and the notary Martin
Mimbreño. Many witnesses here testify to the persistent
opposition of Las Casas, who was requested to accompany the
expedition, but refused, though he offered to go in command
of 50 soldiers, to explore and make a peaceful conquest of
the territory in question. _Las Casas_, _Informacion_, in
_Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, vii. 116-46.
[X‑16] 'El Gouernador recibia informaciones, para prouar que
el padre escandalizaua la gente, y alteraua la Prouincia.'
_Herrera_, dec. vi. lib. i. cap. viii.
[X‑17] Notwithstanding the controversy with Las Casas, the
people of Leon, and even Contreras himself, were unwilling
to see their convent deserted. In the depositions already
mentioned witnesses testify on the 23d of August 1536 that
'dos meses, poco mas ó menos tiempo, que fue antes que los
dichos frailes dominicos se fuesen del monasterio de Sant
Francisco desta cibdad.' Las Casas and his companions were
asked to remain by the regidores 'e otras muchas personas
desta cibdad,' who made their request on behalf of the
governor. They refused, however, and departed the same day.
_Las Casas_, _Informacion_, in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col.
Doc._, vii. 116-46. It is evident that this event occurred
about the month of June 1536. Remesal, who is not generally
over-exact in dates, says that Las Casas arrived in Guatemala
'casi al fin del año de treynta y cinco.' _Hist. Chyapa_, 111.
Why Helps, in his _Life of Las Casas_, 185, without venturing
to give a correct date himself, should boldly assert 'Herrera
makes him go to Spain, and though he gives a wrong date (1536)
for this, yet the main statement may be true,' I am at a loss
to explain.
[X‑18] 'En medio dessa laguna ó metal saltan ó revientan
dos borbollones ó manaderos muy grandes de aquel metal
continuamente, sin ningun punto cessar, é siempre está el
metal ó licor allí colorado é descubierto, sin escorias.'
On one occasion the lava rose to the top, creating such
intense heat that within a league or more of the volcano all
vegetation was destroyed. _Oviedo_, iv. 81-2.
[X‑19] Oviedo was of the opinion that she must have been the
devil; but whether the consort of his Satanic Majesty or the
devil himself in female form he does not say. 'É segund en
sus pinturas usan pintar al diablo, ques tan feo é tan lleno
de colas é cuernos é bocas é otras visages, como nuestros
pintores lo suelen pintar á los piés del arcángel Sanct Miguel
ó del apóstol Sanct Bartolomé.' _Oviedo_, iv. 75.
[X‑20] 'É que antes ó despues un dia ó dos que aquesto se
hiçiesse, echaban allí en sacrifiçio un hombre ó dos ó más é
algunas mugeres é muchachos é muchachas; é aquellos que assi
sacrificaban, yban de grado á tal suplicio.' _Oviedo_, iv. 74.
[X‑21] 'Callad, padre: que por ventura Dios no quiere que
lo descubran capitanes ni personas ricas, sino pobres é
humillados.' _Oviedo_, iv. 77.
[X‑22] 'É porque faltaba un cabrestante é no lo mandaban
haçer por no ser descubiertos, el frayle lo hiço por su mano
en el lugar ques dicho que estaban todos los otros aparejos.'
_Oviedo_, iv. 78.
[X‑23] Two unsuccessful attempts were made before this
date, and some of the friar's associates, terrified by their
first glimpse of the burning lake, abandoned the enterprise.
_Oviedo_, iv. 78.
[X‑24] In 1529, during his residence in Nicaragua, Oviedo was
the guest of Machuca, and speaks favorably of his conduct. In
company with his host and the cacique Lenderi the chronicler
explored a volcano, near the Masaya, in the crater of which
was a warm-water lake, at about the same level as the lava
which excited the cupidity of Fray Blas. The descent was
difficult, but Indian women managed to pass up and down in
obtaining water. With regard to the depth of the lake Oviedo
remarks: 'Este lago, á mi paresçer (é assi lo juzgan otros)
está en el pesso é hondura que está el fuego que dixe en el
poço del monte de Massaya ... no le hallan suelo por su mucha
hondura.' Machuca, assisted by his friends, furnished the
funds needed for exploring the Desaguadero.
[X‑25] The principal rapids in the stream still bear the name
of Machuca. _Squier's Nicaragua_ (ed. 1856), i. 82.
[X‑26] Mention is made of this expedition by Estrada Rávago,
whose narrative of the affairs of the province, written in
1572, appears in _Squier's MSS._, xiii. 4.
[X‑27] According to Oviedo, Garavito must have made friends
with Contreras, for speaking of the former he says that one
day, while engaged in a game of 'cañas' in the city of Leon,
he suddenly fell dead from his horse. He was one of those
who took part in the enterprise which cost Vasco Nuñez de
Balboa his life, and betrayed him to Pedrarias, for which
act of treachery his own life was spared. _Oviedo_, iv. 58-9.
According to Rávago, Garavito's men, after the death of their
commander, sailed for Peru on their own responsibility.
[X‑28] He held office for eleven years as treasurer, and
during all that time it is said that he put nothing into the
treasury. _Squier's MSS._, xxii. 144, 149. It may be remarked,
on the other hand, that the affairs of the province were in
such a condition that little or no revenue could be collected.
There is no evidence that Rios was related to his namesake,
the former governor of Castilla del Oro.
[X‑29] It is somewhat remarkable that the dean of a church
could imprison a royal treasurer, but such is the fact. 'Le
vino a prender ... pidió favor a la Ciudad de Granada donde
el estava (Rios), lo prendió i metió en el monasterio de la
Merced por ser casa de piedra.' ... _Squier's MSS._, xxii.
144.
[X‑30] On May 20, 1545, he wrote from his prison to the
emperor: 'Dos años que estoi preso, i mis bienes sin cuenta
en manos de mis adversarios. Ha 6 meses que me pusieron en
esta carcel arzobispal,' and asked to be tried at once, and
punished or acquitted as the case might be. _Squier's MSS._,
xxii. 148.
[X‑31] It is probable that Rios continued to govern until the
return of Contreras. Soon after the events just described
he lost his life, probably during some expedition into the
interior, as nothing is said of him until July 15, 1545, when
bishop Valdivieso in one of his letters to the king, says: 'I
asi han muerto Po. de los Rios, Luis de Guevara, i otros de menos
cuenta.' In a subsequent report this prelate again refers to 'al
difto. Teso. Po. de los Rios,' stating that the tithes collected,
and still due by him at his death, had not been recovered.
_Squier's MSS._, xxii. 109-10.
[X‑32] One Pedro García, in a communication to the
emperor, dated Leon, January 10, 1545, complains that
'la ra de Contreras, Rios i su teniente Luis de Guevara
hecha por el Lic. Herrera, ha sido sepultada i sin
fruto.' _Squier's MSS._, xxii. 145; and when certain
malecontents afterward demanded that Herrera be sent back
to Leon to finish his investigation, the answer came from
the audiencia 'que no habia lugar quel dicho Licenciado
volviese á esta tierra.' _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col.
Doc._, vii. 571.
[X‑33] _Dávila_, _Teatro Ecles._, i. 235. Valdivieso was a
native of Villahermosa, and the son of Antonio de Valdivieso
and Catalina Álvarez Calvento. He became a Dominican in the
convent of San Pablo, Búrgos, of which he was an inmate when
the emperor called him to the bishopric of Nicaragua. _Datos
Biog._, in _Cartas de Indias_, 857, and _Col. Doc. Inéd._,
i. 117; _Herrera_, dec. vii. lib. vi. cap. vi., states
that he was made bishop 'por muerte del obispo Mendauia,'
referring to dean Mendavia, but Rios would not have dared to
send him a prisoner to Spain had he been a bishop. To whom
Valdivieso refers when, while speaking of himself as being
the second bishop concentrated in Nicaragua, he remarks: 'Fue
el lo. antecesor que murió a 40 dias que llegó a la tierra,'
_Squier's MSS._, xxii. 125, it is impossible to determine.
The first bishop, Osorio, was appointed in 1531, and died in
1536. That another prelate was chosen before Valdivieso is
nowhere recorded. It is probable, however, that he alludes to
Fray Juan de Arteaga, bishop elect for Chiapas, who, when Las
Casas first refused that appointment, left Spain on February
15, 1541, and died at Puebla the same year, soon after his
arrival. _Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, 202.
[X‑34] 'Inquisicion no se ha de mentar en esta tierra, i
en entrando en ella me embiaron a decir que si entendia en
cosa de Inquisicion o lo pensava, me darian de puñaladas.'
_Squier's MSS._, xxii. 146. On another occasion, when
President Maldonado and the oidor Ramirez were at Granada
preparing an expedition to Peru, the bishop refused to
officiate in church because a person was present whom he had
excommunicated. Hereupon Ramirez used insulting language,
causing him to retire from the church. Valdivieso's conduct
caused such ill-feeling that a mob afterward assembled in the
street and threatened to hang him.
[X‑35] The following quotation is from a report of the
audiencia at Gracias á Dios, dated December 30, 1545. 'Los
Dominicos de Nicaragua tenian un pueblo que se les mando
quitar por las Ordenanzas. Representaronnos que sin el no
podrian estar, i porque no se ausentasen se lo dejamos. Tendrá
el pueblo 20 Indios.' _Squier's MSS._, xxii. 131.
[X‑36] 'Y el Fiscal auia puesto acusacion contra Rodrigo de
Contreras, porque siendo gouernador de aquella provincia,
salio diuersas vezes de su Gouernacion con gente de pie y de
cauallo, y fue a la parte de Costa rica, y al desaguadero, y
otras tierras comarcanas, adonde hizo grandes excessos, assi
contra Castellanos, como contra Indios.' _Herrera_, dec. vii.
lib. vi. cap. vi.
[X‑37] Dated at Gracias á Dios, December 24, 1545. _Squier's
MSS._, xxii. 126.
[X‑38] Herrera was actuated merely by selfish motives. He
desired for himself the office of ruler, and it was fortunate
for the province that he did not obtain it; for when in 1548
his residencia was taken by the licentiate Cerrato he was
proved to have been the most rapacious of all his colleagues.
[X‑39] Report, dated Granada, April 23, 1547. _Squier's MSS._,
xxii. 46.
[X‑40] The laws were published in Nicaragua in 1545.
[X‑41] This report was dated Leon, February 10, 1548. The
principal accusations contained therein are mere repetitions
of those already mentioned. See _Squier's MSS._, xxii. 98-100.
[X‑42] He probably remained in Spain till 1554, as nothing
further is recorded of him until that year, when we hear
of him as serving in Peru. He finally appears in the act of
swearing allegiance to Philip II. in Lima on the 25th of July
1557. _Datos Biog._, in _Cartas de Indias_, 742.
[X‑43] This convent was subsequently occupied by Dominicans,
as the Flemish friars abandoned it in 1531, travelling in
company with Fray Marcos de Niza to Costa Rica, Peru, Tierra
Firme, Española, and Mexico. _Vazquez_, _Chron. Gvat._, 21-2.
Juan de Gandabo, a Franciscan friar, and one of the first that
came to Nicaragua, was still in Granada in 1536, where he
labored in company with Fray Francisco de Aragon. The place
and date of his death are unknown. _Notas, Datos Biog._, in
_Cartas de Indias_, 762.
[X‑44] _Gonzalez Dávila_, in _Teatro Ecles._, i. 233.
[X‑45] In the province of Oxomorio Bobadilla baptized 85;
in Diria, 5,018; in Mombacho, 3,241; in Masaya, 937; in
Malapalte, 154; in Marinalte, 409; in Lenderi, 2,917; in
Managua, 1,116; in Matiari, 421; in Mavitiatomo, 75; in
Nagrando, Ariat, Mabitra, and Mahometombo, 585; in Maribio,
6,346; in Zecoteaga, 2,169. 'É assi paresceme á mí que para
esta creencia desta gente nuevamente allegada á la iglesia,
que es más menester de baptiçarlos é dexarlos, pues que sin
creer, como lo dice la mesma verdad evangélica, no se pueden
salvar, sino condenar.' _Oviedo_, iv. 59-60.
[X‑46] During their journey they discovered a river which they
named Nuestra Señora. _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._,
iii. 511-13.
[X‑47] The time of their arrival is given as 1550.
_Bienvenida_, _Lettre_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série
i. tom. x. 308.
[X‑48] Named Tabizgalpa by Arias Gonzalo Dávila, who
accompanied the expedition.
[X‑49] In this chapter there have been consulted various
documents in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, i. 556,
563; iii. 84-8, 511-13; vii. 116-46; _Cartas de Indias_, 710,
762, 775; _Datos Biog._, in _Cartas de Indias_, 36, 742, 857;
_Col. Doc. Inéd._, xxvi. 238; xlix. 21-3; l. 116; _Squier's
MSS._, xiii. 3, 4; xxii. 34-149; _Oviedo_, iii. 176-9; iv.
76-92, 112-15; _Herrera_, dec. iv. lib. i. cap. ix.; lib.
ix. cap. xv.; lib. x. cap. v.; dec. v. lib. vii. cap. ii.;
dec. vi. lib. i. cap. viii.; dec. vii. lib. vi. cap. v.; dec.
viii. lib. i. cap. ix.; _Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, 105-7,
193-9, 203-6; _Andagoya_, _Nar._, 39; _Vega_, _Hist. Descub.
Am._, ii. 244-6; _Gonzalez Dávila_, _Teatro Ecles._, i. 234-5;
_Cogollvdo_, _Hist. Yucathan_, 345; _Vazquez_, _Chron. Gvat._,
252; _Juarros_, _Guat._, i. 49; _Morelli_, _Fasti Novi Orbis_,
112; _Benzoni_, _Hist. Mondo Nvovo_, 105; _Pelaez_, _Mem.
Guat._, i. 135; _Pineda_, in _Soc. Mex. Geog._, iii. 347;
_Kerr's Col. Voy._, v. 175; _Levy's Nic._, 67-73; _Squier's
States Cent. Am._, i. 82.
[XI‑1] It is claimed by some chroniclers that, in the time
of Columbus, this portion of the mainland was already known
by the name of Costa Rica on account of the fine specimens
of gold discovered, principally in the Talamanca district,
where it abounded in streams and was obtained with little
labor. _Molina_, _Bosquejo Costa R._, 79; this author follows
Navarrete. See also _Bejarano_, _Informe_, MS. Morel de Sta.
Cruz, _Visita Apost._, MS., 14, on the other hand attributes
the name to the rich pearl-fisheries which were found on
the coast and to the quality of the fruits, woods, and other
products of the territory.
[XI‑2] _Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 484-5, this series.
[XI‑3] I am inclined to believe that the original founders of
Cartago were settlers from the colony established by Francisco
Hernandez de Córdoba at Brusélas, on the gulf of Nicoya in
1524, and abandoned three years later by order of Salcedo (see
_Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 512, this series); more particularly
as its first site was known to have been close to the harbor
of Caldera, and therefore not far from the landing-place of
Córdoba. It was next removed to a spot near the Rio Taras,
and thence to its present location. It is even claimed by
some that Cartago was the first city established in what was
formerly called the kingdom of Guatemala. Juarros makes this
statement, basing his assertion on a report made in 1744 by
José de Mier y Ceballos to the engineer Luis Diez Navarro.
Referring to the same document he continues: 'It appears by an
edict preserved among the records, that the first governor and
captain general of Costa Rica was Diego de Astieda Chirinos.'
_Hist. Guat._ (ed. London, 1823), 75, 341-2. These statements
are repeated in _Mosquito_, _Doc._, 27, where the governor
is called Ostiega. See also _Salv._, _Diar. Ofic._, 30 Mar.
1876, 168. Molina, the modern historian of Costa Rica, follows
Juarros and goes even further when he says: 'Mais il est
probable que sa fondation eut lieu pendant le quatrième voyage
de Colomb, en 1502 ... en 1522, Cartago, l'ancienne capitale
espagnole de la province, était une ville d'assez d'importance
pour demander qu'on voulût bien y fixer la résidence d'un
gouverneur avec son secrétaire. Diego de Astieda Chirinos
paraît avoir été son premier gouverneur.' ... _Coup d'Oeil
de Costa R._ (ed. Paris, 1849), 4. That the above authors are
in error is proved by the fact that Diego de Artiega Cherino
(as his name should properly be written) was not appointed
governor and captain general of Costa Rica, Nicaragua, and
Nicoya till 51 years later, namely, in 1575. _Pacheco_ and
_Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, xvii. 559-65. Molina, in a subsequent
work, also inclines to the belief that Cartago was founded by
those who abandoned the earlier settlements, and corrects his
former statement in regard to Columbus, merely saying: 'El
immortal Colon mismo en su cuarto viaje en el año de 1502,
tocó en varios puntos de su costa en el Atlántico.' _Bosquejo
Costa R._, 10. It is singular that Molina, in his treatise on
the boundary question between Costa Rica and Nicaragua, should
not have referred to the document mentioned by Juarros, and
that he should have failed to use it in his _Mem. Costa R.
and Nic._ In _Herrera_, dec. vii. lib. iv. cap. xvii., the
date of the founding of Cartago is even removed to the time
of Gutierrez, which may be correct, inasmuch as he first gave
to the province the name of Nueva Cartago.
[XI‑4] The first boundaries appointed for the province are
those mentioned in the charter granted to Gutierrez, dated
Madrid, November 29, 1540, wherein they are described as
'extending from sea to sea, and from the frontier of Veragua,
running to the westward to the great river (Rio Grande),
provided that the coast adjoining said river on the side of
Honduras should remain under the government of Honduras, with
power to Gutierrez to conquer and settle any island in said
river which should not be previously located by Spaniards; and
the right to the navigation, fisheries, and other advantages
of said river; and provided that he (Gutierrez) should not
approach to within 15 leagues of the Lake of Nicaragua,
because this territory of 15 leagues being reserved, as
well as said lake, were to remain in the possession of the
government of Nicaragua; but the navigation and fisheries
both in that part of the river granted to Gutierrez and in
the 15 leagues reserved, and in the lake, should be possessed
in common, conjointly with the inhabitants of Nicaragua.'
_Molina_, _Costa R. and Nic._, 7. The author claims to possess
a certified copy of unpublished documents stored in the
archives of Spain, in which he states the conditions of the
charter granted to Gutierrez. See also _Oviedo_, iii. 179,
and _Levy's Nic._, 67-73.
[XI‑5] It is stated by some chroniclers that Contreras
promised to furnish men and provisions on condition that he
be allowed a share of the spoils.
[XI‑6] 'A queste parole, rispose Diego Gottieres, che
l'Imperatore gli haueua dato quella Gouernatione perche
la populasse, e non perche la rubasse, e se à gli altri la
fortuna era stata contraria, che haueua speranza in Dio che
à lui gli saria propitia, e che in modo alcuno no voleua
lasciare la impresa, né manco voleua compagnia alcuna.'
_Benzoni_, _Hist. Mondo Nvovo_, 83.
[XI‑7] Spelled also Suere. _Benzoni_, _Mondo Nvovo_, 85.
[XI‑8] 'E despues que allí estuvo un año ó más, porque
faltaron los bastimentos, se le amotinó la gente é se le
tornaron á Nicaragua; é este gobernador se quedó con seys
hombres solos.... Pero aunque este gobernador estaba solo é
con tan pocos chripstianos ... no dexaban los indios naturales
de les dar de comer é oro, sin haçer mal ni daño á ninguno de
los nuestros.' _Oviedo_, iii. 180.
[XI‑9] 'E cosi fece vintisette soldati, e trouandomi io in
questa Città volsi esser vno di que gli, ancora ch'io fussi
ripreso da vno Spagnuolo antiano, ilquale era andato nella
prouincia di Cartagena, e santa Marta, e altri luoghi, per
ispatio di quindici anni, dicendomi, che in modo alcuno, mi
lasciassi vincere di andare à tale impresa, e che non volesse
dar credito alcuno alle parole del Capitano. _Benzoni_, _Mondo
Nvovo_, 84-5.
[XI‑10] Oviedo names the two caciques Cama and Coco: 'E cada
dia traian oro al gobernador, el qual, como hombre de ninguna
espiriençia, prendió á uno de aquellos caçiques, que estaban
de paz, que se deçia el Cama (el qual era muy rico), porque
no le daba tanto oro como este gobernador le pedia.' iii. 180.
[XI‑11] 'Ia Gottierez dreigde Camachiren te verbranden; hoewel
nu bereeds verscheiden stukken gouds, met allerlei beesten,
tijgers, visschen, vogelen konstig geboetseert, die de prijs
van twee tonnen gouds ophaelden, door de selve begiftigt was.
Sulk een schenkaedje scheen te gering. Hy bragt den gevangene
by een kist: en swoer, hy soude hem langsaem braeden, ten zy
binnen vier dagen ses mael meer goud verschafte als de kist
laeden konde.' _Montanus_, _Nieuwe Weereld_, 87.
[XI‑12] 'Et cosi partissimo, e à pena che fussimo saliti
dalle case, io indiuinai quello c'haueua da essere di noi
altri, dicendo à vno Spagnuolo, noi andiamo alla beccheria;
e rispondendomi lui queste parole disse. Tu sei vno di
quegli, che gli vogliamo far guadagnare vn Prencipato al suo
dispetto.' _Benzoni_, _Mondo Nvovo_, 89.
[XI‑13] This degradation so affected Cocori that he shed tears
and promised, if he were liberated, to bring the governor a
quantity of gold. 'Et essendo poi tutti noi altri in punto
per marciare, e vedendo il Cacique come il Gouernatore per
dispregio lo voleua menare con lui carico, e con altri suoi
Indiani, con parte delle sue bagaglie; si attristò in tal
maniera, che si messe à piangere, come vn putto; e gli disse,
che se voleua dargli libertà, che in termine di quattro
giorni, gli darebbe vna buona somma d'oro.' _Benzoni_, _Mondo
Nvovo_, 89. But his promise availed him nothing.
[XI‑14] Benzoni relates that being unable to eat his portion
of dog-meat which was full of worms, he went to the governor
and demanded food. Diego told him to go and eat of the
roots of trees, whereupon a Spaniard who was standing near
exclaimed, 'Sir governor, since you will not share the good
and the bad with us, go and make war by yourself.' A piece
of cheese weighing three pounds was then divided among the
men, who were thus pacified for that night. The chronicler
was on sentry during the early morning-watch, and hearing
the governor give orders to his cook to boil a piece of pork
for his breakfast paced to and fro near the fire till every
one was asleep, when, sharpening a piece of wood to a point,
he speared the pork and secured the prize in his knapsack,
'feeling better pleased,' he tells us, 'than if he had secured
a treasure.' _Hist. New World_, in _Hakluyt_, _Divers Voy._,
132.
[XI‑15] The Rio Grande.
[XI‑16] 'Et hauendo combattuto dall' vna parte, e dall'
altra per ispatio di mezo quarto d'hora, e hauendo noi altri
ammazzato, e ferito molti Indiani, e alla fine fattogli
voltare le spalle.' _Benzoni_, _Hist. Mondo Nuovo_, 91.
Montanus states that the entire battle lasted half an hour.
'Na een half uur vechten, deinsden d'aenvallers; doch, met
versche benden gestijft, hervatten den torn: braeken tuschen
de Spaensche slag-orde in: sloegen met palm-houte swaerden
en knodsen harsenen en beenen te pletteren.' _Die Nieuwe
Weereld_, 88.
[XI‑17] Oviedo says the governor was sick with gout at the
time. 'Y el gobernador en essa saçon mandaba mal su persona,
porque andaba tullido de gota é quatro negros le traian echado
en una hamaca, lo qual le debiera bastar para ser mas paçiente
con los indios.' His statements differ materially from those
of Benzoni. He relates that the Spaniards were surprised in
their camp and that Gutierrez and 72 of his men were slain,
seven only making their escape, but it is not probable that
he had so large a force under his command. iii. 181. Rávago,
in _Squier's MSS._, xiii. 3, says that only 44 or 45 days
elapsed between the landing of Gutierrez and his death, but
his report concerning the early history of the province is
somewhat vague and unreliable.
[XI‑18] There is little doubt that Benzoni's narrative of the
expedition of Gutierrez is somewhat colored in consequence
of a rupture between himself and the governor. 'The first day
that we entered the port,' he says, 'the governor graciously
placed me at his table, and took pleasure in conversing with
me. The greater part of his conversation was about gold and
silver, and the wars, and the cruelties inflicted on wretched
Italy, and especially on Milan. But when he perceived that
such subjects were disagreeable to me, he took a dislike to me
and never would bear the sight of me after.' It is, however,
the only complete record of that event, and I can but give his
version of it. Oviedo's information as to the early history
of Costa Rica is taken from Juan de Espinosa, who accompanied
Alonso de Pisa to Cartago in one of his return voyages. iii.
184. He was well acquainted with Gutierrez, and thus tries to
palliate his faults: 'Desalmados ó pláticos que por acá han
andado, que á los noviçios ó nuevamente venidos á gobernar los
enseñen á robar;' and in consequence thereof 'por enriquesçer,
presto vuelven la hoja, é trocado el intento con que partieron
de España, si bueno era, ó afirmado en el cauteloso que en su
pecho estaba callado, en poco tiempo manifiestan las obras el
contrario de las palabras.' iii. 178.
Other authorities quoted in this chapter are _Herrera_, dec.
vii. lib. iv. cap. xvii.; _Benzoni_, _Mondo Nvovo_, lib. ii.
83-92; _Bejarano_, _Informe_; _Haya_, _Informe_; _Squier's
MSS._, xiii. 1-3; _Juarros_, _Guat._ (ed. London, 1823),
73-6, 341-5; _Molina_, _Coup d'Oeil de Costa R._, 4; _Molina_,
_Bosquejo Costa R._, 10, 83-92; _Molina_, _Costa R. and Nic._,
6-8, 36-8; _Mosquito Doc. 27_, in 77-229; _Morel de Sta Cruz_,
_Visita Apost._, MS., 14; _Reichardt_, _Cent. Am._, 111, 112;
_Salv._, _Diar. Ofic. 30 Mar. 1876_, 618.
The time of Diego Gutierrez' fight with the Indians and
death, as given by Oviedo, is contradicted in an official
manuscript extant that places it in December 1544. It is the
investigation made in Leon, Nicaragua, on the 25th of June,
1545, and the writer assures us he has an authenticated copy
of it. Peralta's autograph note in _Peralta_, _Rio San Juan_,
9.
[XII‑1] _Arévalo_, _Col. Doc. Antig._, 13. The law was
soon modified by decrees of Feb. 12, 1538, and of June
29 and November 8, 1539, by which prelates and governors
were directed to induce all eligible unmarried men holding
encomiendas to marry within three years. This, however, was
to be accomplished by persuasive means, or by distinguishing
in favor of the married men in the distribution of Indians,
and not by coercive measures, _Recop. de Indias_, ii. 271-2.
[XII‑2] 'Y otros que aunque haya mugeres en la tierra, y ellos
estén en edad que todavia se sufra casarse, no las querrán por
las enfermedades contagiosas que de la tierra se han pegado.'
_Arévalo_, _Col. Doc. Antig._, 14.
[XII‑3] _Commentarios Reales_, ii. 58.
[XII‑4] _Vazquez_, _Chronica de Gvat._, 158-9; _Bernal Diaz_,
_Hist. Verdad._, 235; _Herrera_, dec. vii. lib. ii. cap. x.
[XII‑5] 'Y que asimismo descubriese, por la costa de esta
Nueva España que llaman de la mar del Sur á la parte del
norte, con dos navios.' _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._,
iii. 507. See also _Oviedo_, iv. 23.
[XII‑6] _Vazquez_, _Chronica de Gvat._, 158-9.
[XII‑7] No greater proof could exist of the high favor in
which Alvarado stood at court than the arrangement of this
second marriage. The lady being the sister of his former
wife, a special dispensation of the pope was required to
legalize the marriage; and through the influence of Cobos
and the power of the emperor a bull was granted. Such an
authorization was rarely obtained. _Oviedo_, iii. 214-15;
_Alvarado_, _Carta_, in _Arévalo_, _Col. Doc. Antig._, 179;
_Gavarrete_, _Copias de Doc._, MS., 43-4; _Gomara_, _Hist.
Ind._, 269; _Torquemada_, i. 323. Remesal, who is in error as
to the date of this marriage, has this remark respecting the
dispensation. 'Licencia que se dà raras vezes.... Y entonces
parecio mayor liberalidad del Sumo Pontifice, por auer sido
el primer matrimonio consumado.' _Hist. Chyapa_, 17. See also
_Benzoni_, _Hist. Mondo Nuovo_, 155.
[XII‑8] _Alvarado_, _Carta_, in _Arévalo_, _Col. Doc. Antig._,
179; _Herrera_, dec. vi. lib. ii. cap. x. Oviedo says Alvarado
brought 400 men; that he touched at Española and took in
supplies, staying there 17 days and leaving on March 12th.
iii. 214-15. In _Datos Biog._ the number of men is given as
250, including hijosdalgo and men-at-arms. The cargo included
300 arquebuses, 400 pikes, 200 ballestas, much artillery, and
rich merchandise, valued at over 30,000 ducats. _Cartas de
Indias_, 709. The date of his arrival is obtained from his own
letter to the cabildo of Santiago above quoted. Remesal states
that there existed in the archives of San Salvador a letter of
exactly the same tenor, but dated April 3d, and as he quotes
the commencement, which is the same as that of the letter
preserved by Arévalo, it was either a duplicate, or Remesal
commits one of his careless errors. Gavarrete, in _Copias de
Doc._, MS., 43-4, gives the date as the 1st of April.
[XII‑9] Here, as will be hereafter related, Montejo
surrendered to Alvarado his claim to the provinces of Honduras
and Higueras.
[XII‑10] While at Santo Domingo on his return voyage Alvarado
told Oviedo that he had on the coast of the South Sea seven
or eight ships built for his proposed voyage to China and to
the Spice and Molucca Islands. _Oviedo_, iii. 215.
[XII‑11] His expenses were enormous. Bernal Diaz says, 'fueron
tantos los gastos que hizo que no le bastó la riqueza que
traxo del Piru, ni el oro que le sacavan de las minas ...
ni los tributos de sus pueblos, ni lo que le presentaron sus
deudos y amigos, y lo que tomó fiado de mercaderes.' _Hist.
Verdad._, 235. His will, in which he made Bishop Marroquin
his executor, shows that he had numerous creditors, who had
furnished ships, provisions, supplies, and money. _Remesal_,
_Hist. Chyapa_, 185-6. Vazquez says the cost was over 200,000
pesos de oro.
[XII‑12] _Niza_, _Descub._, in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col.
Doc._, iii. 325 et seq.
[XII‑13] The claimants to this presumed right besides Alvarado
were Viceroy Mendoza, Cortés, Nuño de Guzman, Hernando de
Soto, and the city of Compostela in Nueva Galicia. _Id._, xv.
300 et seq. For further particulars, see _Hist. Mex._, vol.
ii., this series.
[XII‑14] Mendoza states that he fitted out as best he could 12
ships. _Carta_, in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, iii.
507; Herrera, 12 deep-sea vessels, including one of 13 and
one of 20 benches of oars. Beaumont, 12 ships. _Crón. Mich._,
ii. 252; Tello, _Hist. N. Gal._, 382, a fleet of ships; Bernal
Diaz, 13 good sized ships, including a galley and a patache.
_Hist. Verdad._, 235; Vazquez, 13 ships. _Chronica de Gvat._,
159; Remesal, 10 or 12 large ships, a galley, and fustas with
oars. _Hist. Chyapa_, 161; so also, Gomara, _Hist. Ind._,
268-9, and Torquemada, i. 323; Oviedo states that there were
13 ships, including large and small; 3 galleons over 200 tons
each, a fine galley and two fustas; the other ships being of
100 tons burden and over, iv. 19, 20, 23; Juarros, 12 deep-sea
vessels and 2 smaller ones. _Gvat._, i. 255, and Benzoni,
_Hist. Mondo Nvovo_, 154, 10 vessels and 4 brigantines. Bernal
Diaz asserts that the fleet was fitted out in Acajutla, and
Tello at Realejo. Lastly Oviedo represents Alvarado as sailing
from Iztapa, when 8 ships were built, to Acajutla. There is
even more discrepancy with regard to the number of his men.
Viceroy Mendoza states that the force consisted of 400 men
and 60 horses. _Carta_, in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col.
Doc._, iii. 507; Oviedo of 1,000 men, some of whom he brought
from Spain, and others had seen service in the Indies; Herrera
that there were more than 800 soldiers and 50 horses; Bernal
Diaz, 650 soldiers besides officers, and many horses; Tello,
300 Spaniards; Beaumont, 800, and 150 horses, and Benzoni,
700 soldiers.
[XII‑15] Herrera states that Alvarado despatched his
expedition to the coast of Jalisco, there to wait for him, and
went overland to Mexico, and Oviedo, iv. 26, also entertains
this view; but Mendoza and Gomara, _Hist. Ind._, 268-9,
distinctly states that he sailed with his fleet, and the
former's testimony is conclusive. Oviedo gives the additional
information that Alvarado sent a messenger to the emperor with
an account of his expedition and drawings of his fleet. Oviedo
had an interview with the messenger and saw the drawings.
Vazquez wrongly asserts that on his voyage the adelantado
discovered Acajutla. _Chronica de Gvat._, 159. He had already
done so as early as 1524. See _Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 670, this
series. Bernal Diaz wrongly gives 1538 as the date of his
sailing. _Hist. Verdad._, 236. The time of his departure was
about the middle of 1540, for on the 19th of May of that year
the cabildo requested him when on the point of departing with
his fleets to take with him the imprisoned princes Sinacam
and Sequechul. _Vazquez_, _Chron. Gvat._, 30.
[XII‑16] In _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, iii.
351-62, is a copy of the agreement between Alvarado and
the viceroy. Oviedo gives the copy of a letter addressed by
Mendoza to himself, in which the viceroy states that the king,
in his contract with Alvarado, was pleased to give him a share
in the discoveries without his knowledge or solicitation,
iii. 540. Mendoza states that this share was one half.
_Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, iii. 507. Article 20
of Alvarado's capitulation with the crown authorized him to
give Mendoza one third interest in his armament. _Vazquez_,
_Chronica de Gvat._, 159.
[XII‑17] 'Acordamos despachar dos armadas; una para descubrir
la costa desta Nueva España, é otra que fuesse al Poniente
en demanda de los Lequios y Catayo.' _Mendoza_, _Carta_, in
_Oviedo_, iii. 540.
[XII‑18] _Hist. Mex._, ii. 498 et seq., this series.
[XII‑19] When asked where he suffered, 'echando sangre por la
boca decia: "Aquí y el alma;"' and when the priest arrived
to confess him he exclaimed: 'Señor, sea bien llegado para
remedio de una alma tan pecadora.' _Tello_, _Hist. N. Gal._,
393.
[XII‑20] His injunctions with regard to the disposal of his
remains were but tardily carried out. _Datos Biograficos_,
in _Cartas de Indias_, 709-10, 745; _Tello_, _Hist. N.
Gal._, 395; _Beaumont_, _Crón. Mich._, iv. 276-7. Bernal
Diaz erroneously states that he was buried at Purificacion.
_Hist. Verdad._, 236. According to a clause in the will of
Bishop Marroquin, made in 1563, Alvarado's remains were still
at Tiripitío, 'donde està enterrado, que es en Tyrepati.'
The former left 200 ducats to the convent where Alvarado was
buried. He also left 1,000 pesos de oro de minas to found a
chaplaincy in the church at Guatemala, that masses might be
there said for his soul. Some years after the death of the
bishop the daughter of the adelantado had her father's remains
transferred from Tiripitío to Guatemala, where they were
interred with great solemnity in the cathedral. _Remesal_,
_Hist. Chyapa_, 190. Gonzalez Dávila says, 'En el año 1542 el
Obispo comẽçó à executar el testamento del Gouernador D. Pedro
de Aluarado,' and erroneously adds ... 'y el Obispo trasladó
su cuerpo de Mexico à Santiago.' _Teatro Ecles._, li. 148.
[XII‑21] _Tello_, _Hist. N. Gal._, 394-5; _Beaumont_, _Crón.
Mich._, iv. 274-6; _Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, 161-2; this
last author, page 187, states that Marroquin in carrying out
the intentions of Alvarado's will, ordered the payment to be
made for a set of clerical vestments which the friar Betanzos
ordered him to furnish as a penance in 1528. Bernal Diaz
remarks, 'Some say a will was made, but none has appeared.'
_Hist. Verdad._, 236.
[XII‑22] The viceroy states that Alvarado's debts amounted
to 50,000 pesos de minas, to which must be added 15,000 more
expended by himself on his account. _Carta_, in _Cartas de
Indias_, 253-4, and fac-simile R. Bishop Marroquin, August
1541, says that he left at his death debts to the amount of
50,000 pesos. _Id._, 429, fac-simile V.
[XII‑23] _Mendoza_, _Carta_, in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_,
_Col. Doc._, iii. 507-8.
[XII‑24] In the valley near Santiago Alvarado had a large
plantation with many married slaves, collected in the
following manner: Soon after the conquest he summoned the
principal lords and demanded from each so many families,
with their head, who without more ado were branded and
placed on his plantation. These the bishop declared should
thenceforth be free, and possess and dwell on the lands they
had previously tilled, with the sole obligation of supporting
two chaplaincies, founded by this same instrument, for the
purpose of saying daily mass for the repose of the souls of
Alvarado and his wife. An altar in the cathedral dedicated
to St Peter was also ordered to be founded, before which
the aforesaid masses were to be said. The slaves in the
gold-mines are next declared set free, and are to reside on
his plantation; not, however, until the debts of Alvarado
shall have been paid, during which time their needs of soul
and body were to receive careful attention. The will concludes
with an enumeration of Alvarado's property, in which ships,
artillery, lands, negroes, houses, live-stock, etc., figure.
It was apparently never executed, for the audiencia of Mexico
ordered that the encomiendas of Alvarado which were the best
and most numerous of the provinces of Guatemala should not
be given to any one, but that one or two competent persons
be appointed to take charge of and manage them, and that
the proceeds be devoted to the public works of the city and
cathedral and the opening of roads, building of bridges,
and the assisting of poor people to rebuild their homes. On
the 10th of October 1542 a royal decree was issued declaring
that all the Indians and towns belonging to Alvarado were the
property of the crown. This decree was not published, however,
until Jan. 8, 1544. A protest was entered against it by the
city as being detrimental to the public interest, but it seems
to have had no effect, as the royal factor was instructed to
collect the tribute of the said towns, and take charge of the
Indians. _Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, 181-90. Bishop Marroquin,
in a letter to the emperor, dated March 15, 1545, recommends
that his debts be paid, as many needy persons will thereby be
benefited. _Squier's MSS._, xxii. 138. And again in June of
the same year, he states that Alvarado having left no legal
heirs, the estate reverted to the crown, and repeats his
previous recommendation that the debts be paid, adding that
the creditors were suffering, many of them being in prison for
debt. _Cartas de Indias_, 441-2. Consult also _Testimonio_,
in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, xiii. 268-70.
[XII‑25] _Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, 172.
[XII‑26] 'Fue mejor soldado, que Gouernador.' _Gomara_, _Hist.
Ind._, 269.
[XII‑27] In a letter to the council of the Indies he says:
'Pues todo lo que yo estubiere sin ocuparme en algo en que
sirba á Su Mag. lo tengo por muy mal gastado.' _Carta_, in
_Squier's MSS._, xix. 31.
[XII‑28] He wrote to the emperor requesting that no change
be made in his commission, as he had learned that Cortés was
soliciting permission to undertake the conquest he meditated.
_Herrera_, dec. vii. lib. ii. cap. x.; _Beaumont_, _Crón.
Mich._, iv. 252-3.
[XII‑29] I give herewith a copy of Alvarado's epitaph:
'El que Augusto le tuvo merecido
En este angosto monumento yace
Y Fenis de sus glorias hoy renace
Burlando su memoria del olvido
Mexico intime en eco repetido
Alabanzas qe. el tiempo las enlace
Qe. si tanto valor se satisface
Lo qe. a Romulo Roma le ha debido
Conquista fundacion y poblasiones
Y haber la idolatria disipado
Deshaciendo las nieblas de opiniones
Obrando bien con ser adelantado
Si hay sujeto capas de estos blazones
Todo cabe en D. Pedro de Alvarado.
Requiescat in pace.'
It is copied literally from _Gavarrete_, _Copias de Doc._,
MS., 53. Gonzalez Dávila, in 1649, makes this extraordinary
statement: 'Murio en Mexico, y yaze en el Convento de Santo
Domingo.' He also says that Ivan Diaz de la Calle, 'Oficial
Mayor de la Secretaria de Nueua-España,' dedicated to Alvarado
the following epitaph, which was to serve until one was
written such as the memory of his feats and actions deserved:
[Illustration: 'Yaze En Este Angosto
Monumento, el que merecia mas Augusto, que fue para la
Nobilissima Ciudad de Guatimala, lo que para Roma Romulo; El
famoso por la virtud de su valor, y vitorias, _Don Pedro de
Alvarado_, del Abito de Santiago, Adelantado, Gouernador,
Capitan General, Conquistador, Fundador, y Poblador desta
Ilustrissima Ciudad de Guatimala. Que la dio Templos, Leyes,
Costumbres, y Ritos. Despues de auer deshecho en muchas
batallas el engaño de la Idolotria, poniendo para siempre
cessacion en sus Altares, y Aras. Passó a la inmortalidad de
que ya goza en el Año 1541.' _Teatro Ecles._, i. 140.
[XII‑30] _Juarros_, _Guat._, i. 347.
[XII‑31] Doña Leonor married Pedro Puertocarrero and afterward
Francisco de la Cueva, brother of Alvarado's wife. Pedro was
legitimized by the emperor. This was, according to Bernal
Diaz, _Hist. Verdad._, 237, the natural son, mentioned also
by Saavedra, in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, vii.
247-50, who went to the court of Spain to claim moneys due
to his father, and whom Saavedra recommended urgently to Las
Casas the councillor of state. Diego was slain in 1554 by
Indians at the defeat at Chuquinga. Marroquin informs the
emperor that Alvarado left six sons and daughters 'desnudos
syn abrigo alguno.' _Cartas de Indias_, 429, 432-3, 709-10;
_Gomara_, _Hist. Ind._, 269. Another son named Gomez, by an
Indian girl in Guatemala, is mentioned in the will afterward
framed by Bishop Marroquin. _Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, 185.
For an account of the presentation of Xicotencatl's daughter
to Alvarado, see _Hist. Mex._, i. 227-30, this series.
[XIII‑1] Originally written Giapa, as appears from several
original cédulas and other documents bearing dates as late as
1579. _Guat._, _Col. de Cédulas Reales_, passim. The meaning
of the word is differently explained, Chiapan signifying
'locality of the chia' (oil-seed), also 'sweet water.' _Native
Races_, ii. 126. According to Mazariegos it is derived from
'Tepetchia,' 'Battle hill,' the name of the stronghold where
the Chiapanecs fortified themselves against the Mexicans.
_Mem. Chiapa_, 12.
[XIII‑2] See _Native Races_, v. 231, this series.
[XIII‑3] _Id._, i. 681-2; v. 603-4.
[XIII‑4] For the aboriginal history of these people I would
refer the reader to my _Native Races of the Pacific States_,
vol. v., passim.
[XIII‑5] _Mazariegos_, _Mem. Chiapa_, 5, 6; _Cortés_,
_Diario_, xix. 390; _Juarros_, _Guat._, i. 10; _Id._ (ed.
London, 1823), 210; _Larrainzar_, _Soconusco_, 16; _Remesal_,
_Hist. Chyapa_, 264.
[XIII‑6] Mazariegos states that harsh treatment drove the
Indians to revolt, citing as instances that youths of 20 years
and under were sold as slaves at the rate of no more than
three pesos fuertes; that fugitives were hunted down with
bloodhounds, and that any one found warming himself at a fire
after eight o'clock at night was hanged. _Mem. Chiapa_, 6,
7. In these statements he is guilty of anachronism. The law
regarding the extinguishing of fires was passed on the 15th
of August 1528, and that arranging the price of slaves in
October of the same year, the former being almost immediately
annulled with regard to the punishment of hanging; but both
were enacted after the subjugation of the Indians. Consult
_Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, 276, 278-9.
[XIII‑7] Called also Chiapan. This river takes its rise in the
Chuchumatan mountains. _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat.
Civ._, iv. 574. It and its affluents form the head-waters of
the Tabasco or Grijalva. The Spaniards were moving up the left
bank, the town of Chiapas being on the opposite side somewhat
higher.
[XIII‑8] This force is less than that given by Gomara
and others. Bernal Diaz states that there were five other
horsemen, who, however, could not be counted as fighting men.
The artilleryman he describes as 'muy cobarde,' and informs
us that the natives of Cachula, 'Ibã tẽblando de miedo, y
por halagos los llevamos q̃ nos ayudassen á abrir Camino, y
llevar el fardaje.' He also asserts that the levy was held in
lent, 1524, adding 'Esto de los años no me acuerdo bien.' His
memory was correct, however, as is proved by Godoy's despatch
to Cortés, which will be frequently quoted later.
[XIII‑9] The Indians of Chiapas and its district were the
terror of surrounding towns, and were incessantly at war with
those of Cinacantlan and of the towns about Lake Quilenayas,
robbing, killing, reducing to slavery, and sacrificing
captives. They even waylaid merchant trains on the roads
between Tehuantepec and other provinces. Bernal Diaz states
that without exception they were the greatest warriors of all
New Spain, superior even to the Tlascaltecs and Mexicans.
[XIII‑10] The number of natives killed as related by Bernal
Diaz is so disproportionately small that some error must have
crept into his text. He says, 'Hallamos quinze dellos muertos,
y otros muchos heridos q̃ no se pudierõ ir.' _Hist. Verdad._,
178.
[XIII‑11] Bernal Diaz remarks that Chiapas could in truth be
called a city, for its streets were well laid out, and its
houses strongly built, containing more than 4,000 heads of
families.
[XIII‑12] _Id._, _Godoy_, _Rel._, in _Barcia_, i. 167;
_Gomara_, _Hist. Mex._, 233. Brasseur de Bourbourg suggests
that these aprons were made of india-rubber. _Hist. Nat.
Civ._, iv. 574; but Bernal Diaz, 178, says, 'Cõ buenas armas
de algodõ,' and Gomara, 'vnos paneses rodados de algodon
hilado.'
[XIII‑13] Bernal Diaz' contempt of this man is expressed by an
epithet particularly offensive to a Spaniard, 'nuestro negro
Artillero que llevavavamos'(sic) '(q̃ bien negro se podra
llamar).' _Hist. Verdad._, 179.
[XIII‑14] 'Y traian en vn brasero sahumerio, y vnos idolos de
piedra.' _Id._
[XIII‑15] 'Y diximos al Fraile q̃ nos encomendase á Dios.'
_Id._
[XIII‑16] 'Nos hirierõ cesique á todos los mas, y a algunos
á dos, y á tres heridas.' _Id._, 180.
[XIII‑17] Three prisons of latticed timbers were discovered in
the city. These were filled with captives who had been seized
on the roads. Among them some were from Tehuantepec, others
were Zapotecs and Soconuscans. Many Indians also were found
sacrificed, and in the temples were hideous idols, 'y hallamos
muchas cosas malas de sodomias que vsavan.' _Id._, 180.
[XIII‑18] Called by Bernal Diaz Gueyhuiztlan, also
Guequiztlan, Gueguistitlan, and Guegustitlan, which are
probably misprints. _Hist. Verdad._, 180-1. Godoy spells it
Huegueyztean. _Rel._, in _Barcia_, i. 168. The first author
writes for Cinacantlan, Cinacatan; Godoy, Cenacantean; and
Herrera, Canacantean. dec. iii. lib. v. cap. ix.
[XIII‑19] Godoy in his despatch to Cortés states that Medina
was released on bail, but that on their return to Espíritu
Santo he had imprisoned him, and that justice would be dealt
him. Bernal Diaz, however, states that Marin ordered him to
be sent under guard to Cortés: 'y luego manda que por la posta
le lleuassen a Mexico, para que Cortés le castigasse.' _Hist.
Verdad._, 180. Herrera, followed by Brasseur de Bourbourg,
asserts that Godoy sent him to Cortés. dec. iii. lib. v. cap.
ix. Oviedo makes no mention of the circumstance. Bernal Diaz
informs us that the offender was a soldier of high standing,
and refrains from giving his name for the sake of his honor,
but with amusing inconsistency states that he will mention it
later, which he does on page 198. Medina's fate was tragic,
but merited; he was killed by Indians at Xicalanco, for
particulars of which event see _Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 543-4,
this series. Remesal and Beaumont give a version of his death
somewhat different from that of Bernal Diaz, who is the more
reliable authority. They state that Medina had been sent after
Cortés to inform him of the disturbances which had arisen
in Mexico during his absence on the Honduras expedition,
and that he was captured by the Indians of Xicalanco, who,
sticking splinters of pitch-pine into his body and setting
fire to them, made him walk round a hole in the ground till
he expired. _Hist. Chyapa_, 164; _Crón. Mich._, MS., 322.
[XIII‑20] It was here that Ciudad Real, or Chiapas de los
Españoles, was founded later. _Id._, 181; _Godoy_, _Rel._, in
_Barcia_, i. 167.
[XIII‑21] Cinacantlan lay between Chiapas and Chamula about
three leagues from the latter. _Hist. Verdad._, 180.
[XIII‑22] Called Chamolla by Herrera, and also by Gomara.
_Conq. Mex._, 233; Chamolán by Ixtlilxochitl. _Horribles
Crueldades_, 71.
[XIII‑23] Godoy states that the horsemen were divided into
three troops, which were stationed so as to form a cordon
round the hill; Bernal Diaz that the cavalry attempted the
steep, but were found to be useless, and that Marin therefore
ordered them to retire, as he feared an attack from the towns
of Quiahuitlan (Huehueiztlan?).
[XIII‑24] 'Yno les podiamos hazer daño ninguno con los grandes
mamparos que tenian, y ellos à nosotros si, que siempre herian
muchos de los nuestros.' _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Verdad._, 181.
Godoy on the contrary says that the Chamulans sustained heavy
loss from the cannon and cross-bows. _Rel._, in _Barcia_, i.
167-8.
[XIII‑25] Godoy makes no mention of the building of these
sheds.
[XIII‑26] 'Y agua y sangre toda rebuelta, y mui caliente,'
was also showered down upon the Spaniards according to Bernal
Diaz. Godoy says 'nos echaban mucha agua caliente, embuelta
en ceniça, i cal.'
[XIII‑27] Bernal Diaz gives a glowing account of the shower
of golden ornaments: 'Y nos echaron desde las almenas siete
diademas de oro fino, y muchas cuentas vaziadizas, é otras
joyas como caracoles y anades todo de oro.' _Hist. Verdad._,
181. Godoy on the contrary says: 'echaron vn poco de Oro desde
dentro, diciendo, que dos Petacas tenian de aquello.' _Rel._,
in _Barcia_, i. 168. Herrera and Gomara follow Godoy.
[XIII‑28] Three o'clock in the afternoon. Bernal Diaz is
frequently at variance with Godoy in minor points, and from
his account this would be either the third day of the siege,
or the assault with the sheds was commenced on the first day;
neither of these statements agreeing with Godoy. I consider
the latter more reliable in many matters of detail, as he
wrote almost immediately after the occurrences.
[XIII‑29] Bernal Diaz was slightly wounded by a spear-thrust
in the contest which occurred before the rain-storm, and was
only saved by the thickness of his cotton corslet. He claims
to have discovered the ruse of the Chamulans in planting
their spears in position, but on this point his narrative is
doubtful. Godoy says, 'I hallamonos burlados ... i subiendo
el Albarrada, no havia Hombre dentro.' _Rel._, in _Barcia_,
i. 168.
[XIII‑30] 'Hallamos harto de comer, que bien lo haviamos
menester, à causa que los dos Dias no haviamos comido, ni
teniamos que ni aun los Caballos.' _Id._ Ixtlilxochitl,
contrary to Bernal Diaz, Godoy, Gomara, and Herrera, states
that they obtained much booty but few provisions. _Horribles
Crueldades_, 71.
[XIII‑31] Godoy states that 200 Indians had been killed on
the first day of the siege; while on the second so many fell
that they were not counted. The town was assigned by Luis
Marin to Bernal Diaz, as a reward for having first entered it,
and Cortés ratified the grant for a period of eight years.
When Ciudad Real was founded the population of Chamula was
transferred thither. _Hist. Verdad._, 181.
[XIII‑32] Godoy states that this opinion was unanimous.
In this portion of the narrative he and Bernal Diaz are
thoroughly at variance, the latter evidently having wished to
remain. Considerable dissension occurred. Alonso de Grado,
whom Bernal Diaz describes as a turbulent rather than a
fighting man, produced a cédula signed by Cortés assigning
to him half the town of Chiapas as an encomienda. On the
strength of it he demanded of Marin half the gold collected
at that city, which was refused him on the ground that it was
needed to pay for the horses that had been killed. An angry
dispute followed, in which Godoy became involved, and it
was terminated by the lieutenant putting both him and Grado
in irons and keeping them prisoners six or seven days. Then
Grado was sent under guard to Mexico, where he was severely
reprimanded by Cortés, and Godoy released by the intercession
of friends. _Hist. Verdad._, 182. Now Godoy mentions nothing
of this affair, but states that Grado went to Chiapas, and
other Spaniards to towns 'que alli el Teniente les havia
depositado,' and were well received. _Rel._, in _Barcia_, i.
169.
[XIII‑33] Both Herrera and Remesal state that this first
expedition of Mazariegos was undertaken in 1524, and in this
statement only, and in the number of the forces, do they
agree. Herrera's account of the campaign of 1524 is copied
almost word for word by Remesal in his narration of the one in
1526; and the former author as lightly mentions Mazariegos'
second expedition as Remesal does his first. The latter may,
however, in this instance, be relied upon, as he quotes from
the archives of Mexico. The entrance of Pedro Puertocarrero
into Chiapas from Guatemala is mentioned by both authors, as
an incident of the campaign which each describes, but it is
impossible to believe that Alvarado could have spared that
officer with a body of troops during the eventful year 1524,
when fully occupied with the conquest of Guatemala. I have,
therefore, adopted Remesal's chronology. It is strange that he
does not seem to have had any knowledge of Marin's expedition,
as related by Herrera. This somewhat perplexes Juarros, who
remarks that Bernal Diaz' narration is 'circumstantially so
different from the relation of Remesal as to induce a belief
that the latter had been misled by false information.' _Guat._
(ed. London, 1823), 210-11.
[XIII‑34] _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Verdad._, 221-2. Guzman was
a near relative of the Duke of Medina Sidonia. _Id._
[XIII‑35] Mazariegos was cousin to Alonso de Estrada, then
governor of Mexico. Remesal gives the names of more than
80 officers and soldiers who accompanied the expedition.
Noticeable among them is that of Juan Enriquez de Guzman,
who appears to have returned to Mexico after the outbreak.
In the same list appear the names of two priests, Pedro de
Castellanos and Pedro Gonzalez. _Hist. Chyapa_, 265. From
Bernal Diaz we learn that Mazariegos was instructed to
take Guzman's residencia. _Hist. Verdad._, 222. It was the
performance of this duty, perhaps, which, at a later date,
made Guzman so bitter an enemy of Mazariegos.
[XIII‑36] 'Pelearon, hasta que pudieron leuantar los braços.'
_Herrera_, dec. iii. lib. v. cap. xiv.
[XIII‑37] 'Se despeñaron mas de quinze mil dellos en dos vezes
que fueron conquistados.' _Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, 330.
[XIII‑38] It stands, though in a ruined state, to this day.
_Mazariegos_, _Mem. Chiapa_, 13. The traveller Thomas Gage,
who wrote in 1677, remarks that the country of Chiapas
'surpasseth all the rest of America in that one and famous
and most populous town of Chiapa of the Indians,' which later
he says 'is held to be one of the biggest Indian towns in all
America, containing at least 4,000 families.' _New Survey_,
219, 233.
[XIII‑39] The object of Puertocarrero's presence is considered
by Remesal to have been the extension of territory under the
government of Alvarado. _Hist. Chyapa_, 265-6. Another author
states that at the commencement of the revolt the Spaniards
had hurriedly fled to Comitlan, where they sent word to
Alvarado in Guatemala. _Mazariegos_, _Mem. Chiapa_, 10. The
reader is aware that Alvarado was in Spain at this period.
[XIII‑40] _Hist. Chyapa_, 279. The colonists of Espíritu Santo
also laid claim to the territories of Chiapas and Cachula, as
is seen in a royal cédula of 1538, in _Puga_, _Cedulario_,
115. Juarros says that Puertocarrero being informed of the
disturbances in Chiapas considered it his duty to repair
thither and endeavor to restore tranquillity. _Guat._ (ed.
London, 1823), 214.
[XIII‑41] These appointments had been extended by Alonso de
Estrada in November 1527. On the 6th of March the municipality
drew up a tariff of fines, ordered a pillory and scaffold to
be erected, and transacted other business. _Remesal_, _Hist.
Chyapa_, 268-9.
[XIII‑42] Guez Gueizacatlan as spelled by _Juarros_, _Hist.
Guat._, 61.
[XIII‑43] A coat of arms was granted to the town in 1535. It
was as follows: A shield with two mountain ranges with a river
flowing between them; above on the right a castle, Or with
a lion rampant against it; on the left a palm Vert in fruit,
and another lion rampant, all on a field, Gules. A decree of
the state congress of July 27, 1829, again changed the name of
the place to Ciudad de San Cristóbal. _Pineda_, in _Soc. Mex.
Geog._, iii. 371-2. Consult also _Gonzalez Dávila_, _Teatro
Ecles._, i. 188-9, where will be found a wood-cut design of
the arms; _Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, 271, 272-3; _Mazariegos_,
_Mem. Chiapa_, 18-19; _Juarros_, _Guat._, i. 12; _Pineda_,
_Descrip. Geog._, 48. For meaning of viciosa see _Hist. Mex._,
i. 145.
[XIII‑44] The office of alguacil mayor was at last sold for
4,687 pesos; those of the eight regidors for 400 pesos each;
that of the public administrator for 4,200 tostones—the toston
being half a peso—that of escribano publico for 627 pesos,
and later for 1,110 pesos. _Purida_, in _Soc. Mex. Geog._,
_Boletin_, iii. 370.
[XIII‑45] For the incidents that occurred before the capture
of the town of Chiapas the account of Bernal Diaz has been
accepted as the base of this narrative, but the version of
Diego de Godoy, an 'escribano del rey,' who accompanied the
expedition, is also worthy of credit. The latter furnished
Cortés with two reports of the proceedings, though his first
one, which was written from Cinacantlan, has not yet appeared
in print, and is perhaps no longer extant. The second despatch
was written from Espíritu Santo, and was first published at
Toledo by Caspa de Ávila on the 20th of October 1525, together
with the fourth letter of Cortés to the king of Spain, and
again in Valencia by George Costilla on the 12th of July 1526.
In 1749 Andrés Gonzalez de Barcia reproduced it in Madrid,
in his collection of the works of the chroniclers. Godoy's
account and that of Bernal Diaz, though agreeing in the main
features of the campaign, are strangely contradictory in many
particulars. In weighing the credibility of their statements
it should be borne in mind that the former wrote his despatch
immediately after the conclusion of the campaign, while the
latter wrote from memory many years afterward. It is beyond
dispute that Marin commanded this expedition, as appears from
his own despatch and the statements of Bernal Diaz; yet in
_Gomara_, _Hist. Mex._, 233; _Herrera_, dec. iii. lib. v.
cap. viii., and _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._,
iv. 573, it is stated that Godoy was in charge, Marin being
second in command.
[XIV‑1] Benzoni spells the word Achla and states that the
town was situated at a distance of about two bow-shots from
the shore. _Mondo Nuovo_, 77. For a description of its site
see _Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 418, this series. Girolamo Benzoni,
in 1541, joined the Spaniards in their forays for gold and
slaves, and traversed the Central American provinces. Regarded
doubtless as an interloper he does not appear to have met
with the success he expected, and in 1556 returned to Italy
determined to vent his spite by an exposé of Spanish greed and
cruelty. In 1565 he published the work entitled _La Historia
del Mondo Nuovo_, dedicated to Pius IV., and containing 18
wood-cuts, with his own portrait on the frontispiece. The
second edition, somewhat amplified, appeared in 1572, followed
by quite a number of reprints and translations, particularly
in German and Latin. The well known version by Chauveton,
doctor and protestant preacher at Geneva, the _Novæ Novi
Orbis Historiæ_, Geneva, 1578, was frequently reissued. The
dedication praises Benzoni for exactitude and impartiality,
and notes by other writers are added to confirm and explain
the text. De Bry gave further value to this version by means
of maps and fancy plates. Purchas, among others, treated
it with less respect in offering merely 'Briefe extracts
translated out of Ierom Benzo.' Amends were made for this
slight in 1857, when the only full English version was issued
by Admiral Smyth, under the auspices of the Hakluyt Society.
The rendering is somewhat faulty, however, and the corrections
of Benzoni's uncultured style and misspelled names not always
an improvement.
Benzoni had evidently the intention of writing a more imposing
general history of the New World, though it dwindled into a
short narrative. There is an apparent effort at moderation,
particularly with regard to himself, yet the disposition to
exaggerate, or to lie, as Thevet intimates, crops out even
in his sarcasms, and yielding to credulity he allows a great
part of the narrative, on events or phenomena, to become
merely the record of jangling and weird rumors current among
gossips. This he partly admits by saying: 'In molte cose
ho trouato che vna parte non conforma con l'altra, à causa
che ogn'uno fauorisce il suo capitano, et più dico, che in
questi paesi si trattano poche verità.' lib. iii. fol. 128.
'Lo mas de su narracion sacó de los autores precedentes con
bastante fidelidad, pero comunmente sin juicio ni examen.
En los principios está lleno de errores.' _Muñoz_, _Hist.
Nuevo Mundo_, tom. i. xxi.-ii. Robertson refers to him as a
discontented detractor. He does not feel well affected toward
Las Casas, despite their common aim, but calls him a vain man,
incapable of carrying out his reform promises. Whatever may be
said against the work, much of the material is valuable, as
it embraces facts glossed over by the chroniclers, and gives
the personal observations of a man not imbued with Castilian
partiality. Indeed, Pinelo calls him an 'Autor poco afecto
à los Españoles,' _Epitome_, tom. ii. 589, and they very
naturally have returned the compliment by neglecting him.
A contemporary of Benzoni as traveller and author is the
Frenchman André Thevet, who claims to have travelled for
17 years round the world, to acquire a proper knowledge of
men and things, and who is credited with having mastered
28 languages. The result of his observations was issued at
Paris in 1558 as, _Les singularitez de la France Antarctique,
autrement nommée Amerique_, containing philosophic
dissertations on natural and moral history in the Levant,
Africa, and America, and remarkable chiefly for credulity and
want of critique. It attained several editions which are now
sought for their rarity, among them, _Historia dell'India
America_, di _Andrea Tevet._ Venice, 1561. He also wrote
the _Cosmographie universelle_, Paris, 1575, 2 vols. folio,
which is even more valueless, and admired only for its
wood-cuts; the _Cosmographie du Levant_. Lyon, 1556; and the
_Cosmographie moscovite_, published only in Paris 1858; and
he left several other pieces in manuscript. De Thou refers
to him rather severely as follows: 'Fuit patriâ engolimensis,
professione primó Franciscanus, dein, cum vix litteras scìret,
abjecto cucullo ex monacho celeberrimus planus religiosis et
aliis peregrinationibus primam ætatem contrivit, ex quibus
famâ contractâ, animum ad libros seribendos ineptâ ambitione
applicavit, quos alieno calamo plerumque exacatos et ex
itinerariis vulgaribus atque hujusmodi de plebe Scripturis
consarcinatos miseris librariis pro suis venditabat: nam
alioqui litterarum, antiquitatis atque omnis temporum rationis
supra omnem fidem fuit imperitus, ut fere incerta pro certis,
falsa pro veris et absurda semper sciberet.' _Hist._, lib. xi.
[XIV‑2] This epithet they applied to all Christians.
[XIV‑3] For the condition of the native settlements
in Honduras, see _Montejo_, _Cartas_, in _Pacheco_ and
_Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, ii. 223-4, 228, 240-1; and _Squier's
MSS._, xxii. 24-6.
[XIV‑4] By cédula, dated July 20, 1532, they were exempted
from other than a nominal tribute of two reals, _Juarros_,
_Guat._, i. 74; ii. 343; but this order was unheeded. In 1547
the survivors drew up a memorial to the emperor representing
their past services and sufferings, and petitioning for their
rights. The document was written by a friar and referred
to the licentiate Cerrato, who was instructed to see that
justice was done to them. _Memorial, 1547, MS._, in _Centro
América, Extractos Sueltos_, 41-2. An attempt was made at a
later date to impose tribute upon their descendants; but the
Mexican government confirmed them in their rights in 1564:
'Fueron amparados en posesion de su libertad, y se libró
en Tenuctitlan á 6 de noviembre de 1564 real provision, que
conservan los naturales de Almolonga en fólios de pergamino
encuadernados en forma de libro, empastado con tablas finas,
y forrado en terciopelo carmesi,' etc. _Pelaez_, _Mem. Guat._,
i. 167.
[XIV‑5] In the time of Alvarado the tribute of cacao was
1,400 xiquipiles, and this was paid until 1542. _Requête
d'Atitlan_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série i. tom. x.
420-2. A xiquipil was 8,000, and the number of chocolate-beans
contributed was therefore 11,200,000.
[XIV‑6] _Regio_, _Ind. Devastat._, 38-40. How populous the
country was may be imagined from the fact that Alvarado
represented it as exceeding Mexico in the number of its
inhabitants. 'Et ipsemet tyrannus scripsit majorem esse in
hac provincia populi frequentiam, quám in Regno Mexico, quod
& verum est.' _Id._ Las Casas also states that, when the
Spaniards first entered the country, the towns and villages
were so many and large and so densely populated that those who
marched in advance not infrequently returned to the captain
demanding a reward for having discovered another city equal
in size to Mexico. _Hist. Apolog._, MS., 28.
[XIV‑7] It will be remembered, however, that Alvarado procured
relays of Indians from Guatemala to pack his material and
supplies from Trujillo to Iztapa. Enough were left, remarks
Remesal, upon whom to wreak his vengeance, and the Cakchiquel
and Quiché princes, who appeared before him to do him homage,
became the first victims. They were reproached with the
reforms brought about in their favor, during his absence,
as of crimes worthy of capital punishment; for daring to
complain to the governor they were accused of rebellion.
Nameless adventurers, who had been unable to extort enough
gold from them, or take from them their vassals to work
in their fields and houses, pretended that the ill-will of
these chiefs had caused their ruin, and loudly demanded that
the adelantado should grant new repartimientos according to
their services. Alvarado, who was wounded to the quick by the
appointment of Maldonado, listened to all these complaints,
and now displayed his usual brutality. Prince Cook, Ahtzib of
the Cakchiquel crown, he ran through with a sword. Tepepul,
king of Gumarcaah, or Utatlan, and the Ahpozotzil Cahi Imox,
together with a large number of lords, were cast into a prison
on some frivolous pretext. When on the point of sailing from
Iztapa, Alvarado being requested by the municipal council to
determine their fate, settled the matter by hanging the latter
and putting the former together with a number of the leading
caciques on board his fleet. All of them perished miserably
on the coast of Jalisco. Among his other victims was a lord
called Chuwi-Tziquinu and 17 other Cakchiquel princes, whom
he took with him from Santiago under pretence of conducting
them to Mexico. When a short distance from the city he caused
them all to be strangled. _Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, lib. iv.
cap. iv. v. xx.; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._,
iv. 797-801; _Pelaez_, _Mem. Guat._, i. 77.
[XIV‑8] _Real Cédula de 17 de Novre 1526_, in _Soc. Mex.
Geog._, _Boletin_, v. 326-31. In the preamble to this decree
the emperor states that it is notorious that excessive toil
in mines and at other labor and the want of food and proper
clothing had caused the death of such numbers that some parts
of the country had become depopulated, while whole districts
were abandoned by the natives, who had fled to the mountains
and forests to escape ill-treatment. This cédula, designed
to apply to the king's dominions in the west from Panamá to
Florida, ordered diligent inquiry to be made relative to the
killing, robbery, and illegal branding of Indians, and that
the perpetrators should be delivered over to the council of
the Indies. Other provisos were that slaves should be restored
to their native country, and if this were not possible they
were to be placed in reasonable liberty, nor were they to be
too heavily worked or made to labor in the mines or elsewhere
against their will. In future expeditions of discovery and
colonization the leader was to take with him two ecclesiastics
at least, who were to use greatest diligence in obtaining
kindly treatment for the Indians. Natives who were peaceably
inclined were not to be made slaves; at the same time the
promotion of morality and good customs was not left out of
sight, and in cases where it might be deemed beneficial by the
priest they might be assigned to Christian Europeans as free
servitors; and lastly no discoverer was to take with him out
of their native land on any of his expeditions more than one
or two Indians to act as interpreters. _Ximenez_, lib. iii.
cap. lii., states that natives were branded as slaves through
having been merely assigned to an encomendero, and that young
boys and tender girls were taken from the towns by hundreds to
wash for gold in the gulches, where they perished from hunger
and hardship. _Pelaez_, _Mem. Guat._, i. 67. A notable case
of branding Indians who had peaceably submitted, was that of
the natives of Cuzcatlan by Alvarado in 1524, described by
witnesses in _Cortés_, _Residencia_, 96, 155.
[XIV‑9] This order repeated the mandates of the previous
cédula, and in addition abolished the system of encomiendas,
as well as the branding of Indians as slaves. His majesty
refused to grant them as vassals to any one. No Spaniard was
to be allowed to use them as pack-animals. The caciques were
not to be deprived entirely of governing power, but allowed
certain jurisdiction, under the advice and instruction of
the governors of provinces. Natives were to be encouraged in
gold-mining; but, on payment of the royal dues, the gold they
extracted was to belong to themselves; nor were they to be
deprived of the lands they had acquired by inheritance, if
they wished to cultivate them.
[XIV‑10] In 1533 it was enacted that an Indian's load should
not exceed two arrobas in weight. In 1536 it was ordered that
natives who had been accustomed to move from place to place
were not to be prevented from doing so. Other laws passed the
same year were to the effect that no Spaniard of any rank
could be carried about by Indians in hammock or palanquin.
Negroes ill-treating Indians were to receive 100 lashes, or
if blood were shed, a punishment adequate to the severity of
the wound. Native villages and settlements were not to be
inhabited by Spaniards, negroes, or mulattoes. A Spaniard
when travelling could only remain one night, and Spanish
traders three days, in an Indian village. In 1538 laws were
made ordering that caciques were not to sell or barter their
subjects. This year also a modification of previous enactments
limited the use of natives as pack-animals to those under 18
years of age. The Indians were, by all possible means other
than coercion, to be induced to live in communities. In 1541
viceroys, audiencias, and governors were ordered to ascertain
whether encomenderos sold their slaves, and if any such
were discovered they were to be exemplarily punished and the
bondsmen thus sold restored to liberty. _Recop. de Indias_,
ii. 192, 194, 201-2, 212, 277-8, 288-9. These laws were
general and applied to all Spanish America. Vazquez states
that, in the year 1714, there existed in the city archives
of Guatemala royal cédulas, issued in 1531, 1533, and 1534,
authorizing the branding of slaves taken in war or obtained
by _rescate_. _Chronica de Gvat._, 37-8.
[XIV‑11] In December 1530 the cabildo of Santiago was
compelled to pass a law ordering the burial of the dead. 'Los
Indios que mueren en sus casas, no los entierran, è los dexan
comer de perros, y aues, è podrir dentro de la dicha ciudad,
de que suelen venir è recrecer muchas dolencias á los vezinos
y habitãtes.' _Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, 30. Christianized
Indians, whether servant or slave, were to be buried in
consecrated ground at the depth of the waist-belt of a man of
good stature. Others were to be buried an _estado_ deep, out
of reach of dogs, under penalty of 20 pesos de oro. _Id._
[XIV‑12] In 1529 laws were passed prohibiting such acts under
a penalty of 25 pesos de oro, the proprietor of the servant to
forfeit his ownership. If the person offending were an hidalgo
the fine was 100 pesos de oro; if not he was to receive 100
lashes. _Arévalo_, _Actas Ayunt. Guat._, 90-1, 114-15. The
market called by the Indians _tianguez_ was held daily at
sunset. To provide against the outrages then committed a
master of the market was appointed in 1532. In the following
year another decree was found necessary, which was republished
February 9, 1534. _Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, 32.
[XIV‑13] Paul III. it will be remembered is noted as the
pontiff who excommunicated Henry VIII. of England, and in the
contest of Charles V. with the Protestant League despatched
a large force to the emperor's aid.
[XIV‑14] It will be remembered that the inquisition, at that
time in full blast, was founded by the Dominican order. In
_Prescott's Peru_, ii. 253, it is stated that the arguments
used by Las Casas before the junta were first published by a
secretary of that institution.
[XIV‑15] The full text of them is given in _Leyes y
Ordenanzas_, _Icazbalceta_, _Col. Doc._, ii. 204-27. There
are extracts from them in Herrera, Remesal, Torquemada, and
other chroniclers. For further mention of the new code and
its workings see _Hist. Mex._, ii. 516, et seq. this series.
Prescott says: 'The provisions of this celebrated code are
to be found, with more or less—generally less—accuracy, in
the various contemporary writers. Herrera gives them _in
extenso_.' _Peru_, ii. 255. The historian is himself somewhat
inaccurate on this and other points.
[XIV‑16] Before the new laws were passed Indians captured in
war or guilty of certain crimes could be legally enslaved.
[XIV‑17] For a description of the repartimiento and encomienda
system, see _Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 262-4, and _Hist. Mex._,
ii. 145-52, this series.
[XIV‑18] For a description of the organization and
jurisdiction of audiencias see _Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 270-3,
this series, and of the supreme council of the Indies, 280-2
of the same vol.
[XIV‑19] The version given in _Prescott's Peru_, ii. 260-1,
is that the viceroy found a ship, laden with silver from the
Peruvian mines, ready to sail for Spain, and that he laid
an embargo on the vessel as containing the proceeds of slave
labor. There is, however, no absolute prohibition in the new
code against the employment of Indians in working the mines,
although, as mentioned in _Herrera_, dec. vi. lib. v. cap.
iv., a cédula issued in 1538, forbade that natives be so
engaged, and authorized the substitution of negro slave labor
for such purposes.
[XIV‑20] The emperor was memorialized by the clergy and by
the civil authorities, each party sending its petition without
the other's knowledge, each slandering its adversary and using
such falsehoods as would be most likely to injure the opposite
cause. _Abreo_, in _Cent. Am.; Extr. Sueltos_, in _Squier's
MSS._, xxii. 48.
[XV‑1] _Gasca_, _Carta al Consejo_, in _Col. Doc. Inéd._, l.
107; see also _Herrera_, dec. vi. lib. v. cap. iii.
[XV‑2] In _Garella_, _Isthme de Panama_, 4, it is stated
that Andagoya made his survey in obedience to a cédula issued
20th February 1534. Some authorities state that Philip first
suggested the idea of uniting the two oceans by means of a
canal; but when the survey was ordered he was not over seven
years of age. In _Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 360-1, this series,
there is a description of the difficulties overcome in
constructing the first road across the Isthmus about 1520,
and an account of the obstacles encountered by surveying
expeditions even in the middle of the nineteenth century.
[XV‑3] _Almagro_, _Informacion_, _Col. Doc. Inéd._, xxvi. 265,
and _Herrera_, dec. iv. lib. x. cap. vii.
[XV‑4] Benzoni goes somewhat out of his way to make Panamá
appear in a contemptible light. He says that it contained
about 4,000 inhabitants and had about 120 houses built of
reeds or wood and roofed with shingles, but he does not
explain how such a population contrived to crowd themselves
into that number of dwellings.
[XV‑5] In his description of a journey from Acla to Panamá
by way of Nombre de Dios, Benzoni mentions that his party was
accompanied by 20 negro slaves, whose business it was to cut
away the undergrowth and branches of trees that barred their
path. The same writer also alludes to the danger incurred
by travellers during the rainy season through the frequent
crossing of the Chagres en route across the Isthmus. He
relates a story of a Spaniard, who while fording the last
branch of the river, mounted on a mule, and with gold and
jewels in his possession to the value of 4,000 ducats, was
carried down stream, lost everything, and was saved only by
tying himself to the branch of a tree, arriving at Nombre de
Dios with only his waistcoat.
[XV‑6] In commenting on the statements then current as to
the commerce of Panamá, Benzoni remarks: 'Senza dubio dieci
Mercatanti Venetiani basteriano à comprare tutte le mercantie
che vi entrano vna volta l'anno, con la istessa città.' _Mondo
Nvovo_, lib. ii. 79.
[XV‑7] Pizarro sent 20,000 gold castellanos to Panamá and thus
enlisted in his service a number of recruits which he could
not otherwise have obtained. _Naharro_, _Descubr. y Conq._,
MS.
[XV‑8] Among other marauding expeditions planned by Almagro
was a raid on Panamá and Nombre de Dios for the purpose
of plundering both places, and making the former a base
for future operations against Nicaragua and Guatemala. He
intended moreover to destroy all ships on the Pacific side
that could not be utilized. _Vaca de Castro (Licenciado
Cristóbal)_, _Carta al Emperador Don Cárlos, dándole cuenta
de la sublevacion y castigo de Don Diego de Almagro el mozo y
de otros importantes asuntos_ (Cuzco, Nov. 24, 1542). _Cartas
de Indias_, 478, 483-4.
[XV‑9] On the very spot where his father met a like fate.
_Herrera_, dec. vi. lib. vi. cap. i.
[XV‑10] 'Españoles hai que crian perros carniceros y los
avezan á matar Indios, lo qual procuran á las veces por
pasatiempo, i ver si lo hacen bien los perros.' _Morales_,
_Relacion_, MS.
[XV‑11] In _Herrera_, dec. vii. lib. vii. cap. xxii., it is
stated that Gonzalo was elected captain, procurator general,
and chief-justice.
[XV‑12] It was truly a triumphal entry. Pizarro himself
was clad in a full suit of mail, with a richly embroidered
surcoat, and before him was borne the royal standard of
Castille. _Zárate_, _Hist. Peru_, lib. v. cap. xii.
[XV‑13] He gathered great strength by the adhesion of Diego
Centeno, a brave officer, who was exasperated by the cruelty
and oppression of Pizarro's lieutenant-governor in Charcas,
and therefore declared for the viceroy. _Robertson's Hist.
Am._, ii. 240.
[XV‑14] Vasco Nuñez was decapitated by a negro on the
battle-field, and his head borne on a pike. Some of the
soldiers were brutal enough to pluck the grey hairs from
the beard and wear them in their helmets as trophies of the
victory. _Herrera_, dec. viii. lib. i. cap. iii. See, also,
_Fernandez_, _Hist. Peru_, pt. i. lib. i. cap. liv.
[XV‑15] He ordered galleys to be built at Arequipa, which with
the vessels already in his possession would make him master
of the sea from Chile to Nicaragua. _Zárate_, _Hist. Peru_,
lib. v. cap. xv.
[XV‑16] Named by some authors Machicao, and in _Benzoni_,
_Mondo Nuovo_, Machicano. When Gonzalo Pizarro made his
entry into Lima, Bachicao caused the artillery, ammunition,
and equipments to be carried on the backs of Indians, thus
showing his contempt for the new code of laws. _Benzoni_,
_Mondo Nuovo_, 210 (_Hak. Soc._ ed.) See, also, _Gomara_,
_Hist. Ind._, 214, and _Datos Biograficos_, in _Cartas de
Indias_, 718-20. Gomara says of him: 'Lo escojeran entre mil
para qualquiera afrenta, pero couarde como liebre, y asi solia
el dezir: ladrar, pese á tal, y no morder. Era hombre baxo
mal acostumbrado, rufian, presumptuoso, renegador, q̃ se auia
encomenado al Diablo, ... buen ladron ... asi de amigos como
de enemigos.'
[XV‑17] On board the fleet were Maldonado and Doctor Trejada
on their way to Spain to render to the emperor Gonzalo
Pizarro's account of the matter and await his Majesty's
further instructions. _Pizarro_, _Carta al Rey_, in _Col. Doc.
Inéd._, l. 195 passim.
[XV‑18] _Gomara_, _Hist. Ind._, ii. 14. Benzoni states that
the captain was hanged at the harbor of Vecchio in Taboga.
'Fece alcuni soldati in porto Vecchio, e vicino Taboga pigliò
una naue, e perche il patrone non abassò le velle cosi presto,
lo mandò à impicecare, e cosi giunto à Panama, e non volendo
Giouanni di Gusman che intrasse nella città, ilquale faceua
gente per lo Vicerè.' _Hist. Mondo Nvovo_, 143.
[XV‑19] Benzoni, _Hist. Mondo Nvovo_, 211. See also _Oviedo_,
iv. 400. In _Zárate_, _Hist. Peru_, lib. v. cap. xvi., it is
stated that the order for an execution was given in the words
'Manda hacer el capitan Hernando Bachicao.'
[XV‑20] Of Bachicao's subsequent history we learn that he was
captured while attempting to desert to the royalist party,
and executed by Francisco Carbajal, one of Gonzalo's officers.
_Datos Biograficos_, in _Cartas de Indias_, 718-20.
[XV‑21] In addition to other precautions, Pedro de Casaos,
the corregidor, or mayor, of Panamá, crossed the Isthmus to
Nombre de Dios, and exhorted all loyal citizens to rally for
the defence of Panamá. Gathering all the arquebuses and other
arms which he could find, he returned to the city and called
upon the captains of the viceroy to place themselves under his
banner. This they obstinately refused to do, thereby sowing
discord which was to tell greatly in favor of the insurgents.
_Zárate_, _Hist. Peru_, lib. v. cap. xxx.
[XV‑22] Twenty thousand ducats according to _Benzoni_, _Mondo
Nvovo_, 144.
[XV‑23] Eight ships and three brigantines. _Benzoni_, _Mondo
Nuovo_.
[XV‑24] Juan de Illanes, as soon as he saw the ships, cried
out with a loud voice to the citizens, 'Come out of your
houses, ye traitors, come and defend the king's domain from
these tyrants!' When Pedro de Casaos sent word to Hinojosa to
inquire the cause of his coming he answered that 'he came to
pay the debts of Machicano.' _Benzoni_, _Mondo Nvovo_, 144-5.
[XV‑25] _Herrera_, dec. vii. lib. x. cap. ix. _Garcilaso de
la Vega_, in _Hist. Peru_, ii. 244, styles Hinojosa governor,
and Zárate, _Hist. Peru_, lib. v. cap. xxx., says: 'Y el
governador de aquella Provincia llamado Pedro de Casaos,
Natural de Sevilla, fue con gran diligencia à la Ciudad de
Nombre de Dios, i mandò apercebir toda la Gente que en ella
estaba, i juntando todas las Armas, i Arcabuces que pudo
haver, los llevò consigo à Panamà.' The corregidor of a town
was often styled 'governador' by courtesy. Hence perhaps the
mistake.
[XV‑26] _Herrera_, dec. vii. lib. x. cap. ix.
[XV‑27] It is said that a battle now appearing inevitable, the
officer in charge of Vela Nuñez was ordered to hang him and
the other prisoners to the yard-arm. _Zárate_, _Hist. Peru_,
lib. v. cap. xxxi. This statement is very improbable.
[XV‑28] He informed the people of Panamá that if they had
received a wretch like Machicao, they certainly ought to admit
him. _Herrera_, dec. vii. lib. x. cap. ix.
[XV‑29] They had no faith in Hinojosa's promises. 'Aunque
Gonzalo Pizarro governase juridicamente, como ellos decian;
y que no tenian color ninguno para entremeterse en distrito
ageno; y que las mismas promesas avia hecho Bachicao.'
_Garcilaso de la Vega_, _Hist. Peru_, ii. 244.
[XV‑30] _Herrera_, dec. vii. lib. x. cap. x., and _Benzoni_,
_Mondo Nvovo_, 145. In _Gomara_, _Hist. Ind._, 218, it is
stated that 40 men were allowed to land. Other authorities
give 50 as the number of the guard and 30 days as the period.
[XV‑31] 'Con este concierto Hinojosa mandô recoger la gente
a las naos, y los de Panamá le hablaron y trataron con mucha
cortesia, y le aposentaron en la ciudad y diziendole, que se
trataua de prenderle, ô matarle; aunque no lo creyô, todauia
se hizo fuerte en la casa adõde posaua, y poco despues, como
buen Capitan, por quitar ocasiones de tumultos se fue a sus
naos, y presto se entendió q̃ aquel rumor no fue palabras.'
_Herrera_, dec. vii. lib. x. cap. 10.
[XV‑32] It was during this year that the wealth of Potosí
began to be known.
[XV‑33] In _Herrera_, dec. viii. lib. i. cap. ix., it is
stated that Hinojosa's officers committed many robberies,
taking care to hide them from their commander, who strictly
forbade anything of the kind and gave orders that all such
offenders should be handed over to the civil authorities.
Gasca, in _Carta al Consejo_, 1. 108-9, says that Hinojosa
forced the people of Panamá and Nombre de Dios to feed and
quarter his men.
[XV‑34] A native of Álava, and a fellow-townsman of the
viceroy. _Zárate_, _Hist. Peru_, lib. v. cap. xxxiii. See also
_Garcilaso de la Vega_, _Hist. Peru_, ii. 244.
[XV‑35] 'Et non molto dopo Melchior Verdugo calato per lo
Scolatio di Nicaragua con duecento soldati con animo di
offendere la gente di Pizzarro.' _Benzoni_, _Mondo Nvovo_,
146. In _Zárate_, _Hist. Peru_, lib. v. cap. xxxiii., the
number is stated at 100.
[XV‑36] The darkness of the night favored them, but Verdugo's
men might have effected their capture if they had not been
too intent in plundering the house. _Garcilaso de la Vega_,
_Hist. Peru_, ii. 245.
[XV‑37] Herrera says that Hinojosa expecting to be attacked
placed the city of Panamá in a thorough state of defence and
told his officers that Verdugo held but the authority granted
him by the audiencia de los Confines and knew not even whether
the viceroy were alive. dec. viii. lib. ii. cap. iv.