A much more thorough, though less known work, is _A General History

and Collection of Voyages and Travels, from the earliest ages_, by

Robert Kerr, Edinburgh, 1811-24, 18 vols, 8vo. It is the first work of

the kind issued in Scotland, and claims to be the first systematically

arranged history of voyages in English. Purchas is admitted to possess

system, but is incomplete and merges the traveller's individuality too

often, faults which Kerr promises to avoid. He divides the work into

five parts; first, voyages and travels from King Alfred's time to the

fifteenth century, nearly all directed to Asia, yet including in volume

i. Zeno's voyages, and in ii. the discoveries of Galvano: second,

voyages between 1492 and 1760, constituting volumes iii. to xi. These

open with two accounts of Columbus' discovery and contemporary events,

by his son and by Herrera. The same volume has the beginning of Cortés'

conquest, which is continued in iv. together with Pizarro's. From the

conquest of South America, concluded in v., the chronologic order takes

the reader to the north-east coast of America, from Florida northward;

and in vi. the voyages change to the East Indies, to return in x. and

xi. to America, with the circumnavigators, who occupy both volumes.

The third part relates to particular voyages in each of the five parts

of the globe, arranged under each country and section, and begins in

xii. with Byron, Wallis, Carteret, and Cook. The several voyages of

the latter occupy the remainder of the work, xiii. to xvii., with the

exception of a brief space to Bougainville, and to circumnavigations.

This by no means completes the part, as promised, nor the fourth part on

general voyages during the reign of George III. Whether this is owing

to the early abandonment of the plan announced, or to Kerr's death, is

not clear, but the work certainly leaves gaps by concluding, in volume

xviii. with the fifth part, a historical deduction of the progress of

navigation, discovery, and commerce, which was written several years

after volume xvii. by W. Stevenson. This well prepared treatise is

followed by a list of books on voyages and geographic descriptions. The

method, so far as carried out, has been to give in chronologic order, at

considerable length, and chiefly in the original form, the most valuable

voyages and travels, particularly such as have extended geographic

knowledge; and further, to review at the beginning or end of such

narratives all minor accounts, so as to furnish a history of voyages.

Objections may be raised in many instances, such as giving Columbus

two versions where one might have sufficed if notes had been added from

the other or from others. Cook's voyages, so well known by this time,

are out of proportion to the rest, particularly when narratives were

so greatly needed to cover the progress of discovery and settlement in

different regions, as the Northwest Coast, Mexico, and other Spanish

colonies.

A method similar to Kerr's is more consistently adhered to, on a smaller

scale, in _The History of Maritime and Inland Discovery_, London,

1830-1, 3 vols, 12mo, which forms volumes ii. xi. and xvi. of _The

Cabinet Cyclopædia_, conducted by Rev. Dionysius Lardner. It certainly

is a most thorough history for its size, and valuable as a guide to

larger incomplete sets. Volume i. ends with Columbus' first voyage,

while ii. carries along with Magellan and Cortés the circumnavigators

and buccaneers, and closes with the discovery of Alaska by the Russians.

Vol. iii. opens with Byron and Wallis, and closes in 1822.

In _Nouvelle Bibliothèque des Voyages anciens et modernes_, Paris, 12

vols, 8vo, with maps and engravings, P. Duménil, editor, presents a

selection of the most noted and interesting voyages in full and abridged

form, the latter rendered in attractive style. After an introductory

essay on the progress of exploration by Duponchel, the series begins

with circumnavigations; Anson, Byron, and Bougainville occupying the

first volume, while Cook takes ii. to v. In vi. are given the narratives

of La Pérouse and five other French voyagers between 1800 and 1840.

The three following volumes embrace African travel, while Asia and

Egypt combined find a place in x. and xi. Vol. xii. treats of Columbus,

Cortés, and Pizarro, followed by minor and abridged narratives on north

and north-east America and the Levant.

_Historia de la Marina Real Española_, Madrid, 1849 and 1854, 2 vols,

4to, profusely illustrated, forms a useful subdivision of voyages,

by giving a history of all expeditions performed not only by the

Spanish royal navy, but in the interest of the government. Of the two

books in volume i. the first is almost wholly devoted to Columbus,

while the second is occupied with Isthmian expeditions, the conquest

of Mexico, and Magellan's circumnavigation. Volume ii. begins with

Garay's expedition to Pánuco, and passes on to Molucca voyages from

Spain and Mexico, to Pizarro's conquest, and Cortés' expeditions in the

Pacific. The last three books, vii. to ix., cover the remainder of the

sixteenth, and the whole of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries

respectively. The measures connected with Drake's raid on the Spanish

main form a striking feature in the seventh book, and Vizcaino's voyage

opens the next. In the eighteenth century are given the several Mexican

voyages to the north-west Pacific, from the time of Perez to that of

the _Sutil y Mexicana_; and in the battle of Trafalgar is found the

apt finale to a history intended to record the glories of the Spanish

fleets. Although useful for the field it covers, the work shows little

investigation or critique. The editors were José Terrer de Couto, who

prepared the first 600 pages, and José March y Labores, who finished

the work. The dedication to the king, which is almost republican in its

straightforward tenor, bears the names of Vila and Manini, proprietors.

_Man upon the Sea; or, a History of Maritime Adventure, Exploration, and

Discovery from the Earliest Ages_, by Frank B. Goodrich, Philadelphia,

1858, 8vo, while presenting a most complete and useful history, lays

claim to no particular research, but depends for popularity on the

prominence given to curious facts, striking incidents, and alluring

narratives, pleasingly illustrated with cuts. Beginning with a review of

early notions on geography, it considers the beginning of navigation,

including the development of shipbuilding, and enters upon the regular

history of voyages in the Phœnician era, carrying it to the present

time in as chronologic an order as the narrative will allow. Section

iii. covers the period from Columbus to Magellan, and the next two

sections are devoted to the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, with

the northern voyages and the circumnavigations, while vi. is chiefly

occupied with the Arctic voyages and the laying of the Atlantic cable.

An abridgment of the book appeared as _The Sea and her Famous Sailors_,

London, 1859, 12mo.

_Nuevo Viajero Universal, Enciclopedia de Viajes Modernos_, Madrid,

1859, 5 vols, 4to, edited by N. Fernandez Cuesta, and forming a part

of the _Biblioteca Ilustrada_ of Gaspar and Roig, is a collection of

the latest voyages, profusely illustrated, and so selected and arranged

as to give a description of all parts of the world, with more or

less completeness. The volumes are equally distributed among the five

continents in the order of Africa, Asia, America, Europe, and Oceania.

North America is covered by six narratives referring respectively to the

western United States, Canada, California, Mexico, and Central America,

while five others describe South America. The account of California

is extracted from Bryant; that of Guatemala and adjoining regions from

Morelet; and of Mexico from Basil Hall and Zamacois. Each narrative has

its own division and chapters.

Perhaps no individual navigators have done so much for the extension

of coast geography in America in early times as the buccaneers, who,

ever flitting about in quest of Spanish gold, and ever in need of a

refuge from stern pursuers, left no available harbor or point on the

main unnoticed. Nor were they chary of imparting the information, but

published it freely in their narratives for the benefit alike of friend

and foe. Among the special works compiled from these as well as the

more secret Spanish documents was that of Sharp, which was specially

devoted to the Pacific coast. A valuable supplement to this is _An

Appendix to Sharp's South Sea Waggoner, translated out of the original

Spanish_, a MS. folio of 145 pages, giving sailing directions from

Chile to California, with a minute description of the coast, reefs, and

harbors, explained by the seventy-two rude charts of the appendix. These

are particularly interesting, from the fact that they are relics of a

collection of two to three hundred original charts, collected by the

traveller Nic Witsen, and valued by him at over twenty thousand gulden,

partly perhaps because they indicated the localities where Spanish

vessels had sunk with their treasures. He had sold them to the king

of Spain, but they perished in a shipwreck while on the way to Madrid.

So runs the story told in the autographic preface in Dutch, signed by

Witsen at Amsterdam, 1692.

The first important work of this class, issued in the United States,

was the _American Coast Pilot_ of Blunt, which has grown in size and

importance with every succeeding edition since 1796, when it appeared

at Newburyport as a small 8vo of 122 pages, prepared by Captain Furlong.

Since 1815 the Blunts, father and son, have had control of it, improving

and adding until the twenty-first edition came out as a closely printed

royal 8vo of 926 pages. This volume, after an introduction on winds,

currents, and other general matter, begins its description of coast

line and harbors at Newfoundland, and carries it to the north-east

coast of South America, giving also a full account of the Antilles.

The part relating to the United States occupies about half the volume.

An instance of the interest manifested by the Spanish government in

navigation is furnished by the _Derrotero de las islas Antillas de las

Costas de Tierra firme y del seno Mexicano_, Madrid, 1810, sm. 4to,

prepared by the Direccion de Hidrografía of Madrid as a hand-book to

accompany their charts. The Antilles are first described, then the

mainland northward to Florida, pages 340-455 being devoted to the

section between Portobello and San Bernando. Several improved editions

were published in Spain as well as America; that of Mexico, 1825, being

noticeable, as revised by Guadalupe Victoria, the first president of

Mexico. As a valuable complement to the preceding coast guides may be

regarded _A Directory for the Navigation of the Pacific Ocean_, London,

1851, 1 vol. in 2, 8vo, by Alexander G. Findlay. It is equally thorough

and well arranged, with many statistical facts in connection with

harbors. The first part relates to the west coast of America, the second

to Asia and the Australian groups.

[Sidenote: TERNAUX-COMPANS, BERCHTOLD, CAMUS.]

_Voyages, Relations et Mémoires originaux pour servir à l'Histoire de

la Découverte de l'Amérique_, by Henri Ternaux-Compans, Paris, 1837-41,

20 vols, 8vo, in 2 series of 10 vols each, is one of the valuable

collections of original documents or reprints which have of late

years been discovered by zealous students and published at their own

cost, or with the aid of the rapidly increasing number of historical

societies. Of the first series, only the last two volumes are original

publications, the rest being reprints of rare German, Portuguese, and

Spanish works, chiefly of the sixteenth century. Several of them refer

to the Pacific States, as _Relation véridique de la Conquête de Pérou_,

etc., by Xerez in vol. iv., which also relates to the discovery of

Panamá; _Relation de Cabeça de Vaca_, vol. vii., which runs through

northern Mexico; _Cruautés Horribles des Conquérants du Mexique_, by

Ixtlilxochitl, vol. viii.; the valuable _Relation du Voyage de Cibola_,

vol. ix., giving an account of the first entry into New Mexico; _Recueil

de Pièces Relatives à la Conquête du Mexique_, vol. x. The second series

is even more valuable and interesting, as all the volumes publish

selections from the manuscripts collected by Muñoz for his _Historia

del Nuevo Mundo_, and partly issued by Kingsborough in his large work.

Those relating to the Pacific States are, _Zurita_, _Rapport_, vol.

xi.; _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Histoire des Chichimèques_, vol. xii., xiii.;

_Oviedo_, _Histoire de Nicaragua_, vol. xiv.; _Recueil de Pièces sur

le Mexique_, vol. xvi.; _Id., sur la Floride_, vol. xx., which contains

letters on New Spain. Only a limited number of copies were printed. In

connection with it was formed the _Bibliothèque Américaine_, Paris,

1837, a valuable addition, particularly in reference to Spanish and

German works. Ternaux-Compans' _Archives des Voyages_ and _Recueil de

Documents_, both published in Paris in 1840, 8vo, have also important

material on America.

From the preceding review it will be seen that even the largest

collections of voyages failed to keep pace with the extension of

maritime progress, and recorded at the most the leading undertakings

of a few nations, complemented by references to a certain number of

minor ones. This gap was partly covered by booksellers' catalogues;

but even their lists were for a long time incomplete, and surpassed in

many instances by those appended to their works by authors. Berchtold,

for instance, in his _Essay to Travellers_, London, 1789, gives a full

list of European travels arranged under countries. A more extensive list

for voyage narratives was that of Reuss, issued during the eighteenth

century, and Stuck's, published at Halle, 1784-7. But these were mere

catalogues with few or no notes to indicate contents or character of

books; and this regardless of the admirable example and aid given by

Guill. Fr. de Bure, to whom is due the credit of issuing the first

descriptive bibliography, the _Bibliographique Instructive_, Paris,

1763-8, 7 vols, 8vo, the germ of which lies in his imperfect _Musæum

Typographicam_, Paris, 1755. The work is perhaps needlessly profuse in

its notes, but nevertheless of some value, even now, beside the many

modern works of this class to which it may be said to have given rise.

It devotes considerable space to voyages, and among other collections

it treats pretty fully of De Bry's. The interest manifested in this

set, however, and the confusion which its numerous partial editions had

created, warranted the special _Mémoire sur la Collection des Grand et

Petits Voyages, et sur la Collection de Thévenot_, Paris, 1802, prepared

by A. G. Camus. This gives not only a satisfactory amount of De Bry

for the collector, but a review of its composition for the benefit

of students. It does not excel De Bure's in details of contents, but

surpasses it in scientific treatment and in critique, presenting quite

a model analysis. Camus had at first prepared a briefer memoir which

l'Institut National induced him to elaborate and publish at its expense,

with a similar notice of Thévenot's collection. Camus was the author of

a voyage narrative, and a noted work in connection with his profession

of the law.

While Camus was yet occupied with his memoir, a more extensive work of

the same class had been undertaken by G. Boucher de la Richarderie,

who after ten years of research among the various literary deposits

in Paris, aided by translators and others, issued the _Bibliothèque

Universelle des Voyages_, Paris, 1808, 6 vols, 8vo. Despite the labor

bestowed the work is far from perfect, either in its titles or notes,

and the number of omissions becomes more and more apparent when later

catalogues are brought into comparison. The arrangement, however,

displays considerable judgment, beginning with a review of voyage

narratives and travelling guides in general, and proceeding with

accounts of voyages during the classic and middle ages. After this come

collections and general histories of voyages and circumnavigations,

followed by the main subject, an account of individual voyages,

arranged chronologically under the part of the world, the region, or

the country to which they are directed. Works on geography, natural

history, antiquities, and conquests are excluded, but not purely

descriptive accounts of a country. In most cases only the title of

the work is given, in French and in the original, with a sprinkling of

notices on various editions, their rarity and character, but at times

a more or less lengthy review of the contents is presented in order

to furnish from the best works a concise account of the different

countries. The book is accordingly a combination of bibliography and

historio-geographic description of the world. The value of descriptive

extracts in such a work is questionable, and a more satisfactory

treatment, in consonance with its mission, would have been to present

a larger proportion of bibliographic notes, thus increasing its value.

[Sidenote: ULLOA, VILLAGUTIERRE, PINELO.]

The field covered by _De Natura_ found a modern and more profound

exponent in Antonio de Ulloa, one of the most enlightened Spaniards of

the last century. His _Noticias Americanas_, Madrid, 1772, presents

a philosophic treatise on climate, natural products, and customs of

the natives. At first glance the obscure style and conceit gleaming

throughout the preface might lead one to suspect the pedant; but the

merit of the work soon becomes apparent, and appears worthy of the

attention it has received in several editions and translations. In

the French _Mémoires Philosophiques_ it numbered in 1787 the third

edition. It must not be confounded with the curious _Noticias Secretas

de America_, by Juan and Ulloa, which forms a report on the political

administration of the Spanish colonies in South America, though

applicable also to the northern provinces, and aiding not a little to

explain the causes which led to the war of independence. As a secret

report it was kept from the public, and did not see the light till

David Barry came across the MS. and published it in London, 1826, in 4to

form. To Ulloa's revision are greatly due the merits of the _Relacion

Histórica del Viage_, by Juan and Ulloa, Madrid, 1748-9, so widely

translated. He also prepared some valuable reports on the revival of

trade and manufactures in Spain.

_Villagutierre Soto-Mayor_, _Historia de la Conquista de la Provincia

de el Itza, Redvccion, y Progressos de la de el Lacandon_. Madrid, 1701,

folio, 1 vol. 660 pp. To this author we are indebted for a very complete

history of the operations conducted against the Itzas and Lacandones

during the seventeenth century. The work contains an excellent résumé

of the partial and transitory occupation by the Spaniards of the country

inhabited by those tribes, and of the efforts of ecclesiastics to effect

a peaceful entry into it during the first three quarters of the century.

Then follow full details of the campaigns organized by President Barrios

and of the final conquest of the Itzas by Ursua. The authorities from

whom Villagutierre obtained the material for this portion of his work

were such as to render it thoroughly authentic, being Captain Nicolás de

Valenzuela, who took part in the expedition of Barrios, and President

Ursua. According to _Pelaez_, _Mem. Guat._, ii. 267, Valenzuela,

with official documents at his service, wrote a minute account of the

campaign in which he took part. His narrative, contained in 402 pages

of manuscript divided into 26 chapters, was never published, but Ursua

supplied Villagutierre with material to continue the history. Cogolludo,

_Hist. Yuc._, Madrid, 1688, also furnished Villagutierre with some

material, else both authors had access to certain original documents,

since passages almost word for word alike occur in their respective

works. Villagutierre dedicated his book to the council of the Indies.

The volume contains a frontispiece on which are depicted the arms of

Spain suspended between the pillars of Hercules, the whole framed in

a border composed of nude female busts and clusters of fruit, with a

cherub on the upper border and an idol's head on the lower. It was the

chronicler's intention to publish a second part to his history "si el

Material de lo que se obrare lo diere de sì," p. 660, but this has never

appeared. The bibliographer Brunet states that the volume contains "2

part, en 1 vol." _Cáldas_, _Sebastian Alvarez Alfonso Rosica, Copia de

Carta Escrita a Sv Magestad, Impressa en Goatemala, Por Ioseph de Pineda

Ybarra, Año de 1667_, is a copy of the proposal made by President Cáldas

to the king, by which he undertook to accomplish the subjugation of the

Lacandon country at his own expense, and open a road between Guatemala

and Campeche, if assisted by the governor of the latter province. He

calls his Majesty's attention to the great commercial advantage which

both provinces would gain by such a consummation, and among other

stipulations requests that the king will be pleased to give to the

territory in the event of its conquest the name of "Provincia de Caldas,

para que aya memoria de quien la reduxo, pacificó, convirtió, y pobló"!

p. 5. Though the president was in no way benefited by this address to

the crown, being shortly deposed from office, his having caused it to

be printed in Guatemala excited interest in such an undertaking and

stimulated future enterprise. The printed copies of this letter are

rare, since nearly every one of them was lost in the earthquake which

destroyed the city in 1773. _Pinelo, Antonio de Leon_, _Relacion qve

en el Conseio de Indias hizo, Sobre la Pacificacion, y poblacion del

Manché i Lacandon, que pretende hazer Don Diego de Vera Ordoñez de

Villaquiran, Cavallero de la Orden de Calatrava, &c., año 1638_, folio

11, is a report of Antonio de Leon Pinelo, the celebrated historical

secretary of the council of the Indies, on the district occupied by the

Lacandones, Manchés, and other unconquered native nations. The book is

extremely rare, and probably not more than two or three copies are in

existence, since only a limited number were printed for the individual

use of the members of the council. The one in my possession was the

property of the late E. G. Squier. It contains a brief description of

the Manché and Lacandon country, which is followed by a concise sketch

of the various attempts to pacify and people those districts, from the

time of the conquest down to the date of the report. The greater part

of the treatise consists of a careful consideration of the proposition

made by Diego de Vera Ordoñez de Villaquiran for the pacification of

the Lacandon territory. Attached to the document is a copy of the royal

patent extended to Villaquiran approving his proposition and appointing

him governor and captain-general of the "Provincia de el Prospero (alias

el Lacandon)," drawn up in 1638, and issued by the king on the 29th of

March 1639. Mention has already been made of Pinelo's labors in vol.

i. p. 287, _Hist. Cent. Am._ _Informe del Rev. P. Prior del Convento de

Coban al Ilimo y Rimo Sr D. Fray Andrés de Navas y Quevedo, Arzobispo

de Guatemala, sobre las Misiones de Verapaz y Ahitzaes, escrita en

Coban á 8 de Febrero de 1685_, MS., 27, is an interesting report,

formerly belonging to the Abbé Brasseur de Bourbourg, and containing

an account of the Dominican missions in the Chol country from 1673 to

the date of the document. It constitutes a spirited refutation of the

charge of abandonment thereof brought against the order by Sebastian

de Olivera y Angulo, the alcalde mayor of Vera Paz. The letter is ably

and courteously written, and, as the production of a Spanish friar, not

very verbose.

* * * * *

[Sidenote: FURTHER REFERENCES.]

Herewith I give further references to some authorities consulted for the

preceding chapters: _Vazquez_, _Chron. de Gvat._, 1-771; _Escamilla_,

_Not. Cur._, 1-78; _Oviedo_, i. 115, 157-8, 599-602; iii. 123, 131-2,

189-208, 211-20, 222-3, 255, 488-94, 540; iv. 8-10, 19-32, 239-42;

_Concilios Prov._, MS., i. 160, passim; _Id._, 1555 y 1565, pp.

vi.-vii., 283-89, 293-8; _Herrera_, dec. i. lib. vii. cap. xii.; lib.

x. cap. xi.; dec. iii. lib. v. cap. xiv.; lib. ix. cap. vii. x.; lib.

x. cap. ix. xi.; dec. iv. lib. i. cap. vi. vii. xi.; lib. ii. cap. i.

iii. vi.; lib. iii. cap. ii.; lib. iv. cap. vii.; lib. vi. cap. iii.;

lib. vii. cap. v.; lib. x. cap. v. xv.; dec. v. lib. i. cap. ix.; lib.

iii. cap. v.; lib. vi. cap. i.; lib. ix. cap. viii. ix.; dec. vi. lib.

i. cap. viii. ix.; lib. iii. cap. xix.; lib. vii. cap. iv. vi.; dec.

vii. lib. ii. cap. x. xi. xii.; lib. vi. cap. v. vi.; dec. viii. lib.

vi. cap. i. ii. iii. v. vii.; dec. viii. lib. x. cap. xx.; _Torquemada_,

i. 322-31, 333-4; iii. 338-40, 384, 468-70, 535-6; _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist.

Verdad._, 177-83, 205, 219-21, 235-7, 245-6; _Gonzalez Dávila_, _Teatro

Ecles._, 45-308, passim; _Cartas de Indias_, 23-5, 414, 451-55, 662,

673-8, 708-10, 735, 745-6, 757-8, 776, 797, 834, 841, 857; _Remesal_,

_Hist. Chyapa_, 1-771; _America, Descrip._, MS., 2-4, 130-5, 155, 166,

182-9; _Gomara_, _Hist. Mex._, 233; _Id._, _Hist. Ind._, 64, 243-4,

268-70; _Chiapas_, _Doc. Orig._, MS., 6-8, 55 et seq.; _Dávila Padilla_,

_Hist. Fvnd. Mex._, 50-1, 89-93, 109-15, 179-89, 303-29, 343, 478;

_Alegre_, _Hist. Comp. Jesus_, i. 183, 254-5, 429-48; ii. 16, passim;

iii. 3-6, 18-30, 48-80, 172, 179-80, 295-6; _Centro América, Extractos

Sueltos_, MS., 1-149; _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, i. 511,

passim; ii. 209 et seq.; iii. 351-62, 386-8, 507-8; iv. 131-5; v.

522-9; vi. 6-17, 304, 342-3; vii. 6, passim; viii. 19-46, 89, 224; ix.

81-115; x. 32 et seq.; xi. 91-153; xiii. 136, passim; xiv. 47 et seq.;

xv. 9, passim; xvi. 324-7; xvii. 489-95; xix. 329-40; xxii. 515-24;

xxiii. 171-89; _Dávila_, _Continuacion de la Cronica_, MS., 127-30,

290; _Icazbalceta_, _Col. Doc._, i. pp. lvi.-cxv.; ii. pp. xxxvi.-xl.

509-14, 595-600; _Robles_, _Prov. de Chiapa_, 5-71; _Barcia_, i.

166-79; ii. 29-33, 173; iii. 172-5; _Calle_, _Mem. y Not._, 72, passim;

_Chimalpain_, _Hist. Conq._, ii. 181; _Beaumont_, _Crón. Mich._, i.

540-1; ii. 12 et seq.; iv. 104-6, 252, 489-93; v. 475; _Id._, MS.,

322-4, 435, 638-42, 1083; _Cáldas_, _Carta sobre Lacandon_, 1-13;

_Alcedo_, _Dic._, iii. 325-6; _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Horribles Crueldades_,

71; _Florida_, _Col. Doc._, 138; _Papeles Franciscanos_, MS., i. 53-221,

308-13; ii. 321-6; _Burgoa_, _Geog. Descrip. Oaj._, i. 83-7, 387-8;

ii. 233-8, 385, 410-11; _Id._, _Palestra_, 174; _Reales Cédulas_, MS.,

12, 192; ii. 159, 194-7; _Codex, Tell. Rem._; _Benzoni_, _Mondo Nuovo_,

99, 106-7, 159-60; _Ordenes de la Corona_, MS., i. 96, 158-60; ii. 58;

iii. 45-73; iv. 130-1, 150-7; _Vetancvrt_, _Chron. San Evang._, 24, 77;

_Id._, _Teat. Mex._, 24-6, 37, 53; _Id._, _Menolog._, 24-8, 44-5, 135-6,

259; _Garcilaso de la Vega_, _Comment. Reales_, ii. 57-81, 369-75,

466-7; _Medina_, _Chron. S. Diego_, 11-12, 239-41; _Puga_, _Cedulario_,

24-7, 75-93, 115, 161-3, 188-201; _Las Casas_, _Carta Amonest. 1545_,

p. iv.; _Id._, _Carta al Gattinara, 1520_, 1-5; _Id._, _Carta a los PP.

de Guat., 1554_, 1-10; _Id._, _Hist. Apolog._, MS., 28-9, 222; _Id._,

_Hist. Ind._, i. 406, p. vii.; _Id._, _Regionvm_, 35-40; _Providencias

Reales_, MS., 10-15, 49-77, 158-60, 178-208, 221-54, 270-309;

_Espinosa_, _Chron. Apost._, 308-407, 490-9, 534-90; _Estrada Rávago_,

Descripcion, MS., 2-11; _Arévalo_, _Actas Ayunt. Guat._, 15-172; _Id._,

_Col. Doc. Antig._, 1-198; _Arricivita_, _Crón. Seráfica_, 1-157,

227-35, 588-9, 603-5; _Col. Doc. Inéd._, 1. 122-4, 140-1; lvii. 318,

344, 384-412, 478; _Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._, 382-94, 545-8, 619-21,

667-74; _Gavarrete_, _Copias de Doc._, MS., 1-55; _Guat._, _Col. de

Cédulas_, MS., 1-130; _Id._, _Sto Domingo, en 1724_, MS., 1-74; _Haya_,

_Informe al Rey_, MS., 1-23; _Prov. Sant. Evang._, MS., 1-7, 160-6,

206-10; _Doc. Hist. Mex._, série i. tom. i. 103, passim; tom. ii. 3-520;

tom. iii. 238-495; tom. iv. 116-237; tom. v. 109, 142; série ii. tom.

iv. 21-2, 212-88, 349-72, 463; tom. vi. 41-8; tom. vii. 75-6; _Recop.

de Indias_, i. 11, passim; ii. 17, passim; iii. 311, passim; _Juarros_,

_Guat._, 1, passim; _Id._ (ed. London, 1823), 1-520; _Cogollvdo_, _Hist.

Yuc._, 93, 234-42, 326, 637, 745-51; _Reales Ordenes_, ii. 305-31;

iii. 94-245, 308-12; viii. 188-9, 422-39; _Fernandez_, _Hist. Ecl._,

29-32, 115-185; _Pelaez_, _Mem. Guat._, i. 1-310, passim; ii. 1-311,

passim; iii. 1-291; _Gracias_, _Estadistica_, 22-31; _Squier's MSS._,

i.-xxxii.; _Criado de Castilla_, _Descub._, MS., 1-64; _Maltratamiento

de Yndios_, MS., 1-4; _Cortés_, _Residencia_, i. 51-60, 96-7, 155-6,

232-4, 424; _Purchas_, _His Pilgrimes_, iv. 877, 1146-7, 1569-1603;

v. 886-8; _Cerezeda_, _Carta_, MS., 1-62; _Derrotero para Naveg._,

MS., 17-133, passim; _Cabrera Bueno_, _Naveg. Especvl._, 313; _Lobo_,

_Relacion_, MS., 1-217, passim; _Gallego y Cadena_, _Relacion_, MS.,

1-18; _Lazcano_, _Vida del Oviedo_, 17; _Papeles de Jesuitas_, MS.,

3; _Apiano_, _Cosmog._, 18-19, 75; _Garcia_, _Sublev. Zendales_, MS.,

1-154, passim; _Avila y Lugo_, _Descrip._, MS., 1-8; _Ramusio_, iii.

300-4; _Cedulario_, MS., i. 34-46, 246-8; iii.0 81-91; _Garcia de

Hermosilla_, _Memorial_, MS., 1-65; _Simon_, _Conq. Tierra Firme_,

401-32; _Fvndacion y Prog. de Prov. Santiago_, MS., 2-5; _Duarte_,

_Relacion_, MS., 1-5; _Carriedo_, _Estudios Hist._, 1-117, passim;

_Villagvtierre_, _Hist. Conq. Itza_, 4-17, 76-314, 341-401, 504-11,

542-659; _Figueroa_, _Vindicias_, MS., 70-104; _Ramon_, _El Informe_,

MS., 20-89; _Zurita_, _Relacion_, MS., 65; _Aniñon_, _Discurso_, MS.,

1-3; _Niebla_, _Memorial_, MS., 1-20; _Alvarado_, _Cartas_, MS., 1-42;

_Morelli_, _Fasti Novi Orbis_, 107-15, 140, 181-3, 206, 348, 361-5,

480-9; _Pinelo_, _Relacion_, 2-11; _Velasco_, _Carta_, MS., 1 et seq.;

_Miranda_, _Memoria_, MS., 1-20; _Piedrahita_, _Hist. Gen._, 529-30;

_Morel_, _Sta Cruz Visita_, MS., 1-104; _Izaguirre_, _Relacion_, MS.,

1 et seq.; _Costa Rica_, _Cabildo de Relacion_, MS., 1-18; _Haklvyt_,

_Voy._, iii. 567-9, 590-7; _Ariza_, _Darien_, MS., 2-38; _Panamá_, _Col.

Doc._, passim; _Guat._, _Const. del. Colegio_, MS., 1 et seq.; _Verapaz

y Ahitzaes_, _Misiones_, MS., 1-27; _Andagoya_, _Carta al Rey_, MS.,

9-10; _Acosta_, _Comp. Hist. N. Granada_, 324; _San Salv._, _Tratado

de la Fundacion_, MS., 1-27; _Darien_, _Defence of Scots Settlement_,

1 et seq.; _Id._, _Enquiry_, 1 et seq.; _Id._, _Humble Address_;

_Id._, _Letter Relating_; _Id._, _Original Papers_, 1 et seq.; _Id._,

_Vindication_, 1 et seq.; _Touron_, _Hist. Gen. Am._, v. 193-214,

249-97; vi. 74-124, 307-48; vii. 69-163, 233-48, 269-78; _Santos_,

_Chron. Hisp._, ii. 479-85; _García_, _Hist. Beth._, i. 25-7; ii.

3-12, 28-203; iii. 1-173; iv. 1-39; _Id._, _Reseña Geog._, 7; _Coreal_,

_Voy._, i. 94-5, 101-12; _Id._ (ed. Amsterdam), 73-112, 125-47; _Id._

(ed. Paris), 65-100, 251-2; _Pineda_, _Descrip. Geog._, 11-14, 45,

85-8, 129-33; _Cadena_, _Breve Descrip._, 5-56; _Rivera_, _Hist.

Jalapa_, i. 60-3; _Ordenanças para remedio de Navíos_, 1-24; _Lynch_,

_Rel. Puntual_, MS., 1-19; _Gottfried_, _Newe Welt_, 82-3, 282-6;

_Oexmelin_, _Hist. de Flib._, i. 162-5, 197-228; ii. 3-11, 31-193,

207-46; iii. 30-202, 301-47; _Ramirez_, _Proceso_, pp. xi.-xxiii., 6-82,

102-3, 124-30, 277-90; _Feuillée_, _Journal_, 65-86, 146-60, 311-23;

_Larrainzar_, _Soconusco_, 1-3, 17-25; _Squier's Notes_, 121 et seq.;

_Id._, _States_, 44, passim; _Id._, _Travels_, 82 et seq.; _Laet_, _Novi

Orbis_, 325, 333-46; _Exquemelin_, _Am. Zee-Roovers_, 59 et seq.; _Id._,

_Buccaneers of Am._, 29 et seq.; _Id._ (ed. Boston, 1857), 76 et seq.;

_Id._, _Hist. de Boecaniers_ (ed. Amst. 1700), 12 set seq.; _Heylyn_,

_Cosmog._, 1080-9; _Dampier_, _Voy._, i. 3 et seq.; _Ulloa_, _Noticias_,

345; _Cleveland_, _Nic. Transit_, MS., 52-66; _Larenaudière_, _Mex. et

Guat._, 268, 287-90; _Prescott's Mex._, i. 377-86; _Id._ (ed. Madrid),

iv. 228; _Id._, _Hist. Peru_, ii. 561-72; _Montanus_, _Nieuwe Weereld_,

268-81; _Soc. Mex. Geog._, _Boletin_, iii. 87, passim; v. 326-32;

_Id._, 2da ép., i. 222-50, 293, 456, 565-73; iii. 77-80; iv. 699-712;

_Id._, 3da ép. ii. 304-26; _Archenholtz' Hist. Pirates_, 93, passim;

_South Sea Co., View of_, 1 et seq.; _Sharp_, _Voy. and Adv._, 2,

passim; _Lussan_, _Journal de Voy._, 30-110, 129-43, 152-274, 384-436;

_Fancourt's Hist. Yuc._, 147, passim; _Calvo_, _Traités_, ii. 205-9,

359-81; iii. 249-55; xi. 190-203; _Ayon_, _Consid. Limites_, 9-19;

_Luyts_, _Introduc. Geog._, 727-9; _Aa_, _Naaukeurige Versameling_, x.

19-25; _Humboldt_, _Essai Pol._, ii. 467-73; _Bustamante_, _Medidas_,

MS., ii. 11-12; _Zamacois_, _Hist. Méj._, i. 715-18; ii. 375; iii.

144; iv. 485-6, 632-84; v. 187, 422-8, 617-34; x. 1123-5; _Montemayor_,

_Svmarios_, 11, 163-6, 189, 203-4; _Pap. Var._, xliv. pt. i.-x.; cxlix.

pt. x. 403-14; _Id._, clxvii. pt. i. 1 et seq.; _Id._, ccxv. pt. xvii.

passim; _Reichardt_, _Nic._, 31-2, 71-80, 110-13, 136-8, 140-4, 205-7;

_Davity_, _Descrip. Gen._, 91-4; _Brasseur de Bourbourg_, _Bib. Mex.

Guat._, 36; _Id._, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, iv. 574-633, 781-98; _Morelet_,

_Voy._, ii. 291, 303; _Helps' Cortés_, ii. 162-3; _Id._, _Life of Las

Casas_, 182, passim; _Id._, _Span. Conq._, iii. 275, passim; iv. 9-14;

_Quintana_, _Vida_, 129 et seq.; _Rivera_, _Gob. de Mex._, i. 31, 248,

254, 258-9; _Burney's Discov. South Sea_, iv. 59, passim; _Nouvelles An.

de Voy._, xxi. 244, 261-2; xxvi. 405-6; xxxv. 127-8; lxxx. 129-69; xcii.

58; xciii. 25-6; xcix. 192; c. 51-4; cli. 1-15; clviii. 200; _Guat._,

_Apunt. Agric._, 42, passim; _West Indies, Descrip. of Span. Settl._,

1-106; _Lerdo de Tejada_, _Apunt. Hist._, 261-2, 299; _Antunez_, _Mem.

Hist._, pp. lviii.-lxiii. lxxxiii.-xciii.; _Buccaneers of Am._, ii. 1

et seq.; _La Harpe_, _Abrégé_, x. 116-20, 257-314; xi. 237, passim;

_Russell's Hist. Am._, i. 388-93, 416-19, 517-43; _Jesuits_, _Col.

Gen._, i. 1 et seq.; ii. 1 et seq.; _Clement_, _Tablas Chron._, 170-97,

205; _Kerr's Col. Voy._, v. 175-80; x. 214, passim; _Id._, _Travels_,

229; _Costa Rica_, _Boundaries_, 10-50; _Palacio_, _S. Salv._, 1-70;

_Iglesias y Conventos de Mex._, 277-81; _Cortes_, _Diario_, v. 220; xix.

390-1; _West Indies, Geog. and Hist._, 60, passim; _Molina_, _Bosquejo

Cost. R._, 67 et seq.; _Id._, _Coup d'Oeil_, 6 et seq.; _Seemann's

Isth. of Panamá_, 7-53; _Id._, in _Panamá Star and Herald_, March-May,

1868; _Gage's New Survey_, 180-265, 308-9; _Id._, _Voy._ (ed. Paris,

1676), ii. pt. iii. 1-66, 179-297; _Id._ (ed. Amst. 1720), i. 303-76;

_Douglas' Hist. and Pol._, i. 44-6, 88-9; _Drake's Voy._, 56-65, 303-15;

_Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série i. tom. x. 151-91, 269-85, 415-28;

série ii. tom. v. 142-3, 179-81, 202-3, 275-83; _Fricius_, _Indianischer

Relig._, 180-4; _Carbajal_, _Hist. Mex._, ii. 654-6; _Drake, Cavendish

and Dampier_, _Lives_, 179, 182-5, 188-99, 233-40, 263-70; _Julian_,

_Trasformazione dell_, 1-286; _Cooke's Geog._, ii. 166-8; _Fernando_,

vii.; _Decretos_, 86-90; _Arosemena_, _Examen_, 20-2; _Archivo Mex._,

i. 113; _Linschoten_, _Voy._, 229; _Original Letters to an Honest

Sailor_, 6-19; _Album Mex._, i. 417-18; _March y Labores_, _Marina

Esp._, ii. 583-7, 648, 662-7; _Kewen's Nic._ and _Walker_, MS., 61-4;

_Macpherson's Annals_, i. 744-7; ii. 379, 451, 664-9; iii. 354, 548,

589; iv. 4, 159, 179, 460; _Diorama_, 146-75; _Alaman_, _Disert._, i.

29-37, 172; iii. 338; _Ogilby's Am._, 96 passim; _Mazariegos_, _Chiapa_,

5 et seq.; _Ribera Payo_, _El Maestro_, 1-42; _Lopez_, _Mercurio Ind._,

MS., 42-5; _Wafer's Voy._, 4-188; _Viagero Univ._, xii. 72, passim;

xxiii. 63-78; xxvii. 159 et seq.; _Navarro_, _Extract. Guat._, 1-32;

_Lettres Edificantes_, iv. 359; _Sammlung aller Reisebesch._, ix.

69-106, 617; xii. 373-7; xiii. 513, passim; xv. 252-62; _Nueva España,

Breve Res._, MS., 349, passim; _Batres_, _Rel. de las Fiestas_, 1-9;

_Larrainzar_, _Biog._, 1-15; _Id._, _Discurso_, 12-17; _Spanish Empire

in Am._, 134, passim; _Nicaragua_, _Defensa de Derechos del Pais_,

15-21; _Ocios_, _Espan. Emigrad._, 222-3; _Ancona_, _Hist. Yuc._, 202,

passim; _America Cent., Reclam. de Intervencion_, 7-10; _Berenger_,

_Col. Voy._, ii. 411; iii. 284, 291; _Variedades Jurisp._, v. 39-43;

_Astaburuaga_, _Cent. Am._, 54, 108-9; _Haefkens_, _Cent. Am._, 23, 27;

_Uring's Hist. Voy._, 164-6, 354-7; _Gastizabal_, _Por el Maestro_, 2;

_Voyages, A New Col._, i. 422-36, 488-504; ii. 43 et seq.; iii. 42,

passim; _Crowe's Gospel in Cent. Am._, 18 et seq.; _Eastern Coast of

Cent. Am._, 4-8; _Cockburn's Journey_, 20-264; _Poinsett's Notes on

Mex._, 15-21; _Salmon's Modern Hist._, iii. 63-5, 219-22; _Beccatini_,

_Vida Carlos_, iii. 211-12; _Bidwell's Panamá_, 38, passim; _American

Rev._, July 1851, 3 et seq.; _Churchill's Col. Voy._, vi. 298-312; viii.

734, 761-769; _Page_, _Nouveau Voy._, ii. 403-10; _Creassy's Plan_ MS.,

1-47; _Nicaragua_, _Nueva Discusion_, 4-5; _Macgregor's Progress of

Am._, i. 311, 728, 741-2, 749; _Stout's Nic._, 101, passim; _Amérique

Cent., Comp. Belge_, pt. ii. 35-6, 92-3; _Nicaragua_, _De Orden del

Director_, 1-16; _United Service Jour._, pt. ii. 208, 315-18, 433-40,

pt. iii. 4-9, 289-95; _Pim's Gate to Pacific_, 26 et seq.; _Niles'

Register_, xliv. 358; _Bussière_, _L'Empire Mex._, 371-5; _Conde_,

_Golfe de Hond._, 5-6; _Carranza_, _Descrip._, 66-70, 118; _Griswold's

Panamá_, 8 et seq.; _Pinkerton's Col. Voy._, xiv. 361-87; _Larrañaga_,

_Prospecto Eneida_, 1-28; _Harleian Col. Voy._, ii. 761-5; _Dunn's

Guat._, 64, passim; _Delaporte_, _Reise_, x. 343, 397-416; _Quarterly

Rev._, xxxv. 326-9; _Morden's Geog._, 582-4; _Polynesian_, vii. 5,

181; _World Displayed_, vi. 9-17, 44-9; _Democratic Rev._, xxx. 546;

_Bastide_, _Mem. sur Nouveau Passage_, 21-4, 30-2; _Betagh's Voy._,

132-3; _Harper's Mag._, xvii. 28-9; xviii. 18-23, 31; xix. 20-37, 434-7,

449-50; _Seaward's Nar._, ii. 271-99; _Dunlop's Cent. Am._, 68-70, 77,

93; _Thompson's Guat._, 236-7; _San Miguel_, _Mex._, ii. 24; _North

Am. Rev._, xxiv. 278-80; _Young's Mosq. Shore_, 12-15; _Florencia_,

_Zodiaco Mariano_, 234-55; _Gordon's Anc. Mex._, ii. 247; _British

Quart. Rev._, xcix. 238-9; _Mex. and Guat._, ii. 155; _Burke's Europ.

Settlement_, i. 291-2; _Mission Scientifique de Mex._, 509; _Pim and

Seeman's Dottings_, 85 et seq.; _London Geog. Soc., Jour._, i. 85; xi.

81; xxiii. 180-1; xxxviii. 108-9; _Codman's Round Trip_, 14-15; _St

Francis of Assisi_, 563; _Annals Brit. Legis._, ii. 397; _Marshall's

Christian Missions_, ii. 224-6; _Shepard's Papers on Span. Am._, 35-7;

_Rogers' Voy._, app. 13-54; _Thesaurus Geog._, ii. 267-71; _Holmes'

Annals of Am._, i. 72; _Pinkerton's Modern Geog._, iii. 216; _Bury's

Exodus_, ii. 58-99, 171-2; _Mosquito Terr., Correspondence Respecting_,

7 et seq.; _Indicador_, iii. 156-73; _Campbell's Span. Amer._, 64,

passim; _Espinosa_, _Peregrino Sept._, 1-456; _Id._, _Nuevas Empresas_,

1-46; _Martin's Hist. W. Indies_, i. 137-9; _Warburton's Darien_,

169-396; _Diezmos de Indios_, 1, passim; _Voyages, New Univ. Col._,

i. 188-9; ii. 373-8; _Boddam-Whetham_, _Across Cent. Am._, 109-12;

_Thompson's Recol._, 119; _Mayer's Mex. Aztec_, i. 253; _Weatherhead's

Account of Exped._, 36; _Overland Monthly_, iv. 497; _Strains' Inter.

Comm._, 15-18; _Prior's All the Voy._, 57-70; _Greenhow's Mem._,

35-8; _Thiers' Mississippi Bubble_, 229-57; _Fanshaw's World in Min._,

ii. 23; _Imray's Sailing Direct._, 12; _Holinski_, _La Cal._, 66-8;

_Crosby's Statement_, MS., 116-18; _Findlay's Direct._, i. 213, 242,

258; _Arana_, _Relacion_, 380-98; _Guerra_, _Hist. Revol._, ii. 616-17;

_Mexico, Notes on in 1822_, 239-44; _Frost's Pict. Hist. Mex._, 129;

_Shelvocke's Voy._, 292-3; _Noticia Individual de los Derechos_,

1-143; _Ponton's Earthquakes_, 36, 46; _Nicaragua y Hond. Doc._, 1-56;

_Paredes' Coast of Mosq._, 1-62; _Linage_, _Spanish Rule of Trade_,

207-8, 227; _Conder's Mex. and Guat._, ii. 153, passim; _Hassel_, _Mex.

und Guat._, 406; _Wilson's Mex._, 257; _Lardner's Hist. Marit._, ii.

302-4; _Panamá_, _The Isthmus_, 8-9; _Anderson's Commerce_, iii. 165;

iv. 47, 449; _Roberts' Nar. Voy._, 37-42; _Harris' Col. Voy._, i. 748,

754; _Wells' Honduras_, 415, 457-9, 530-1; _Goodrich's Man on Sea_, 34,

337-8; _Correo Merc. Esp._, iv. 270; _Tomes_, _Panamá_, 162-3, 208-12;

_Oviedo y Baños_, _Por el Licenciado_, 1-9; _Guat._, _Instruc. Arreglo_,

1-24; _Otis' Isthmus of Panamá_, 127; _Payne's Univ. Geog._, iv. 461-3;

_Silicio_, _Mem. Foment. Col. Ind._, 74-8; _Suarez_, _Informe_, 33;

_Voyages, Hist. Voy. round the World_, i. 302-9, 325-9, 443-4; _Cullen's

Darien_, 147-93; _Winterbotham's Hist. of U. S._, iv. 120-8; _Puydt

et Binckum_, _Colonisation_, 72; _Flint's Geog._, ii. 145; _Alzate_,

_Gacetas_, iii. 326, 442; _Castellon_, _Doc. Nic. y Hond._, 51-6;

_Mosquitolandes_, 23, passim; _Moro_, _Informe_, 1-127; _Cavo_, _Tres

Siglos_, i. 104; ii. 67-8, 147; iii. 35-43; _Bvla_, _Confirmationis_,

1-16; _Nicaragua_, _Nueva Discusion_, 6-7, 20-5; _Dic. Univ. Hist._, i.,

passim; _Arancel_, _Derechos_, 2-6; _Lacunza_, _Discursos Hist._, 461;

_Mosquito-Küste und Ter._, 14-18; _Fonseca y Urrutia_, _Real Hacienda_,

i. 519-20; _Guat._, _Aranceles_, 1-100; _Belly_, _Nic._, i. 28-30, 192,

226, 349-50; ii. 38, 261; _Raynal_, _Hist. Phil._, iv. 74-5, 200, 205,

221-50; _Leon's Travels_, 15-19, 35-40; _Pinelo_, _Relacion_, 1-11;

_Mosquito, Correspondence_, 27, passim; _Relacion Historica de Iance_,

1-8; _Muro_, _Utilidades_, 1-73; _Fabrica y Estampa de Naypes_, 1-16;

_Llorente_, _Œuvres_, 1-409; _Fernando_, vii.; _Doc._, 314-27; _Margil

de Jesus_, _Noticie della Vita_, 1-216; _Id._, _Nuevas Empresas_,

1-46; _Cancelada_, _Tel. Mex._, 109; _Moreno_, _Reglas Cientas_, 1-136;

_Nicaragua_, _Mem._, 8-28; _Cent. Amer. Pamphlets_, passim; _Mosquito

Doc._, passim; _Museo Mex._, i. 193-5, 229, 261; _Iturriaga_, _El Dolor

Rey_, 1-27; _Ilust. Mex._, iv. 414-16; _Iglesia de Guat._, _El Dean_,

1-4; _Linage_, _Norte de la Contratacion_, 1-264; _Navarrete_, _Col.

Viages Descub._, iii. 452-3; _Guatemala_, _Autos de Parte_, MS., 1-41.

FOOTNOTES

[I‑1] Herrera, dec. iii. lib. viii. cap. xiii.-xiv., says

80 men. Francisco de Jerez, Pizarro's secretary, _Conq.

del Peru_, in _Barcia_, iii. 179, places the number at 112

Spaniards, besides Indians; Zárate, _Hist. del Peru_, in

_Id._, at 114 men. For minor statements and discrepancies

compare _Gomara_, _Hist. Ind._, 141; _Garcilaso de la Vega_,

_Com. Real_, pt. ii. lib. i. cap. vii.; _Benzoni_, _Hist.

Mondo Nvovo_, 118; _Oviedo_, iii. 382-90; _Quintana_, _Vidas,

Pizarro_, 50.

[I‑2] This letter picturing the horrors of the situation, and

begging from the governor relief, was signed by the writer and

his comrades; after which was a doggerel, current for years

thereafter in the Indies, which ran as follows:

Pues señor gobernador,

Mirelo bien por entero

Que allá va el recogedor,

Y acá queda el carnicero.

And may be rendered thus:

To this we hope your honor,

Will lend a kindly ear;

You have the herder with you,

We have the butcher here.

In _Balboa_, _Histoire du Pérou_, Ternaux-Compans gives a

French rendering by Beaudoin:

Monsieur le gouverneur, on s'en va vous chercher,

Pour emmener des gens de la ville où vous estes.

Envoyez-nous-en donc, car voícy le boucher

Qui les esgorgera comme de pauvres bestes.

[I‑3] Garcilaso de la Vega, _Com. Real_, pt. ii. lib. i.

cap. xi., tells the most extravagant stories concerning

Tumbez. 'Avia gran numero de Plateros, que hacian Cantaros

de Oro, y Plata, con otras muchas maneras de Joias, asi para

el servicio, y ornamento del Templo, que ellos tenian por

Sacrosanto, como para servicio del mismo Inga, y para chapar

las planchas deste Metal, por las paredes de los Templos, y

Palacios.' See also, _Xerez_, _Conq. del Peru_, _Barcia_,

iii. 169-81; _Zárate_, _Hist. del Peru_, _Barcia_, iii.

2, 3; _Gomara_, _Hist. Ind._, 143; _Pizarro y Orellana_,

_Varones Ilvstres_, 138; _Benzoni_, _Hist. Mundo Nvovo_, 120;

_Herrera_, dec. iii. lib. viii. cap. xii.; _Oviedo_, iii.

[I‑4] Some affirm that, while in Spain, Cortés and Pizarro

became great friends; that much fatherly advice was given

by the former to the latter. Cortés, they say, although the

younger, could teach his brother-conqueror many things, and

warned Pizarro against admitting another to a share in the

supreme authority, which advice, indeed, was hardly necessary.

[I‑5] Historians of the Peruvian conquest point with emphasis

to political disruption as the agency which gave the country

to the Spaniards. Of course we cannot tell what would have

been the accidents or incidents of this invasion under other

conditions. As it happened, I fail to perceive how the civil

war of necessity was the cause of success, or that without

Peruvian disruption the Spaniards could not have accomplished

their purpose. Atahualpa at the head of a powerful army in

the full flush of victory could have crushed this handful of

Spaniards as easily as might have done a Peruvian host tenfold

greater. Pizarro could have performed his imperial cozenage

as easily when peace reigned as at another time. Compare

_Naharro_, _Relacion_, in _Col. Doc. Inéd._, xxvi. 232-7;

_Real Cédula_, in _Id._, 256; _Castañeda_, _Informacion_, in

_Id._, 256-9; _Jaren_, _Informacion en Panamá_, in _Id._,

259-60; _Candía_, _Informacion_, in _Id._, 261-5; _Pedro

Pizarro_, in _Id._, 201-10; _Almagro_, _Informacion_, in

_Id._, 265-74; _Sámano_, _Relacion_, in _Id._, v. 193-201;

_Col. Doc. Inéd._, in _Id._, l. 206-20; _Ovalle_, _Hist.

Chile_, in _Pinkerton's Voy._, xiv. 154-6, and in _Churchill's

Col. Voy._, xiv. 154-6; _Leon's Travels_, _Hakluyt Soc._;

_Garcilaso de la Vega_, _Com. Reales_, ii. 13-20; _Pizarro

y Orellana_, _Varones Ilvstres_, 127-9; _Xerez_, _Conq. del

Peru_, 179-81; _Gomara_, _Hist. Ind._, 141-7; _Oviedo_, iv.

147 et seq.; _Zárate_, _Hist. Peru_, 17-23. The last-mentioned

document is by one of the conquerors. According to some

reports the inca was undetermined what course to pursue.

Immediately after the capture of Huascar some of his

counsellors were for sending an army and destroying the

invaders at once. Others wished to take them alive and by

making slaves of them ingraft their superiority into their

own incipient civilization. Others more timid represented

the strangers as exceedingly fierce and powerful, to conquer

whom would be difficult and dangerous. 'Vnos querian, que

fuesse vn capitan a ello con exercito, otros dezian, que

aunque los estrangeros no eran muchos, eran valientes, y que

la ferocidad de sus rostros, y personas, la terribilidad de

sus armas, la ligereza, y brabura de aquellos sus cauallos

pedian mayor fuerça.' _Herrera_, dec. v. lib. ii. cap. ix.

According to Balboa the arrival of the Spaniards caused some

anxiety among the Peruvians at Cuzco. 'Cette nouvelle inquiéta

tout le monde. Atahualpa essaya de tranquilliser ses sujets

en leur disant que ces étrangers étaient probablement des

envoyés de Viracocha, et depuis cette époque ce nom est resté

aux Espagnols.' _Hist. du Pérou_, _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._,

série ii. tom. iv. 309. Benzoni affirms that Atahualpa who

was at Caxamalca, sent messengers to Pizarro threatening to

make him repent if he did not leave his vassals unmolested and

return to his own country. 'In questo tempo Attabaliba Re del

Peru si trouaua in Cassiamalca, e inteso com' era entrato nel

suo paese gente con la barba, con certi animali terribili e

scorreuano i luoghi, ammazzando, e depredando il tutto, mandò

vn' ambasciatore à Francesco Pizzarro, minacciandolo, che se

non lasciaua i suoi vassalli, e se ne fosse ito al suo paese,

che lo farebbe mal contento.' _Hist. Mondo Nvovo_, 121.

[I‑6] Herrera says 24; others 20. In the narratives of these

early adventurers rarely two are exactly alike concerning any

occurrence. Among them all, however, we can usually arrive

near the truth.

[I‑7] There were in reality, according to the 'Spanish

Captain,' 80,000 warriors in the encampment of the inca, but

the cavaliers reported to their comrades only 40,000 in order

not to dishearten them! 'Li Capitani ritornorno al signor

gourenator, e gli disseno quel che era seguito del cacique,

e che li parea che la gente ch'egli haueua portriano esser

da quaranta mila huomini da guerra. Et questo dissono per dar

animo alla gente, perche erano piu di ottanta mila, e dissono

ancora quello che li haueua detto il cacique.' _Relatione d'vn

Capitano Spagnvolo_, in _Ramusio_, iii. 373.

[I‑8] The story is told in as many ways as there are

historians. Some say that the inca entered Caxamalca as a

conqueror, others as falling into the trap of the Spaniards.

All are partially correct. Undoubtedly he would capture the

Spaniards if he could, while they would prevent it by securing

him if they were able. According to Zárate, seeing but a

few men in the plaza when he entered he asked, 'Have these

men surrendered?' and his people answered, 'They have!' 'Y

como viò tan pocos Españoles, i esos à pie (porque los de à

Caballo, estaban escondidos) pensò, que no osarian parecer

delante de èl, ni le esperarian; i levantandose sobre las

andas, dixo à su Gente. _Estos rendidos estàn._ Y todos

respondieron que si.' _Zárate_, _Hist. del Peru_, _Barcia_,

iii. 21.

[I‑9] Some say a cross and a breviary, others a cross and

a bible. 'Llego entonces a el Fray Vincente de Valuerde,

dominico, que lleuaua una Cruz en la mano, y su breuiario, o

la biblia, como algunos dizen.' _Gomara_, _Hist. Ind._, 149.

[I‑10] 'Lui exposa longuement les mystères de notre sainte

religion, en citant son discours plusieurs passages des

évangiles, comme si Atahualpa avait su ce que c'était que les

évangiles, ou eût été obligé de le savoir.' _Balboa_, _Hist.

du Pérou_, in _Ternaux-Compans_, _Voy._, série ii. tom. iv.

315.

[I‑11] 'Respondio Atabaliba muy enojado, que no queria

tributar siẽdo libre.' _Gomara_, _Hist. Ind._, 149. 'Ma che

non gli pareua come Re libero di dar tributo à chi non haueua

mai ve duto.' _Benzoni_, _Hist. Mondo Nuovo_, 123. 'Soi libre,

no debo tributo à nadie, ni pienso pagarlo, que no reconozco

por superior à ningun Rei.' _Garcilaso de la Vega_, _Com.

Reales_, pt. ii. lib. i. cap. xxv.

[I‑12] 'Y que Christo murio, y el sol, y la luna nunca

morian.' _Gomara_, _Hist. Ind._, 150.

[I‑13] 'Et che il Pontefice doueua essere vn qualche gran

pazzo, poi che daua cosi liberamente quello d'altri.'

_Benzoni_, _Hist. Mondo Nuovo_, 123. 'Que no obedeceria al

Papa porque daua lo ageno, y por no dexar aquien nunca vio el

reyno, que fue de su padre.' _Gomara_, _Hist. Ind._, 149-50.

[I‑14] 'Poi gli dimandò, come sapeua, che'l Dio de Cristiani

di niente haueua fatto il mondo, e che fosse morto in Croce.

Il frate rispose, che quel libro lo diceua, e lo porse ad

Attabaliba, ilquale lo prese, e guardatoui sopra, ridendo

disse; à me non dice niente questo libro; e gettatolo per

terra, il frate lo ripigliò.' _Benzoni_, _Hist. Mondo Nuovo_,

123. 'Le moine en fut si irrité qu'il réclama à grands cris

vengeance pour l'offense faite à Dieu et à sa sainte loi.'

_Balboa_, _Hist. du Pérou_, 315.

[I‑15] Pizarro y Orellana mildly affirms that the inca

threw the book from him in such scorn, that the monk was

obliged to call upon the Christians to fight for their law.

'Y poniendole la biblia en las manos, la arrojò el Inga con

tã gran vituperio, que obligò al Religioso à dar vozes à

los Cristianos, diziendoles, que bolviessen por su ley, que

la ultrajava aquel barbaro gentil, de quien no avia ya que

esperar.' _Varones Ilvstres_, 155.

[I‑16] 'Et subito ad alta voce cominciò à gridare; vendetta,

vendetta Cristiani, che gli Euangelij sono disprezzati, e

gettati per terra. Vccidete questi cani, che dispreggiano la

legge di Dio.' _Benzoni_, _Hist. Mondo Nuovo_, 123. Gomara

says: 'Los Euãgelios en tierra, Vẽgãça Christianos, a ellos, a

ellos que no quiere nuestra amistad, ni nuestra ley.' _Hist.

Ind._, 150. While Garcilaso de la Vega renders it thus: 'Ea,

ea, destruidlos, que menos precian nuestra lei, y no quieren

nuestra amistad.' _Com. Reales_, ii. lib. i. cap. xxv.

[I‑17] 'De Monick selfs hielt oock niet op den gantschen tydt

dat sy doende waren met dit Dolck te vermoorden, vamrasen en

tieren, vermanende de spaenjaerden dat sy niet houwen maer

steken souden, om de Lemmets te bewaren, dat sy niet braecken,

mits sy de Degens in nacomende moorderyen souden van noode

hebben.' _West-Indische Spieghel_, 362.

[I‑18] 'Cargauã todos sobre Atabaliba, que todauia estaua en

su litera, por prenderle, desseando cada vno el prez y gloria

de su prision.' _Gomara_, 150. 'Ses gardes prirent la fuite de

tous les côtés, et les Espagnols, ayant entraîné l'Inga dans

leur camp, lvi mirent les fers aux pieds.' _Balboa_, _Hist.

du Pérou_, 316.

[I‑19] The 'Spanish Captain' places the number at over seven

thousand besides many who had their limbs cut off and were

in other ways mutilated. 'Rima sero in quel giorno morti

da sei ouer sette mila Indiani, oltra molti che haueano

tagliate le braccia, e molte altre ferite.' _Relatione d'vn

Capitano Spagnvolo_; _Ramusio_, iii. 374. 'Decimos, que

pasaron de cinco mil Indios los que murieron aquel dia. Los

tres mil y quinientos fueron à hierro, y los demas fueron

viejos invtiles, mugeres, muchachos, y niños, porque de ambos

sexos, y de todas edades avia venido innumerable gente à

oir, y solenniçar la embajada de los que tenian por dioses.'

_Garcilaso de la Vega_; _Com. Reales_, pt. ii. lib. i. cap.

25. This brutal massacre is dignified by Pizarro y Orellana,

as one of the most important battles of history, remarkable

for the loss of so little Christian blood! 'Se vencio una de

las mas importantes batallas, y con menos gente de quantas en

las historias divinas, y humanas se han visto; no sacandose

mas sangre de los Cristianos, que la de una pequeña herida

que le dieron en la mano à nuestro valeroso capitan salia.'

_Varones Ilvstres_, 156.

[I‑20] 'Cosi bauuta la sanguinolente e terribil vittoria

di quella misera gente infelice; stettero tutti la notte

in balli e feste, lussuriando.' _Benzoni_, _Hist. Mondo

Nvovo_, 124. 'Als de Spaenjaerden desen bloedighen neerlaghe

aengerecht hadden van dit ongheluckighe Volck, hebben sy den

naestvolgenden nacht met dansen en springhen, en bancketeren

overghebrocht.' _West-Indische Spieghel_, 362.

[I‑21] No greater monument of blind adulation is found in

Spanish-American history than the _Varones Ilvstres del Nvevo

Mvndo_, Madrid, 1639, of Pizarro y Orellana, a descendant

of one of the great Pizarros. Not only the brutal Francisco

Pizarro is made a saint, but the accounts of the eight

heroes of the conquest, which occupy the greater part of a

folio volume, are little else than a covering of defects by

so-called glorious deeds, which serve besides the purposes

of fame as a special plea for the confirmation of grants

conferred upon the conqueror. This plea is embodied in the

author's later _Discurso Legal_, and is in some degree made

weightier by his position as member of the royal council.

[I‑22] 'Y se fue enterando de ellos del discurso de su venida,

y de la Fè Catolica, que oìa muy buen: como hombre que tenia

muy bien entendimiento.' _Pizarro y Orellana_, _Varones

Ilvstres_, 156.

[I‑23] 'Hallaron en el baño, y Real, de Atabaliba cinco mil

mugeres, que aunque tristes, y desamparadas, holgaron con

los Christianos, muchas y buenas tiendas, infinita ropa de

vestir.' _Garcilaso de la Vega_, _Com. Reales_, pt. ii. lib.

i. cap. xxvii.

[I‑24] 'Valiò en fin la bajilla sola de Atabaliba, cien mil

ducados.' _Garcilaso de la Vega_, _Com. Real_, pt. ii. lib.

i. cap. xxvii. 'Los Soldados no se descuidaron en visitar los

quarteles del exercito del Inga, donde hallaron grandissimas

riqueza de oro, y plata.' _Pizarro y Orellana_, _Varones

Ilvstres_, 156.

[I‑25] 'Tratò Ataulpa de su rescate, y ofrecio tan gran

cantidad de oro, que parecia impossible cumplirlo.' _Pizarro

y Orellana_, _Varones Ilvstres_, 156. 'Prometiò, porque le

soltasen, cubrir de vasijas de plata y oro, el suelo de vna

gran sala donde estava preso.' _Garcilaso de la Vega_, _Com.

Reales_, pt. ii. lib. i. cap. xxviii.

[I‑26] 'J'attends avec impatience l'arrivée de votre frère,

pour savoir quels sont ses droits, rendre justice à chacun et

tâcher de vous mettre d'accord.' _Balboa_, _Hist. du Pérou_,

317.

[I‑27] Benzoni was told that Pizarro intended from the first

to take the life of Atahualpa, as by this means he expected to

be able better to subdue and govern the country. 'Però io ho

inteso, da poi che Pizzarro l'hebbe fatto prigione, l'intento

suo fu sempre di leuarselo dinanzi à gli occhi, per meglio

potere soggiogare, e dominare il paese.' _Hist. Mondo Nuovo_,

lib. iii. fol. 125.

[I‑28] 'Il était, dit-on, épris d'une des femmes d'Atahualpa,

que la crainte qu'inspirait l'Inga empêchait de se rendre

à ses désirs.' _Balboa_, _Hist. du Pérou_, 322. 'Sobre

estas causas se examinaron à algunos Indios, à tiempo q̃ el

Interprete Filipillo, zeloso de que una muger de Ataulpa le

huviesse desdeñado, interpretò los dichos de los testigos,

escriviendolos demanera, que el Padre Fray Vicente de Valverde

dixo, que el firmaria la sentencia de muerte.' _Pizarro y

Orellana_, _Varones Ilvstres_, 166.

[I‑29] 'En la suma deste rescate, andan diversos, Agustin

Çarate, y Francisco Lopez de Gomara, historiadores de aquellos

tiempos, creo, que son erratas del molde: pondrè aqui algunas

dellas, para que se vean mejor.' _Garcilaso de la Vega_, _Com.

Reales_, pt. ii. lib. i. cap. xxxviii. I have taken the lowest

estimate of this treasure as being in all probability as near

the truth as any. Many different amounts are given, some of

them as high as four millions. 'Hallaron cinquẽta y dos mil

marcos de buena plata, y vn millon, y trezientos, y veynte y

seys mil y quiniẽtos pesos de oro, suma, y riq̃za, nunca vista

en vno.' _Gomara_, _Hist. Ind._, 154-5.

[I‑30] The 'Spanish Captain' says that every foot-soldier

received 4,800 ducats, equal to 7,208 castellanos, while

horsemen received double. Those who were left at San Miguel

received 200 pesos each. 'Il signor gouernatore fece le parti,

e toccò a ciascuno fante a pie, quattro mila e ottocento

pesi d'oro, che sono ducati. 7208, e a gli huomini a cauallo

il doppio, senza altri vantaggi che gli furon fatti....

A quelli Christiani che erano restati in quel luogo doue

haueua fondato il ridotto de San Michele, dette due mila pesi

d'oro, acciocche lo partissero, che ne toccò dugento pesi a

ciascuno.' _Relatione d'vn Capitano Spagnvolo_, _Ramusio_,

iii. 377. 'Chaque cavalier reçut neuf cents pesos d'or et

trois cent soixante marcs d'argent. Chaque fantassin eut la

moitié de cette somme.' _Hist. du Pérou_, 327-8.

[I‑31] Pizarro well knew that the inca's death was certain

if the matter were left to the soldiers, while by so doing he

might be able to throw off some of the odium which otherwise

would be fastened upon him. As he had anticipated, the

majority was in favor of killing the prisoner. Others would

have him sent to Spain, while a few were in favor of granting

him his liberty. 'Dit also volbracht zÿnde, door Pizarro,

en Almagro vergaderen de Krÿchsraedt, en beraetslaghen met

malcanderen, wat men met Attabaliba soude uytrechten: Eenighe

sloeghen voor, datmen hem soude om den hals brenghen, eenige

vonden goet datmen hem los laten soude: Veele waren van

meeninghe, dat het goet was datmen hem nae den Keyser soude

senden. Ten laetsten, de stemmen vergadert synde, prevaleerde

die, datmen hem soude ombrenghen.' _West-Indische Spieghel_,

365.

[I‑32] The philosophy as well as the religion of the early

writers is ever found equal to the emergency. 'Y aunque

parecio sin causa, y como tal lo pagaron los que intervinieron

en ella, no sin culpa; pues tan sin ella avia sido fratricida

del Guaxcar, como queda dicho.' _Pizarro y Orellana_, _Varones

Ilvstres_, 166-7.

[I‑33] 'Començaron vnos à desentablar las paredes del templo,

que de oro, y plata eran: otros à desenterrar las joias,

y Vasos de oro, que con los Muertos estavan: otros à tomar

idolos que de lo mesmo eran.' _Garcilaso de la Vega_, _Com.

Reales_, pt. ii. lib. ii. cap. vii.

[I‑34] 'Acerca de los quinientos hombres, que estos autores

dicen, que llevò consigo D. Pedro de Alvarado, se me ofrece

decir, que à muchos de los que fueron con el, les oì, que

fueron ochocientos Españoles.' _Garcilaso de la Vega_, _Com.

Reales_, pt. ii. lib. ii. cap. ii.

[I‑35] His relative, Pizarro y Orellana, says he was at this

time nearly 80 years of age, and that he killed five persons

and wounded others before he was stricken down. 'Como eran

tãtos los que les ayudavan, aunque avia muerto a cinco, y

otros muchos heridos, y como la edad llegava acerca de ochenta

años, no pudo defenderse tanto, que no le diessen una estocada

en la garganta, con que se desalẽtò, y desangrò, y vino à

arrodillar.' _Varones Ilvstres_, 185-6.

[I‑36] It is scarcely necessary to say that the best history

of the Peruvian conquest, indeed the only one that can lay

claims to fairness and completeness, is Mr Prescott's. The

chief original authorities have already been given. Pizarro

forms a leading figure in _Quintana_, _Vidas de Españoles

Célebres_, published at Madrid in 1807, 1830, 1833, in three

volumes, reprinted at Paris in 1845. Celebrated as a poet and

dramatist since 1801, Quintana intended to produce a lengthy

series of biographies of the national heroes who had already

entered into his song; but the demands of other studies and

of his public duties as censor, director de estudios, and as

senator, interfered with his work, and nine lives are all

that have been recorded. While declaring his intention to

be impartial and instructive he is often led by his innate

predilection for hero and word painting, to mingle poetic

fancy with biographic facts. The list may be greatly swollen

by such works as _Acosta_, _Hist. Ind._; _Velasco_, _Hist.

Quito_; _Ercilla_, _La Araucana_; _Levinius Apollonius_,

_Peruuiæ Regionis_; _Burney's Dis. South Sea_, i. 120;

_Galvano's Discov._, 34-9; _Robertson's Hist. Am._, ii.

151; _La Harpe_, _Voy._, x. 259-458, xi. 5 et seq.; _Voys._,

_Nouv. Bib. des Voys._, xii. 131-67; _Kerr's Col. Voy._, iv.

328-464; _Harris_, _Col. Voy._, i. 788-97, iv. 464-512, v.

1-217; _Molina_, _Hist. Chile_, Madrid, 1788, i.-ii.; _March

y Labores_, _Hist. Marina_, ii. 123-5; _Russell's Hist. Am._,

i. 264-301; Francisco Pizarro, in _Quintana_, _Vidas_, 71-171;

_Andagoya_, _Carta al Rey_, Oct. 22, 1536; _Voy. Cur. and

Rare_, 34; _Campbell's Span. Am._, 44-9; _S. Am. and Mex._,

i. 45-9; _Descrip. de Am._, 38-40; _Helps' Span. Conq._, iii.

419-58; _Snowden's Am._, 141-7; _Sammlung aller Reisebesch._,

xv. 36-46; _Voys._, _A New Col._, i. 365-7; _Guzman's Life_,

84-134; _Hakluyt's Voy._, iii. 798-9; _Piedrahita_, _Hist.

Gen._, 438-40; _Harper's Mag._, xix. 434; _Domingo de Eraso_,

in _Doc. Hist. Esp._, l. 220-31; _Barrionuevo_, _Inform._,

in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, x. 144-52;

_Torquemada_, i. 611; and the many royal cédulas and letters

of the Pizarros and others.

[II‑1] _Herrera_, dec. iv. lib. iv. cap. ix. Although the

charges against Pedrarias were pressed by Oviedo in person,

there is no doubt that they were brought at the instigation

of Rios.

[II‑2] He died at Córdoba. _Oviedo_, iii. 123-4.

[II‑3] Of his subsequent career it is known that he served

under Pizarro in Peru and afterward retired to his estates in

Cuzco. _Cartas de Indias_, 761-2.

[II‑4] On account of its resemblance to the harbor of

Cartagena in Spain. _Herrera_, dec. v. lib. ii. cap. iii.

[II‑5] _Herrera_, dec. v. lib. ii. cap. iii. This is the

Spanish translation for the phrase applied to it by the

natives. The word 'bohío' belongs to the dialect of the

country.

[II‑6] In _Herrera_, dec. v. lib. ii. cap. iv., it is stated

that the city was then very populous, had a considerable

commerce, and contained two castles heavily mounted with

artillery, a cathedral, a custom-house, a government-house,

and other public buildings.

[II‑7] This incident occurred in the year 1545. _Acosta_,

_Hist. Nat. Ind._, 206-10.

[II‑8] According to _Herrera_, dec. v. lib. ii. cap. iv., the

new town was named San Sebastian de Buena Vista.

[II‑9] In _Herrera_, dec. v. lib. ii. cap. iv., we have the

somewhat remarkable statement that the nuts were of such size

that two of them were often a sufficient burden for a man.

He probably adheres to fact, however, when he states that

on such food the Spaniards subsisted many days, at the first

discovery of the country, alluding perhaps to Pizarro's fifty

days' sojourn in that neighborhood when waiting for the return

of Ojeda.

[II‑10] And paved the way for large bands of adventurers who

afterward carried on a lucrative traffic with the natives.

_Acosta_, _Compend. Hist. Nueva Granada_, 133.

[II‑11]

'Es tierra del Guaca que se derrama

Por rico mineral a cada lado.'

_Castellanos_, _Varones Illustres Ind._, 394.

[II‑12] In _Acosta_, _Compend. Hist. Nueva Granada_, 142, it

is stated that during this expedition César reached the town

of the cacique Dabaiba, but no mention is made of his finding

any gold there.

[II‑13] So named on account of the swarms of troublesome

insects in its neighborhood. _Id._, 252.

[II‑14] Spelled also Nore. _Id._, 254.

[II‑15] In 1535, _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, viii.

25, confirmed by _Clemente_, _Tablas Chronológicas_, 204.

[II‑16] _Carta al Emperador_, in _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_,

_Col. Doc._, iii. 64-82.

[II‑17] In Herrera, dec. iv. lib. x. cap. v., it is stated

that Berlanga succeeded Peraza on the death of the latter in

1531, or earlier, but this is probably a mistake. There is

much conflict of authorities as to the succession of bishops

about this date. In _Alcedo_, iv. 33, _Gonzalez Dávila_,

_Teatro Ecles._, and _Fernandez_, _Hist. Ecles._, it is stated

that Vicente de Valverde was elected in 1533, and after

holding office for a few months was promoted to the see of

Cuzco, Berlanga taking his place at Panamá in 1534 as stated

by Fernandez, who is probably the most accurate authority in

church matters, and according to _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_,

_Col. Doc._, x. 237, officiating in August of the following

year, as 'juez comisario por su Majestad,' at an investigation

into the conduct of Francisco Pizarro and other officers.

[II‑18] So says Gonzalez Dávila, Berlanga died August 8, 1551.

_Teatro Ecles._, ii. 57-8.

[III‑1] 'Chripstóbal Colom, declaró á este almirante, su

nieto, por duque de Veragua y marqués de la isla de Sanctiago,

alias Jamáyca, é almirante perpétuo destas Indias, é le hizo

merçed de lo uno y de lo otro por título de mayorazgo, é con

ello le conçedió otras merçedes.' _Oviedo_, ii. 498-9. See

also _Charlevoix_, _Hist. San Domingo_, i. 447.

[III‑2] In Herrera, dec. iv. lib. ii. cap. vi., it is stated

that the vireina asked permission of the Consejo de Indias to

arm vessels for the purpose of subjugating the natives, but

that her request was refused because the fisco had not as yet

decided the question of privilege.

[III‑3] 'Felipe Gutierrez obtuvo concesion en 1535, para

conquistar la provincia de Veragua.' _Carta_, in _Pacheco_ and

_Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, iii. 204. In _Notas Biográficas_, in

_Cartas de Indias_, 771, it is stated that after being in the

service of Charles V. he was granted the right to make the

conquest of a tract of territory extending from Castilla del

Oro to Cape Gracias á Dios.

[III‑4] Consisting of four navíos and one galleon.

[III‑5] Felipe Gutierrez set out in 1535, though some

authorities make it 1553. The former date is probably correct,

for in a letter addressed to the emperor in 1534 Andagoya

states that he has been advised of his Majesty's orders to the

governor of Veragua to recruit men in Panamá, and begs him to

reconsider his command. _Andagoya_, _Carta al Rey_, Oct. 22,

1534.

[III‑6] This stream was the river Concepcion, about two

leagues west of the river Veragua and four leagues west of

the Belen.

[III‑7] 'Á aquella poblacion mandó llamar el gobernador Felipe

Gutierrez la cibdad de la _Concepcion_, y tambien la pudiera

llamar de la aflicion, porque él y todos tenian trabaxo

extremado.' _Oviedo_, ii. 483-4.

[III‑8] An expedition must be fitted out. The governor being

sick delegated the command to his lieutenant Alonso de Pisa,

who was to be accompanied by the priest Juan de Sosa. This

latter knew that Pisa was not a favorite with the men, and

the clérigo was ambitious to represent the church militant as

general of the expedition; but Governor Gutierrez reproved

him severely, stating that it was unseemly for a priest to

carry arms. Many profane words were interchanged, the Spanish

language being remarkably rich in such vocabulary. Sosa gained

his point, and received the appointment, Diego de Pisa,

brother of Alonso, acting as his lieutenant. _Oviedo_, ii.

484-9.

[III‑9] 'Huuo algunos que mataron vn Christano enfermo, y se

le comieron.' _Herrera_, dec. v. lib. ix. cap. xi.

[III‑10] In _Herrera_, dec. v. lib. ix. cap. xi., there is

a severe and somewhat unjust stricture on the conduct of

Gutierrez. He says that when the sufferings of the party

became intolerable, their leader, being too cowardly to risk a

final and desperate effort, deserted his men, thus forfeiting

his former good name, and embarked secretly with a few friends

for Nombre de Dios; but it does not appear what he would have

gained by attempting any further enterprise with the remnant

of his starving band.

[IV‑1] _Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 683 et seq., this series.

[IV‑2] At the former of the above-named sessions, a fresh

enrolment of citizens took place, and it is worthy of note

that Alvarado first became one himself on that date, as 'el

Sr Capitan General' heads the list which contains more than

forty names. Remesal erroneously gives August 23, 1526, as

the date of the enrolment. _Hist. Chyapa_, 8.

[IV‑3] Remesal makes a sly allusion to his vanity. 'Le parecio

al Capitan Pedro de Aluarado boluer a la ciudad de Mexico,

a ver, y que le viessen,' and adds that at this time, though

not so quick and active as formerly, he had a fine appearance

and a handsome countenance. _Hist. Chyapa_, 7.

[IV‑4] _Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 581-2, this series.

[IV‑5] In the charges subsequently brought against Alvarado it

was alleged that he had deposed the officers of the cabildo on

account of their opposition. To this he replied that he had

merely appointed a new cabildo at the beginning of the year,

according to the usual custom. _Ramirez_, _Proceso contra

Alvarado_, 12, 60, 83.

[IV‑6] _Ramirez_, _Proceso contra Alvarado_, 12.

[IV‑7] _Arévalo_, _Actas Ayunt. Guat._, 16, 17. Remesal is

of opinion that Alvarado himself petitioned for a body-guard

to go with him to Mexico; but a more probable explanation of

the matter is that the political disturbances in Mexico had

extended to Guatemala, and that seditious movements were on

foot. Consult _Ramirez_, _Proceso contra Alvarado_, 83; and

_Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, 7.

[IV‑8] Alvarado calls this city the 'city of Santiago,'

and also the 'city of Guatemala,' _Arévalo_, _Actas Ayunt.

Guatemala_, 102, by which expressions it must be understood to

have been Patinamit. Brasseur de Bourbourg, on the authority

of the Cakchiquel manuscript, states that Alvarado mustered

his forces at Xapan, and that at the moment of commencing

his march one half of his men mutinied and fled to Patinamit;

whereupon Alvarado pursued them, and the two parties nearly

came to blows at the latter place. He found means, however,

to pacify them, but in the night the mutineers set fire to

the city and escaped, the date being May 9, 1526. _Hist. Nat.

Civ._, iv. 686.

[IV‑9] No two authorities agree as to the time of his

departure. Vazquez states that he left in the month of January

1526, _Chronica de Gvat._, 69, and Juarros in February,

_Guat._ (ed. London, 1823), 433; while Brasseur de Bourbourg

gives the 10th of May as the date. Remesal altogether ignores

Alvarado's expedition to Honduras, and states that he remained

in Santiago until he received news of the arrival of Cortés

at Vera Cruz, whereupon he again brought forward the question

of his own departure for Mexico. _Hist. Chyapa_, 8.

[IV‑10] _Hist. Verdad._, 220. The position of this town may

have been in the neighborhood of the present Tegucigalpa.

There is an affluent of the Choluteca River which bears

the name of Malalaja, and the similarity of names leads

to the conjecture that Alvarado reached the neighborhood

of Tegucigalpa as the Malalaja flows into the main stream

just above that town. Brasseur de Bourbourg calls the town

Malacatan.

[IV‑11] _Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 571, this series.

[IV‑12] Both Sandoval and Cortés had written to Marin, but

neither letter reached its destination. _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist.

Verdad._, 219.

[IV‑13] 'Y acuerdome que tiramos piedras a la tierra que

dexauamos atras, y con el ayuda de Dios iremos a Mexico.'

_Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Verdad._, 219.

[IV‑14] 'E era de tal gordor, q̃ del se hizo vna canoa, que

en estas partes otra mayor no la auia visto.' _Bernal Diaz_,

_Hist. Verdad._, 220. The ceiba is the wild cotton-tree and

grows to an enormous size.

[IV‑15] Bernal Diaz' memory has here failed him. He

states that after crossing the Lempa they entered the

Chaparristic—called by him Chapanastiques—province, and that

here the Indians killed a Spaniard named Nicuesa, and wounded

three others of his party who were foraging for provisions.

The Spaniards had passed through the Chaparristic province

when they had reached the Lempa, and therefore it was either

in Cuzcatlan that Nicuesa was killed, or the river which

Alvarado's men crossed must have been the Goascoran.

[IV‑16] _Fuentes y Guzman_, _Recordacion Florida_, MS., 22;

_Juarros_, _Guat._, ii. 96-7, Id. i. 23, 253. The official

gazette of Salvador erroneously gives Aug. 6, 1525, as the

date of submission, and states that the conquest is yearly

commemorated. _Salvador_, _Gac. Offic._, 4 Dic. 1877, p. 1123.

It will be remembered that Alvarado in his first campaign

in Salvador did not succeed in reducing the province of

Cuzcatlan to allegiance. He, however, formed the determination

of returning to complete its subjugation. There is evidence

that this was accomplished previously to May 1525. Consult

_Arévalo_, _Actas Ayunt. Guat._, 12, 13, and _Ramirez_,

_Proceso contra Alvarado_, 105-6.

[IV‑17] About ten miles from the river Paz in Guatemala

territory.

[IV‑18] _Fuentes y Guzman_, _Recordacion Florida_, MS., 22.

'Los Españoles, que estaban en Olintepeque de Quetzaltenango

no havîan tenîdo modo de dar aviso á los de Honduras.'

_Vazquez_, _Chronica de Gvat._, 71.

[IV‑19] Fuentes states that it was either Pedro de Alvarado

or the ordinary alcaldes to whom the disturbance was to be

attributed. _Recordacion Florida_, MS., 20. Escamilla is of

opinion that the lieutenant, Jorge de Alvarado, was the one

to blame, _Sucesion Chronologica._, 12, while the former

author remarks that Jorge was in Mexico at the time, and was

confounded with Gonzalo. He also states that the latter was

ordinary alcalde, but this was not the case, for as may be

seen in _Arévalo_, _Actas Ayunt. Guat._, 16, 17, the alcaldes

were Diego Becerra and Baltasar de Mendoza.

[IV‑20] Vazquez says 400 girls and as many boys. _Chronica

de Gvat._, 69. Fuentes y Guzman, 200 boys. _Recordacion

Florida_, MS., 21. The gold-washings were those of Chahbal and

Punakil, the former word meaning, according to Vazquez, 'the

washing-place,' and the latter, 'plateado ô dorado.'

[IV‑21] One castellano of tequio according to Fuentes.

'Vn cañutillo de oro lavado del tamaño del dedo menîque,'

according to Vazquez, _Id._

[IV‑22] In the native dialect 'Caxtok.'

[IV‑23] _Juarros_, _Guat._, ii. 289. The whole land from

Cuzcatlan to Olintepec—a distance of over 90 leagues—revolted.

_Fuentes y Guzman_, _Recordacion Florida_, MS., 21. Brasseur

de Bourbourg states that the confederated Indians comprised

the Pokomams, Pocomchis, Quichés, Cakchiquels, Pipiles, and

Xincas, but entertains some doubt as to the Quichés taking

part in the league, as such action is at variance with the

Cakchiquel manuscript and with Vazquez. _Hist. Nat. Civ._,

iv. 690. At a council summoned by the chiefs of the revolting

tribes there were present among others the caciques of

Tecpan Atitlan (the modern Solola), of Ruyaalxot, Sinacam,

and the Appoxahil, of Xilotepec, Zacatepec, Chimaltenango,

and Zumpango. Fuentes supposes that Sinacam was at this time

at Patinamit, whereas he had escaped to the mountains of

Comalapa, occupying there the stronghold of Ruyaalxot. This

author evidently knew nothing of the Cakchiquel insurrection

in 1524, for he states that after concealing for two years

his intention to revolt the cacique now took advantage of

Alvarado's absence.

[IV‑24] Juarros disagrees with the account given by Vazquez

because it leads to the conclusion that Santiago was

abandoned, and argues that this could not have been the case,

because sessions of the cabildo were held on the 23d and 26th

of August. _Guat._, i. 351-2, note and ii. 306. Juarros was

not aware that the so-called city had no permanent site till

1527. The books of the cabildo were but the record of the acts

of a municipality that was continually changing its position.

Besides, Alvarado had before the dates above mentioned

rejoined Gonzalo at Olintepec, and the above sessions were

held at that town. The account given by Fuentes and followed

by Juarros differs materially from that of Vazquez which

has been followed in the text. Fuentes states that at this

unexpected crisis all attempts at civil government were

abandoned, and energetic measures adopted for a vigorous

defence; that Gonzalo with 60 Spanish horse and foot and 400

Mexican and Tlascalan allies took up a position at Olintepec,

while Baltasar de Mendoza with the rest of the army remained

for the protection of the city of Santiago, Gonzalo de Ovalle,

with his companions, being stationed in the valley of Panchoy

and Hernando de Chaves in that of Alotenango; that the troops

were quartered in the open plains during the months of June,

July, and August, and suffered much from the heavy rains;

and that the detachment under Chaves sustained four attacks

from the forces of Sinacam, while Ovalle engaged twice with

Sequechul who had fortified his camp with earthworks and

ditches. _Recordacion Florida_, MS., 22; _Juarros_, _Guat._,

ii. 291. I cannot accept this version of Fuentes. Bernal Diaz

makes no mention of Alvarado's being joined by any Spaniards

in the series of engagements that took place during his

march through to Olintepec. On the contrary he says 'fuimos

por nuestras jornadas largas, sin parar hasta donde Pedro

de Alvarado auia dexado su exercito, porque estaua todo de

guerra, y estaua en él por Capitan vn hermano que se dezia

Gonzalo de Alvarado; llamauase aquella poblacion donde los

hallamos, Olintepeque.' _Hist. Verdad._, 220. From this it

is evident that Vazquez' account is correct and that the

Spaniards had been completely driven out of the Cakchiquel

district.

[IV‑25] Meanwhile the other column had suffered severely.

There is a list of those killed in _Arévalo_, _Actas Ayunt.

Guat._, 54. It is refreshing to know that their spiritual

welfare was cared for, the cabildo on the 16th of Sept. 1528

securing to them their lots and lands and ordering the same

to be sold for the good of their souls. Bernal Diaz was among

the wounded: 'allí me hirieron de vn flechazo, mas no fue nada

la herida.' _Hist. Verdad._, 220.

[IV‑26] _Fuentes y Guzman_, _Recordacion Florida_, MS., 23-4;

_Juarros_, _Guat._, ii. 294-5.

[IV‑27] The name of the chief is spelled by Fuentes Cazualan

and Casualan. Juarros states that the word means 'The faithful

will come,' and adds, 'nombre que parece profetico, pues

en tiempo de este Cacique vinieron los fieles Christianos

á predicar el Santo Evangelio.' _Guat._, ii. 292. Cazhualan

had been one of the first to give in his allegiance, an act

which offended the greater part of his subjects, who revolted

against him, whereupon he resorted to arms. A fierce conflict

ensued, which ended in the defeat of the insurgents, who

fled to the woods. The rebels refusing to return to their

allegiance, Cazhualan visited Alvarado, who promised him

assistance. Thenceforward he remained a faithful ally of the

Spaniards. _Fuentes y Guzman_, _Recordacion Florida_, MS.,

19, 20. According to Fuentes and Juarros Alvarado shortly

afterward sent a force to his aid, and Petapa was soon

reduced to obedience and made submissive to its cacique.

Fuentes states that the Guzmans of Petapa are descended

from Cazhualan. _Recordacion Florida_, MS., 24-5; _Juarros_,

_Guat._, ii. 296.

[IV‑28] This great battle is simply but graphically made

mention of by Bernal Diaz in the few words, 'Y les hizimos yr

con la mala ventura.' Fuentes, followed by Juarros, locates

the scene of this battle elsewhere. He states that on reaching

the valley where Guatemala stands Alvarado attacked and

carried the intrenched camp of Sequechul, and that on the same

night the army arrived in Guatemala. _Recordacion Florida_,

24. Vazquez correctly writes: 'En la vltima de las quales

(batallas) entraron la Ciudad de Patinamit, los Españoles,

que ... fué hazaña muy memorable esta victoria.' _Chronica de

Gvat._, 73. This view corresponds with the account of Bernal

Diaz.

[IV‑29] This capital had already been repaired, and the

buildings elicit an expression of admiration from Bernal Diaz,

who says: 'Y estauan los aposentos y las casas con tan buenos

edificios, y ricos, en fin como de Caciques que mandauan todas

las Provincias comarcanas.' _Hist. Verdad._, 220.

[IV‑30] Brasseur de Bourbourg suggests that the erection

of these dwellings gave rise to the present city of

Tecpan-Guatémala, which is to-day inhabited by the descendants

of the citizens of Patinamit. _Hist. Nat. Civ._, iv. 693.

[IV‑31] Pelaez considers that this time was occupied in

removing the inhabitants and destroying the city. _Mem.

Guat._, i. 49. But Bernal Diaz makes no mention of so striking

an event.

[IV‑32] Two of the brothers of Pedro de Alvarado now pass

from the scene as prominent actors in Guatemala. Gonzalo came

over to Mexico with Cortés, and took part in the conquest.

On his return to the capital of that country it appears from

the books of the cabildo that he was regidor in 1527 and

1528, and in the latter year received a grant of land for

a fruit-orchard, on which occasion the cabildo graciously

mentions that he had remitted the payment of 100 pesos

previously loaned to the city. Bernal Diaz makes mention of

him as having written an account of the conquest of Guatemala.

At a later date he settled in Honduras and became alcalde

of one of the towns founded there by his brother. He also

resettled the city of Gracias á Dios. The second brother

alluded to—Don Gomez—also came to Mexico with Cortés. What

time he left Guatemala is not evident; his name, however,

appears on the books of the cabildo on January 8, 1525. He

was in Mexico in 1527. When Alvarado went on his expedition

to Peru, this brother accompanied him, joined the Almagro

faction, was made prisoner at the battle of Salinas, but

was released by Pizarro. Later he was so disgusted at the

assassination of that leader that he joined the standard of

the viceroy Vaca de Castro and was present at the battle of

Chupas. He died of sickness a few days afterward in 1542.

_Libro de Cabildo_, MS., 215-16, 224; _Arévalo_, _Actas Ayunt.

Guat._, 12; _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist._, 176, 240; _Dicc. Univ.

Hist. Geog. Ap._, i. 167.

[IV‑33] 'Cortés nos lleuò a sus Palacios, adonde nos tenia

aparejada vna muy solene comida.' _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist.

Verdad._, 220.

[IV‑34] The _Recordacion Florida de la Historia de Guatemala_

by Don Francisco Antonio de Fuentes y Guzman is a manuscript

work in three volumes, two of which exist in the archives

of the municipality of Guatemala city. They comprise

seventeen books, the first of which relates to the history

of the indigenous races, the substance of which is taken

almost entirely from Torquemada. The six following books

treat consecutively of the conquest down to the time of

the Spaniards entering Guatemala; of its independence with

respect to Mexico; of the destruction of old Santiago and

Alvarado's life and career; of the founding of the second

city of Santiago; of miraculous images existing in Guatemala;

and of the privileges and ordinances of its capital city. The

next nine contain descriptions of as many principal valleys

of the province, among which may be mentioned those of Las

Vacas, Mixco, Zacatepec, and Xilotepec. In these descriptions

the author deals with all matters of interest connected with

the valleys, including Indian games. The seventeenth book is

devoted to the historiography of the spiritual administration

of these valleys in the writer's time. According to Beristain

the first volume was sent to Spain to be printed, but nothing

more is known of it. Fuentes y Guzman was born in Antigua

Guatemala, his family being descended from Bernal Diaz.

Juarros states that he wrote in 1695. _Guat._ (ed. London,

1823), 309. He had at his command a large number of rare

documents, but did not make such use of them as an unbiassed

chronicler would have done. His admiration of the conquerors

was too great to admit of his making mention of the cruelties

which such documents must have exposed. The same feeling urged

him to indulge in invective against Las Casas. Such were his

prejudices in this respect, that as regards the conquest, he

could not be considered a reliable historian were there no

other evidence of his inaccuracies; but when I find that in

many instances his narrative is at variance with that given

in Alvarado's own letters, the necessity of receiving his

statements with additional caution is apparent. Brasseur de

Bourbourg is, perhaps, extreme in saying: 'Le mensonge qui

règne continuellement dans les récits de Fuentes,' _Hist. Nat.

Civ._, iv. 690; but this latter author was as ready to accept

Indian versions of events, as the other was disposed to ignore

them. The style of Fuentes, though not wanting in elegance

and descriptive power, often becomes flowery and sometimes

inflated.

[V‑1] In a memorial of Mexicans and Tlascaltecs petitioning

the king of Spain for redress of grievances, they said,

'Venimos a conquistar esta prova. bajo el yugo pesado del

Ado. Alvarado, i Dn. Po. Puertocarrero;' and again: 'i malos

tratos. de los Esps. qe. ahorcaron i mataron ms. de noss.'

_Memorial_, 15 Marzo 1547; _Squier's MSS._, xxii. 41.

[V‑2] Fuentes says they reached Santiago on this day. He also

states that Diego de Alvarado was captain of the garrison;

but I think that some other officer was then in command, as

a Diego de Alvarado was regidor of Santiago this same year.

See _Arévalo_, _Actas Ayunt. Guat._, 16-18.

[V‑3] 'Que hoy no se encuentra el menor vestigio de èl.'

_Juarros_, _Guat._, ii. 297.

[V‑4] _Fuentes y Guzman_, _Recordacion Florida_, MS.,

4-12; _Juarros_, _Guat._, ii. 297-300. Many families are

descended from Spaniards who distinguished themselves in

this campaign. Bartolomé Becerra, one of the captains, left

numerous descendants besides those bearing his family name.

His daughter who later took a prominent part in the conquest

of Copan, is represented in the female line by the family

of the Villacreces Cueba y Guzman. From Sancho de Baraona,

who filled the offices of procurator, syndic, and ordinary

alcalde, are descended the Baraona de Loaisa. The cavalry

officer Hernando de Chaves was ever placed in command when

dangerous enterprises were to be undertaken. His daughter

Doña Catarina de Chaves y Vargas married Rodrigo de Fuentes

y Guzman, and a second one was wedded to Pedro de Aguilar.

_Juarros_, _Guat._, i. 349-51.

[V‑5] Vazquez commits a twofold error in stating that Alvarado

not only conducted the campaign about to be narrated, but

on his arrival at Olintepec united his forces with those

stationed there, and marched against Patinamit, which he took

after a series of engagements, and then went in pursuit of

the caciques who had escaped. _Chronica de Gvat._, 72-3. This

is utterly at variance with the account given by Bernal Diaz,

who took part in the campaign. Nor did Alvarado after his

arrival at Olintepec undertake any further operations before

his departure for Mexico, according to this latter authority,

who says: 'y estuvimos descansando ciertos dias' (that is at

Olintepec), 'y luego fuimos a Soconusco.' _Hist. Verdad._,

220.

[V‑6] Called by Vazquez the Nimanche, a word meaning 'great

tree,' and derived from the enormous cedars which grew in

the ravines. The range is situated about eight leagues from

Comalapa and ten to the east of Tecpan Guatemala, near the

site of Ruyaalxot. _Chronica de Gvat._, 70-71.

[V‑7] 'Passa el rio grande, q̃ se dize _Nimaya_, por sus

muchas aguas.' _Id._

[V‑8] For an account of a priest's descent into this ravine

see Vazquez. _Id._

[V‑9] Brasseur de Bourbourg states that this fortification

had been previously built, 'dans la prévision d'une guerre

avec les Quichés,' and adds that according to public rumor

subterranean passages connected it with Patinamit. _Hist.

Nat. Civ._, iv. 693-4. Vazquez, on the contrary, says that

the Quichés aided in its erection in order to provide a safe

retreat in case of being defeated by the Spaniards. Its ruins

were still to be seen in the time of Juarros. _Guat._, i. 253.

[V‑10] According to Fuentes it consisted of 215 Spanish

arquebusiers and cross-bowmen, 108 horsemen, 120 Tlascaltecs,

and 230 Mexicans, with four pieces of artillery, under

Diego de Usagre. _Recordacion Florida_, ii. 586. Brasseur

de Bourbourg says the army was composed of 200 Spanish

veterans and numerous Mexican, Tlascaltec, Zutugil, and Quiché

auxiliaries. Vazquez followed by Escamilla asserts that the

number of Spaniards scarcely amounted to 200 men. _Chronica

de Gvat._, 72.

[V‑11] At a place called Chixot according to the Cakchiquel

manuscript. Brasseur de Bourbourg has a note to the effect

that this must be the same as the Ruyaalxot of Vazquez, as

the etymology of this latter name corresponds with that of

the Mexican word Comalapa, which he believes to have been

afterward founded on the spot. Vazquez says the Spaniards took

up their quarters so close to the mountain that they were

hardly safe from the rocks rolled down upon them. _Chronica

de Gvat._, 73.

[V‑12] Juarros states that the emissaries were put to death.

_Guat._, i. 253.

[V‑13] 'Ellos como monos se descolgaban hasta donde querian,

subian, como por vna escalera bien ordenada por aquellos

riscos ... y dando bastantes cuydados al exercito Español.'

_Vazquez_, _Chronica de Gvat._, 73.

[V‑14] Brasseur de Bourbourg is of this opinion.

[V‑15] Brasseur de Bourbourg states that Sinacam escaped by

one of the subterranean passages before mentioned, and after

living a wretched life for several years, wandering about

the mountains, surrendered to Alvarado in 1530. _Hist. Nat.

Civ._, 695-702. Vazquez has copied an act of the cabildo dated

May 19, 1540, in which Alvarado is requested either to take

Sinacam and Sequechul with him on his proposed voyage to the

Spice Islands on account of their rebellious proclivities, or

to execute them. Alvarado replied that he would do what was

most convenient. As a matter of fact Sinacam died in Jalisco

before the sailing of the fleet. Vazquez is of opinion that as

they were not put to death in the heat of the moment, Alvarado

would not be likely to execute them at the instigation of the

cabildo. _Chronica de Gvat._, 30-2. The author of the Isagoge

states that they lingered in prison for 14 years, that they

were put on board the fleet, and probably perished during

the voyage, as nothing more is known of them. _Pelaez_, _Mem.

Guat._, i. 77. Brasseur de Bourbourg's account of the fate of

these princes is that Sinacam died in 1533, while Sequechul

was put on board the fleet and perished miserably off the

coast of Jalisco. _Hist. Nat. Civ._, iv. 790, 800-1. Fuentes

gives so different an account to that of Vazquez relative

to the capture of the stronghold, that, as Juarros remarks,

every one would suppose it to be the narration of an entirely

distinct event. _Guat._, ii. 302-5. The capture of Sinacam

was yearly celebrated by 'the festival of the volcano,' at

which a mimic representation of the event was performed. In

the great plaza of Guatemala an artificial mound was thrown

up and covered with branches of trees and rocks in imitation

of a mountain, and on the top a miniature castle was built.

Here the governor of Jocotenango stationed himself with the

principal men of his village. He represented Sinacam, and

in so high esteem was this privilege held, that in 1680 the

ruler of Itzapa offered 500 pesos for the right of personating

the character, but was refused. When the governor had placed

himself at his post, two companies of Tlascaltecs commenced

the mimic siege, and after a long display of prowess on both

sides, the assailants stormed the height and captured Sinacam,

who was secured with a chain and delivered prisoner to the

president. _Id._, 301-3, note.

[V‑16] Remesal infers that he was in Guatemala on the 26th of

August 1526, _Hist. Chyapa_, 8; though we know that he was at

that date a regidor of the city of Mexico. Consult _Libro de

Cabildo_, MS., 152; and _Icazbalceta_, _Col. Doc._, ii. 547.

[V‑17] The session was held in the valley of Almolonga, and

it is significant that this is the first meeting mentioned

in the books of the cabildo as being held there. Of the

instability of this so-called city there is sufficient proof.

Sancho de Barahona, in arguing against the payment of tithes,

says: 'Lo otro digo, que para se pagar los dichos diezmos ...

habia de haber pueblo fundado, donde los españoles tuviesen

poblacion sentada.' _Arévalo_, _Actas Ayunt. Guat._, 27. The

valley of Tianguecillo or Tianguez was the same as the present

Chimaltenango. _Juarros_, _Guat._, ii. 304.

[V‑18] Remesal states that in July 1530 the cabildo ordered

one bull to be bought for 25 pesos de oro, a price which

indicates the scarcity of cattle at that date. In 1543 six

were purchased. _Hist. Chyapa_, 27. This author is of opinion

that Santiago was chosen as the patron saint only because

of the devotion of the Spaniards to that apostle. _Id._, 4.

Fuentes gives as the reason that the Spanish army entered

the Cakchiquel capital on his anniversary day, and states

that he personally took their city under his protection, by

appearing on horseback with sword in hand at the head of the

army, while marching along the valley of Panchoy. _Juarros_,

_Guat._, ii. 273. For further opinions and information on

this subject consult _Vazquez_, _Chronica de Gvat._, 74-5;

_Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, 20-1; _Juarros_, _Guat._, ii.

275-7; _Escamilla_, _Noticias Curiosas de Guat._, 12; and

_Pelaez_, _Mem. Guat._, ii. 223-7.

[V‑19] The former received the name of the 'hospital de

misericordia,' and the chapel and shrine were to be dedicated

to Nuestra Señora de los Remedios.

[V‑20] In April 1528 Santiago was made the capital of the

province, _Puga_, _Cedulario_, 27; and in 1532 was granted

armorial bearings, which are thus described by Juarros: 'A

shield charged with three mountains on a field Gules, the

centre one vomiting fire, and surmounted by the Apostle St

James on horseback, armed, and brandishing a sword; an Orle

with eight shells; Or, on a field, Azure; crest a crown.'

_Guat._ (ed. London, 1823), 105. For other descriptions see

_Vazquez_, _Chronica de Gvat._, 37; and _Arévalo_, _Col. Doc.

Antig._, 5-6. A lithograph of the shield faces page five of

this last authority, and a wood-cut of it, somewhat different,

is to be seen in _Gonzalez Dávila_, _Teat. Ecles._, i. between

pp. 138 and 139.

[V‑21] It has already been observed that the names of the

same persons often appear in more than one list of enrolled

citizens. This was done in order to obtain new grants without

prejudice to previous ones. Citizens were enrolled in 1527,

'sin perjuicio de las otras vecindades antes recibidas en esta

dicha cibdad.' _Actas Ayunt. Guat._, 39. And again in 1528,

'sin perjuicio de las vecindades que se han hecho en esta

cibdad, despues de la que se fundó en esta provincia en tiempo

de Pedro de Alvarado.' _Id._ 42. Remesal says: 'Muchos estan

escritos dos vezes, porque no tuuieron por suficiente para

adquirir dererecho a esta segunda vezindad, estar alistados

en la primera.' _Hist. Chyapa_, 33.

[V‑22] The caballería was the amount of land granted to a

cavalryman, and the peonía that bestowed on a foot-soldier,

who was termed 'peon.' The former received 600 by 1,400

pasos, or about 174 acres, and the latter half that quantity.

_Arévalo_, _Actas Ayunt. Guat._, 48. Remesal states that the

caballería was 600 by 300 feet, and otherwise gives an account

that is not in accordance with the book of the cabildo. _Hist.

Chyapa_, 39. Even the more accurate Juarros is in error in

stating that the grant to a cavalryman was 1,000 by 600 pasos.

_Guat._, ii. 341.

[V‑23] As these grants were considered as rewards for services

rendered to the king for a period of five years, the deeds

were confirmed at a later date upon the holder proving that

he had served for that length of time.

[VI‑1] Garcilaso de la Vega asserts that Charles in his royal

gardens at Aranjuez chanced to see Alvarado pass by, and

struck with his appearance asked who he was. On being told

that it was Alvarado he said, 'No tiene este hombre talle de

aver hecho lo que de él me han dicho,' and ordered the charges

against him to be dismissed. _Hist. Peru_, ii. 58.

[VI‑2] Alvarado petitioned the king for the government of

Guatemala and other provinces, which he represented to have

been conquered and pacified at his own cost. The adelantado

Montejo declared before the king on the 13th of April 1529,

that in no portion of his statement did Alvarado speak the

truth, which assertion he said would be corroborated in the

report of the president and oidores. _Montejo_, _Carta_, in

_Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, xiii. 89. A similar

statement was made at a session of the cabildo of Mexico held

Jan. 29, 1529, and Vazquez de Tapia and the chief procurator

were empowered to take steps in the matter to counteract

Alvarado's false statements. _Libro de Cabildo_, MS., 248.

[VI‑3] 'Y que por el poco camino que auia hasta la mar del

Norte, seria facil el comercio.' _Herrera_, dec. iv. lib. ii.

cap. iii.

[VI‑4] Remesal says that he had before been ironically dubbed

comendador by the soldiers, because he had been in the habit

of wearing at feast days the cloak of an uncle who held that

title. _Hist. Chyapa_, 16. See also _Hist. Mex._, i. 74, this

series.

[VI‑5] Cortés was much displeased with this agreement, as he

considered the search for the Spice Islands and the navigation

of the South Sea to be his exclusive right. _Ramirez_,

_Proceso contra Alvarado_, p. xvi.

[VI‑6] 'Cortés le embiaba siempre Españoles, Caballos, Hierro,

y Ropa, y cosas de Rescate, y le favorecia mucho, porque le

avia prometido de Casarse con vna su Prima-Hermana, y asi le

hiço su Teniente, en aquella Provincia.' _Torquemada_, i. 322.

[VI‑7] Doña Francisca lived but a short time after the

marriage. Remesal says that her death occurred a few days

after marriage; _Zamacois_, _Hist. Méj._, iv. 485, and Ramirez

that she died on her arrival at Vera Cruz. Herrera only

mentions that Alvarado became her suitor. He afterward married

her sister Beatriz, and the first named author, pages 42, 49,

imagines that this second marriage took place shortly after

the first, whereas it was at least ten years later. Consult

_Arévalo_, _Doc. Antig._, 179, and _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_,

_Col. Doc._, ii. 245, 252. Brasseur de Bourbourg makes the

same mistake. _Hist. Nat. Civ._, iv. 701.

[VI‑8] Remesal correctly points out a mistake in the books of

the cabildo, the year 1527 being carelessly copied for 1528.

_Hist. Chyapa_, 39; _Arévalo_, _Actas Ayunt. Guat._, 83.

[VI‑9] _Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, 42.

[VI‑10] Only two of these remain to our knowledge. For the

discovery and preservation of the _Proceso de Residencia

contra Pedro de Alvarado_, we are indebted to the licentiate

Ignacio Rayon, 'oficial mayor' in the Mexican archives. The

confusion of the immense pile of documents in that office

had become so great that in 1846 the government decided to

reduce them to some order, and entrusted the work of so doing

to the director Miguel María Arrioja, whose co-laborer was

Rayon. In a bundle of old papers, marked 'useless,' was the

_Proceso contra Alvarado_, the historical value of which was

at once recognized. The first intention of the finder was

merely to copy and add it to his collection of manuscripts.

His friends, however, advised him otherwise; and through

their assistance—Ignacio Trigueros generously offering to

pay expenses, and José Fernando Ramirez having obtained

permission from the government—he published it in Mexico

in 1847. The _Proceso_ is the official investigation into

Alvarado's conduct in Mexico and Guatemala, and consists of

the several charges, mainly bearing on his cruel treatment

of the natives, his extortions, and embezzlement of royal

dues, and the testimony of the witnesses on both sides.

Though there is much conflicting evidence, it is of great

value in establishing numerous historical points narrated

by the early chroniclers. This volume contains, besides the

_Proceso_, a biographical sketch of Alvarado's career by

Ramirez; fragments of the _Proceso contra Nuño de Guzman_,

preceded by an account of his life by the same author; and

notes explanatory of four copies of Aztec paintings, one of

which represents the death of Alvarado. The account given by

Ramirez of Alvarado's expedition to Peru is the same as that

of Herrera and incorrect, as are also the reasons he assigns

for the Honduras campaign. It is well known that Ramirez was

minister of state during the empire under Maximilian.

[VI‑11] There is a copy of this document in the _Actas Ayunt.

Guat._, 80-4. Alvarado, his officers and lieutenants were to

be subject to the audiencia and chancillería real of the city

of Mexico, appeal in civil and criminal causes to lie from

Alvarado and his officers to the president and oidores of

Mexico, with some exceptions in civil cases. He had power to

appoint and remove officers of administration at will, and to

try and decide all causes, civil and criminal, to make general

laws, and particular ones for each pueblo; to establish

penalties, and enforce them; to order persons whom he might

wish to send away from his province to appear before their

Majesties, and in case of their refusal, to visit them with

penalties which their Majesties in anticipation confirmed.

His annual salary was to be 562,500 maravedís.

[VI‑12] And somewhat contemptuously added: 'é que no quiere

usar dellos, si de derecho lo puede é debe hacer.' _Id._, 84.

[VI‑13] Francisco de Orduña was Cortés' secretary in 1523,

and was sent by him to negotiate with Garay. _Herrera_, dec.

iii. lib. v. cap. vi. In 1524 he was elected secretary of the

cabildo of Mexico, and shortly afterward returned to Spain. We

next find him procurador of Mexico in 1526. _Ocaña_, _Carta_,

in _Icazbalceta_, i. 530, 532, and the governor Alonso de

Estrada made him regidor in 1528. From this time his friendly

relations with Cortés seem to have been interrupted, as his

evidence taken in February 1529, in the residencia instituted

against that conqueror, is far from favorable. In the same

testimony he also displays antipathy to Alvarado.

[VI‑14] In the minutes of the cabildo dated 15th September,

it is stated 'al presente estàn los mas de los españoles

de guerra sobre el pueblo del Tuerto, é sobre el pueblo de

Xumaytepeque à donde han muerto ciertos españoles, y estamos

al presente de camino para la provincia de Uxpantlan, é

Tesulutlan, é Tequepanpo y Umatlan, que estàn todas é otras

muchas de guerra.' _Arévalo_, _Actas Ayunt. Guat._, 128. The

_Libro de Actas de Ayuntamiento de la Ciudad de Santiago de

Guatemala_ comprises the minutes of the cabildo of Santiago

during the first six years of its existence, copied literally,

by Rafael de Arévalo, secretary of the municipality, from the

original records in the archives of the city. The work was

published in Guatemala in 1856. There can be no doubt that

the records of many of the sessions are wanting in this work,

owing to their loss or illegibility. It is to be regretted

that the transcriber did not indicate in his publication where

he considered the originals were defective, or remark upon

the obliteration of different portions, the only instance

of his doing so being on page 7. Remesal states that until

the year 1530 the cabildo had no bound book of records, but

simply loose sheets, many of which must have been lost, _Hist.

Chyapa_, 33; and Juarros refers to minutes which do not appear

in Arévalo's edition. I cannot, therefore, agree with Brasseur

de Bourbourg, who asserts that it 'comprend tous les actes du

conseil communal ... durant les six premières années.' _Bib.

Mex. Guat._, 15. Though many of the ordinances are of minor

interest, the work is of value, inasmuch as a portion of them

reflect to a great extent the condition and social state of

the colonists, while from others an idea is derived of the

continual state of warfare in which the Spaniards lived. A

considerable number afford information relative to the holding

of and succession to property, to restriction regarding the

sale of it, and the amount of land to be possessed by a single

owner. These and other regulations for the internal government

of the community afford much information with regard to its

system. The book is additionally valuable as conclusive in

assigning correct dates in many important instances. It

also throws much light on many historical events, and is

particularly serviceable in supplying a vivid conception of

the arbitrary proceedings and violent character of Francisco

de Orduña.

[VI‑15] The natives of Xumay, Xalpatlahua, Cinacantan, and

Petapa. Brasseur de Bourbourg states that the two former were

identical with the Chortis. _Hist. Nat. Civ._, iv. 698.

[VI‑16] Dardon had accompanied Alvarado from Mexico, and was

appointed by him a regidor of the city of Santiago, founded in

1524. This office or that of alcalde he held for many years.

He served with distinction as a subaltern in many campaigns.

_Juarros_, _Guat._, i. 348-9.

[VI‑17] The present town of Cuajiniquilapa is situated a few

miles from the right bank of this river.

[VI‑18] Brasseur de Bourbourg assumes that it was surmounted

by a fortress.

[VI‑19] Tonaltetl by name.

[VI‑20] _Juarros_, _Guat._, ii. 88-90. This author makes

the rather doubtful assertion that the place was called Los

Esclavos from the fact that these were the first rebels whom

the Spaniards branded. Brasseur de Bourbourg more reasonably

assigns the origin of the name to the great number branded.

[VI‑21] Brasseur de Bourbourg says: 'The town of this name

situated between the lofty mountains of Bilabitz and Meawan

preserved more than other places the ancient rites of Hunahpu

and Exbalanqué, and the temple of these gods annually received

a certain number of human victims.' _Hist. Nat. Civ._, iv.

699.

[VI‑22] Brasseur de Bourbourg gives the number of Indian

allies as three thousand. _Hist. Nat. Civ._, iv. 700.

[VI‑23] Called by Juarros, Gaspar Arias Dávila. _Guat._, i.

363. This officer may be identical with a certain Gaspar

Arias de Avila or Dávila, whom Alvarado while in Honduras

sent to confer with Pedrarias at Panamá. The name of Gaspar

Arias appears in the minutes of the cabildo of Oct. 4, 1525,

and not again till March 18, 1528, when he was nominated for

the office of alcalde. The omission of his name for so long

a period may be explained by his absence in Panamá.

[VI‑24] According to Bernal Diaz, Gaspar Arias was a firm

supporter of Alvarado and his party. Hence, probably, his

dismissal from office.

[VI‑25] The reception which Arias met with at Santiago is

a good illustration of Orduña's character. On appearing

before the cabildo and petitioning that the wand of office be

restored to him, Orduña passionately called him a disturber of

the peace, laid violent hands on him, and, while ordering him

to be carried off to prison, struck him in the face. 'Delante

de todo el cabildo, y en gran menosprecio y desacatamiento

de su magestad y de su cabildo.' In January 1530 Arias again

petitioned for redress, but though the voting was somewhat in

his favor, he does not seem to have obtained it, as his name

appears no more as alcalde. _Arévalo_, _Actas Ayunt. Guat._,

139-42.

[VI‑26] 'Plusieurs Espagnols et surtout beaucoup d'alliés,

ayant été pris vivants, se virent emmenés dans la place et

sacrifiés solennellement à la divinité barbare.' _Brasseur de

Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, iv. 700. The name of the idol

was Exbalanqué.

[VI‑27] According to Herrera the number of Spaniards consisted

of 31 horse and 30 foot. dec. iv. lib. vii. cap. v.

[VI‑28] In _Herrera_, dec. i. lib. vii. cap. xiv., is a copy

of the requerimiento ordered by the king to be delivered to

the natives when summoned to allegiance as noticed elsewhere.

A similar form existed in the archives of Guatemala in

Remesal's time. This formal summons was frequently omitted,

or evaded. A priest, who at the beginning of the conquest

of Guatemala had taken part in the war while a layman, thus

describes the form and mode of proceeding. At night one of the

soldiers with sound of drum, said: 'You Indians of this town!

we inform you that there is one God, and one pope, and one

king of Castile, to whom this pope has given you as slaves;

wherefore we require you to come and tender your obedience

to him and to us in his name, under the penalty that we wage

war against you with fire and sword!' The priest then briefly

describes the sequel: 'At the morning watch they fell upon

them, capturing all whom they could, under pretence that they

were rebels, y los demas los quemauan, ô passauan à cuchillo,

robauãles la hazienda, y ponian fuego al lugar.' _Remesal_,

_Hist. Chyapa_, 413-14.

[VI‑29] Juarros states that Orduña shortly afterward

returned to Santiago on account of sickness; but I find that

Castellanos arrived there before him. Consult _Actas Ayunt.

Guat._, 138, 142-3, from which it appears that the treasurer

was in Santiago on the 19th of January 1530, and Orduña on

the 12th of February.

[VI‑30] _Juarros_, _Guat._ (ed. London, 1823), 300-7. _Hist.

Nat. Civ._, iv. 703-4.

[VI‑31] _Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, 48. Cavo makes this remark

upon Remesal's account: 'It seems to me more probable that

the disagreement was between an oidor and that conqueror,

since it is certain that three years previously the emperor

ordered the factor to leave Mexico,' _Tres Siglos_, i. 104-5.

A letter of Bishop Zumárraga to the king dated August 27,

1529, disproves Cavo's inference that the factor was not

in Mexico at the time. The bishop also gives a different

version of the challenge. He states that the president Guzman,

Salazar, Alvarado, and others while out riding discussed the

news lately received that Cortés had been highly favored by

the king and was on his way back to Mexico. Guzman remarked

that he believed he would soon return, whereupon the factor

passionately exclaimed, 'El rey que á tal traidor como á

Cortés embia es hereje y no cristiano.' For a few days nothing

was done to call the factor to account for such treasonable

language, but on the 18th of the month Alvarado appeared

before the audiencia and requested permission to send him a

formal challenge. That body, however, defended Salazar, and on

the following day their president Guzman made reply to this

effect: 'Pedro de Alvarado miente como muy ruin caballero,

si lo es, que el Factor no dijo tal, porque es servidor

de Vuestra Majestad y no habia de decir tal palabra,' and

Alvarado was ironed and thrown into prison. The bishop adds,

'y no sé qué harán dél,' and that he has three witnesses

worthy of all trust and of the order of Santiago, who

heard the factor use the language. _Zumárraga_, _Carta_, in

_Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, xiii. 176-7. Zamacois gives almost

the same account as the above. _Hist. Méj._ iv. 485-6.

[VI‑32] This release must only be considered as conditional,

and not as a rejection of the charges brought against

Alvarado. We learn, however, from Remesal that in 1531 the

second audiencia acquitted him. _Hist. Chyapa_, 42.

[VI‑33] Bishop Zumárraga states that the president and oidores

robbed Alvarado of all the valuables which he had brought from

Spain, 'que fué tanto aparato y cosas ricas como un conde

principal desos reinos pudiera traer;' all his silverware,

tapestry, horses, and mules, 'de todo no le han dejado un

pan qué comer.' He also furnishes a list of articles given

as presents by Alvarado to the president and the oidores.

He, moreover, makes the assertion that 'Desta manera han

perseguido á quantos han sido de contraria opinion del Factor

... y lo que peor es, que en apellando ó sabiendo que querian

apellar, los aprisionavan.' _Pacheco_ and _Cárdenas_, _Col.

Doc._, xiii. 136-40. Herrera leaves it to be concluded that

Alvarado left Mexico at his pleasure: 'Hallaron al Adelantado

don Pedro de Alvarado, que entendidos estos rumores en Mexico,

auia ydo para defender su gouernacion, y lleuaua ochenta

soldados de a pie, y de a cauallo.' dec. iv. lib. vii. cap. v.

[VI‑34] The cabildo frequently issued regulations with the

object of correcting these abuses. The inconvenience caused

by artisans closing their workshops was so serious that,

on June 4, 1529, the cabildo passed an act ordering them to

exercise their callings under penalty of having the service of

their Indians suspended. In 1534 a similar decree was passed,

and again in April 1536. _Actas Ayunt. Guat._, 88, passim;

_Remesal_, _Hist. Chyapa_, 171.

[VI‑35] 'Fueron los atrassos grandes, los disgustos continuos,

y las dissensiones, de muchas consequẽcias: que á no aplicar

efficazes, y oportunos remedios el Adelantado ... pudiera ser,

que se huviera despoblado la tierra.' _Vazquez_, _Chronica de

Gvat._, 156.

[VI‑36] Vazquez states that in 1531 horses had so multiplied

that the cabildo assigned the plains between Escuintla and

Mazaqua as lands for brood-mares and foals. Remesal relates

that the increase of the herds was much retarded by the

ravages of wild beasts, which destroyed the young animals,

and not unfrequently cows and mares. In February 1532 great

destruction was caused by an enormous lion, whose haunt was

the densely wooded slopes of the Volcan de Agua. The loss

of cattle was so great that the city offered a bounty of 25

pesos de oro or 100 bushels of corn to any one who killed

the monster. In March a large party headed by Alvarado went

forth to hunt for it, but their efforts were unsuccessful.

He was finally killed by the herder of the mares. _Remesal_,

_Hist. Chyapa_, 173; _Album Mex._, 417. Notwithstanding the

depredations of wild animals, live-stock increased so rapidly

that in 1540 beef sold for three cents a pound and mutton

for four and five cents. _Pelaez_, _Mem. Guat._, i. 188.

There are two competitors for the distinction of having first

introduced horned cattle into Guatemala. According to Vazquez,

the auditor Francisco de Zorrilla imported stock at his own

expense, and had a feeding-ground for his herds assigned to

him in 1530. Juarros ascribes to Hector de Barreda the honor

of being the first importer, and to him was assigned in the

distribution of lands a feeding-ground in the present Valle

de las Vacas, which received its name from the fact that he

there established a stock-farm. _Chronica de Gvat._, 162;

_Juarros_, _Guat._, ii. 354.

[VI‑37] In 1529 the population of Santiago numbered only 150

according to the records of the cabildo, _Remesal_, _Hist.

Chyapa_, 22; but in the neighborhood were many settlers who

had not been enrolled as citizens.

[VI‑38] None were allowed to hold more than two caballerías.

[VI‑39] Juarros entertains no doubt of this: in the first

place because its location exactly corresponds with that where

Moscoso built his town; and secondly, because there is no

evidence that any Spanish town existed on the other side of

the Lempa previous to 1530, while the villa de San Miguel is

proved by the books of the cabildo of the city of Guatemala,

to have been in existence in June 1531. _Guat._, ii. 105. In

May 1535 it is mentioned by Alvarado in a letter to Charles

V. _Cartas_, _Squier's MSS._, xix. 7.

[VI‑40] Called by Juarros San Jorge de Olanchito.

[VII‑1] 'Vos damos licencia ... para que por nos ... podais

descubrir, conquistar é poblar, cualesquier Islas qué hay en

la mar del Sur de la Nueva España, questán en su parage; é

todas las que halláredes hácia el Poniente della, no siendo en

el parage de las tierras en que hoy hay proveydas gobernadores;

é así mismo ... podais descubrir cualquier parte de tierra

firme, que halláredes, por la dicha costa del Sur, hácia el

Poniente, que no se haya hasta agora descubierto, ni entre en

los límites é parage Norte-Sur, de la tierra questá dada en

gobernacion á otras personas.' _Capitulacion_, in _Pacheco_

and _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, xiv. 538-9.

[VII‑2] Herrera, dec. iv. lib. x. cap. xv., and Remesal,

_Hist. Chyapa_, 112, state that in these preparations Alvarado

was provided by the emperor with a considerable amount of

funds; but the adelantado in his official letters to the

court, in _Cartas_, _Squier's MSS._, xix. 1-4, 13-27, while

dwelling on the labor and expense these preparations involved,

makes no allusion to outside aid. It is not probable, however,

that a man of Alvarado's character would have fitted out this

expedition purely from loyal motives or having in view only

the remote contingency of the compensation to be derived from

his twelfth of the profits.

[VII‑3] Herrera, dec. iv. lib. x. cap. xv., and Remesal,

_Hist. Chyapa_, 113, state that the audiencia ordered the

fitting-out of his expedition to be stopped.

[VII‑4] _Herrera_, dec. iv. lib. x. cap. xv.; _Remesal_,

_Hist. Chyapa_, 113.

[VII‑5] _Alvarado_, _Cartas_, in _Squier's MSS._, xix. 13-27;

_Herrera_, dec. v. lib. vi. cap. i. Herrera mentions but one

ship.

[VII‑6] There is no information, or none of value, as to the

first settlement of Realejo by the Spaniards. Herrera, dec. v.

lib. vi. cap. i., states that Alvarado was compelled, through

lack of ships, to leave 200 men there. This may have been the

origin of the colony. Purchas, 1625, spells the word _Realjo_;

Ogilby, 1671, _Realejo_; Dampier, 1699, _Rialeja_; Jefferys,

1776, _Realejo_, as bay and city. _Cartog. Pac. Coast_, MS.,

ii. 204, a.

[VII‑7] Equal in purchasing power to more than a million and

a half of dollars at the present time.

[VII‑8] Alvarado, _Carta_, in _Squier's MSS._, xix. 1-4,

writing to the emperor from Puerto de la Posesion, January

18, 1534, says: 'Mi derrota será conforme á la merced de V.

M. y desde los 13 hasta los 20 grados de la otra parte de la

linea descubriré todos los secretos de esta Mar y las Yslas,

y Tierra firme, y donde mas convenga conquistaré, y poblaré.'

In view of this it is singular that Zárate, in _Barcia_, iii.,

and those who copy him, are the only authorities who concede

that Alvarado had any right to sail in a southerly direction.

Herrera, dec. v. lib. vi. cap. i., Prescott, _Conq. Peru_,

ii. 11, and others affirm that his capitulation required him

to sail toward the west, and it is evident that they did not

see the letter mentioned in _Squier's MSS._

[VII‑9] The number of vessels is variously stated. Herrera

mentions 11; Remesal, 10; Juarros, 8, Oviedo, 11, and

Prescott, 12. The number and tonnage given above are taken

from the letter in _Squier's MSS._, mentioned in note 18.

This was written from Puerto de la Posesion on the eve of

departure. One galleon was of 300 tons, another of 160, a

third of 150, and a fourth, built by order of Pedrarias Dávila

in the gulf of Chira, was of 100 tons.

[VII‑10] Alvarado is charged with the seizure in Nicaragua of

two vessels in which a force of 200 men was about to be sent

to the aid of Pizarro. This, however, was most likely in the

form of an appropriation with the consent of the owners of the

vessels. The adelantado in _Carta_, in _Squier's MSS._, xix.

13-27, denies this charge and forwards vouchers to prove, as

he says, that they were bought at the request of the owners

and paid for to their entire satisfaction. He adds however

the saving clause, that, 'even had they been seized, such an

act was justified by the importance of the undertaking.' This

letter also appears to have escaped Herrera's notice.