bowels, and being unable to convince those who desired my services that
I was ill because I had no fever, I fled to my Tusculan villa, after
having, in fact, observed for two days so strict a fast as not even to
drink a drop of water. Accordingly, being thoroughly reduced by weakness
and hunger, I was more in want of your services than I thought mine
could be required by you. For myself, while shrinking from all
illnesses, I especially shrink from that in regard to which the Stoics
attack your friend Epicurus for saying that "he suffered from strangury
and pains in the bowels"--the latter of which complaints they attribute
to gluttony, the former to a still graver indulgence. I had been really
much afraid of dysentery. But either the change of residence, or the
mere relaxation of anxiety, or perhaps the natural abatement of the
complaint from lapse of time, seems to me to have done me good. However,
to prevent your wondering how this came about, or in what manner I let
myself in for it, I must tell you that the sumptuary law, supposed to
have introduced plain living, was the origin of my misfortune. For
whilst your epicures wish to bring into fashion the products of the
earth, which are not forbidden by the law, they flavour mushrooms,
_petits choux_, and every kind of pot-herb so as to make them the most
tempting dishes possible.[433] Having fallen a victim to these in the
augural banquet at the house of Lentulus, I was seized with a violent
diarrhœa, which, I think, has been checked to-day for the first time.
And so I, who abstain from oysters and lampreys without any difficulty,
have been beguiled by beet and mallows. Henceforth, therefore, I shall
be more cautious. Yet, having heard of it from Anicius[434]--for he saw
me turning sick--you had every reason not only for sending to inquire,
but even for coming to see me. I am thinking of remaining here till I am
thoroughly restored, for I have lost both strength and flesh. However,
if I can once get completely rid of my complaint, I shall, I hope,
easily recover these.
[Footnote 432: The year of this letter has been inferred from the
mention of Lentulus's augural banquet. For P. Cornelius Lentulus
Spinther, son of the consul of B.C. 57, was in this year elected into
the college of augurs. Yet as we know that Cicero's Tusculan villa was
dismantled by Clodius, and was advertised for sale (though not sold), it
seems rather extraordinary that Cicero should have gone there for his
health. The _Fadii Galli_ were a family of Cicero's native place,
Arpinum.]
[Footnote 433: There were several sumptuary laws. Those which may
possibly be referred to here are (1) the _lex Licinia_ (? B.C. 103),
which defined certain foods as illegal at banquets, but excepted _quod
ex terra vite arbore ve sit natum_ (Macrobius, _Sat._ iii. 17, 9; Gell.
ii. 24, 7); (2) the _lex Æmilia_ (B.C. 68), which also defined both the
quantity and quality of food allowable at banquets (Gell. ii. 24, 12).]
[Footnote 434: C. Anicius, a senator and intimate friend of Cicero's.]
XCIV (F I, I)
[Sidenote: B.C. 56. Coss., Cn. Cornelius Lentulus Marcellinus, L.
Marcius Philippus.]
In the year B.C. 56 the growing differences between the triumvirs
were temporarily composed at the meeting at Luca, and Cicero made
up his mind that the only course for him to pursue was to attach
himself to them, as the party of the _boni_ had not, as he hoped,
taken advantage of those differences to attach Pompey to themselves
as a leader against Cæsar. His recantation is indicated in the
speeches _de Provinciis Consularibus_ and _pro Balbo_, in which he
practically supports part, at least, of the arrangements of Luca.
TO P. LENTULUS SPINTHER[435] (IN CILICIA)
ROME, 13 JANUARY
[Sidenote: B.C. 56, ÆT. 50]
Whatever attention or affection I may shew you, though it may seem
sufficient in the eyes of others, can never seem sufficient in my own.
For such has been the magnitude of your services to me that, inasmuch as
you never rested till my affair was brought to a conclusion, while I
cannot effect the same in your cause,[436] I regard my life as a burden.
The difficulties are these. The king's agent, Hammonius, is openly
attacking us by bribery. The business is being carried out by means of
the same money-lenders as it was when you were in town. Such people as
wish it done for the king's sake--and they are few--are all for
intrusting the business to Pompey. The senate supports the trumped-up
religious scruple, not from any respect to religion, but from
ill-feeling towards him, and disgust at the king's outrageous bribery. I
never cease advising and instigating Pompey--even frankly finding fault
with and admonishing him--to avoid what would be a most discreditable
imputation.[437] But he really leaves no room for either entreaties or
admonitions from me. For, whether in everyday conversation or in the
senate, no one could support your cause with greater eloquence,
seriousness, zeal, and energy than he has done, testifying in the
highest terms to your services to himself and his affection for you.
Marcellinus, you know, is incensed with his flute-playing majesty.[438]
In everything, saving and excepting this case of the king, he professes
the intention of being your champion. We take what he gives: nothing can
move him from his motion as to the religious difficulty, which he made
up his mind to bring, and has, in fact, brought several times before the
senate. The debate up to the Ides (for I am writing early in the morning
of the Ides[439]) has been as follows: Hortensius and I and Lucullus
voted for yielding to the religious scruple as far as concerned the
army,[440] for otherwise there was no possibility of getting the matter
through, but, in accordance with the decree already passed on your own
motion, were for directing you to restore the king, "so far as you may
do so without detriment to the state": so that while the religious
difficulty prohibits the employment of an army, the senate might still
retain you as the person authorized. Crassus votes for sending three
legates, not excluding Pompey: for he would allow them to be selected
even from such as are at present in possession of _imperium_.[441]
Bibulus is for three legates selected from men without _imperium_. The
other consulars agree with the latter, except Servilius, who says that
he ought not to be restored at all: and Volcatius, who on the motion of
Lupus votes for giving the business to Pompey: and Afranius, who agrees
with Volcatius. This last fact increases the suspicion as to Pompey's
wishes: for it was noticed that Pompey's intimates agreed with
Volcatius. We are in a very great difficulty: the day seems going
against us. The notorious colloguing and eagerness of Libo and Hypsæus,
and the earnestness displayed by Pompey's intimates, have produced an
impression that Pompey desires it; and those who don't want him to have
it are at the same time annoyed with your having put power into his
hands.[442] I have the less influence in the case because I am under an
obligation to you. Moreover, whatever influence I might have had is
extinguished by the idea people entertain as to Pompey's wishes, for
they think they are gratifying him. We are in much the same position as
we were long before your departure: now, as then, the sore has been
fomented secretly by the king himself and by the friends and intimates
of Pompey, and then openly irritated by the consulars, till the popular
prejudice has been excited to the highest pitch. All the world shall
recognize my loyalty, and your friends on the spot shall see my
affection for you though you are absent. If there were any good faith in
those most bound to shew it, we should be in no difficulty at all.
[Footnote 435: Consul of B.C. 57, who had gone at the end of his
consulship to be governor of Cilicia.]
[Footnote 436: When Ptolemy Auletes first appealed to the senate (B.C.
57) to restore him to the throne of Egypt, it appears that a resolution
was passed authorizing the proconsul of Cilicia to do so; but as Pompey
wished to have the business, the senate found itself in a difficulty,
not wishing to put him in military command, or daring to offend him by
an open refusal (Dio, xxxix. 12). The tribune C. Cato found up a
Sibylline oracle forbidding the employment of an army for the purpose,
which served the senate as a decent excuse. The commission to Lentulus
was eventually withdrawn by an _auctoritas senatus_, and Lentulus did
not venture to do it. Ptolemy, finding that he could not succeed in
getting Pompey commissioned, retired to Ephesus, and afterwards
succeeded by an enormous bribe in inducing Gabinius, the proconsul of
Syria, to do it (B.C. 55).]
[Footnote 437: Of having been induced by greed or ambition to undertake
the restoration of Ptolemy.]
[Footnote 438: Reading _tibicini_ for the unmeaning _tibi_. It is not
certain, but it makes good sense. Ptolemy was called _Auletes_
(flute-player), of which the Latin _tibicen_ is a translation, meant, no
doubt, somewhat jocosely.]
[Footnote 439: _I.e._, before going to the senate on the Ides of January
(13th). See next letter.]
[Footnote 440: The Sibylline oracle forbade restoring the king "with a
multitude."]
[Footnote 441: Pompey had at this time _imperium_ as _curator annonæ_.]
[Footnote 442: Because it was on Lentulus's motion that Pompey had been
made _curator annonæ_, and so in possession of _imperium_ with naval and
military forces.]
XCV (F I, 2)
TO P. LENTULUS SPINTHER (IN CILICIA)
ROME, 15 JANUARY
[Sidenote: B.C. 56, ÆT. 50]
Nothing was done on the 13th of January in the senate, because the day
was to a great extent spent in an altercation between the consul
Lentulus and the tribune Caninius. On that day I also spoke at
considerable length, and thought that I made a very great impression on
the senate by dwelling on your affection for the house. Accordingly,
next day we resolved that we would deliver our opinions briefly: for it
appeared to us that the feelings of the senate had been softened towards
us--the result not only of my speech, but of my personal appeal and
application to individual senators. Accordingly, the first proposition,
that of Bibulus, having been delivered, that three legates should
restore the king: the second, that of Hortensius, that you should
restore him without an army: the third, that of Volcatius, that Pompey
should do it, a demand was made that the proposal of Bibulus should be
taken in two parts.[443] As far as he dealt with the religious
difficulty--a point which was now past being opposed--his motion was
carried; his proposition as to three legates was defeated by a large
majority. The next was the proposition of Hortensius. Thereupon the
tribune Lupus, on the ground that he had himself made a proposal about
Pompey, starts the contention that he ought to divide the house before
the consuls. His speech was received on all sides by loud cries of "No":
for it was both unfair and unprecedented. The consuls would not give in,
and yet did not oppose with any vigour. Their object was to waste the
day, and in that they succeeded:[444] for they saw very well that many
times the number would vote for the proposal of Hortensius, although
they openly professed their agreement with Volcatius. Large numbers were
called upon for their opinion, and that, too, with the assent of the
consuls: for they wanted the proposal of Bibulus carried. This dispute
was protracted till nightfall, and the senate was dismissed. I happened
to be dining with Pompey on that day, and I seized the opportunity--the
best I have ever had, for since your departure I have never occupied a
more honourable position in the senate than I had on that day--of
talking to him in such a way, that I think I induced him to give up
every other idea and resolve to support your claims. And, indeed, when I
actually hear him talk, I acquit him entirely of all suspicion of
personal ambition: but when I regard his intimates of every rank, I
perceive, what is no secret to anybody, that this whole business has
been long ago corruptly manipulated by a certain coterie, not without
the king's own consent and that of his advisers.
I write this on the 15th of January, before daybreak. To-day there is to
be a meeting of the senate. We shall maintain, as I hope, our position
in the senate as far as it is possible to do so in such an age of
perfidy and unfair dealing. As to an appeal to the people on the
subject, we have, I think, secured that no proposition can be brought
before them without neglect of the auspices or breach of the laws, or,
in fine, without downright violence.[445] The day before my writing
these words a resolution of the senate on these matters of the most
serious character was passed, and though Cato and Caninius vetoed it, it
was nevertheless written out.[446] I suppose it has been sent to you. On
all other matters I will write and tell you what has been done, whatever
it is, and I will see that everything is carried out with the most
scrupulous fairness as far as my caution, labour, attention to details,
and influence can secure it.
[Footnote 443: The proposal of Bibulus to send "three legates" implied a
concession to the Sibylline verse, in not sending "an army." It was
therefore to be voted on as two questions--(1) Shall the Sibylline verse
be obeyed, and an army not sent? (2) Shall three legates be sent?]
[Footnote 444: That is, the debate went off on the side issue as to who
had the prior right of dividing the house. Lupus said _he_ had, because
the proposal of Volcatius was really made before the others, _i.e._, in
the previous day's debate (see last letter). The consuls were only too
glad thus to avoid having the main question brought to a vote, and let
this technical point be spun out in a languid debate.]
[Footnote 445: Because they had magistrates ready to stop the _comitia_
by declaring bad omens, and tribunes ready to veto any proposal.]
[Footnote 446: A _senatus consultum_ vetoed by a tribune was written
out, with the names of its proposers and backers, and a statement at the
end as to the tribunes vetoing it. It was thus on record as an
_auctoritas senatus_, "resolution of the senate," not a _senatus
consultum_. A perfect specimen is given in Letter CCXXIII. This
_auctoritas_ was to the effect that no one was to undertake the
restoration. See Letter CXIII.]
XCVI (F I, 3)
TO P. LENTULUS SPINTHER (IN CILICIA)
ROME (? JANUARY)
_M. Cicero presents his compliments to P. Lentulus, proconsul._
[Sidenote: B.C. 56, ÆT. 50]
Aulus Trebonius, who has important business in your province, both of
wide extent and sound, is an intimate friend of mine of many years'
standing. As before this he has always, both from his brilliant position
and the recommendations of myself and his other friends, enjoyed the
highest popularity in the province, so at the present time, trusting to
your affection for me and our close ties, he feels sure that this letter
of mine will give him a high place in your esteem. That he may not be
disappointed in that hope I earnestly beg of you, and I commend to you
all his business concerns, his freedmen, agents, and servants; and
specially that you will confirm the decrees made by T. Ampius in his
regard, and treat him in all respects so as to convince him that my
recommendation is no mere ordinary one.[447]
[Footnote 447: This is a specimen of the short letter of introduction to
a provincial governor which were given almost as a matter of course by
men of position at Rome. We shall have many of them in the course of the
correspondence: and Cicero elsewhere warns the recipient of such letters
not to pay attention to them unless he expressly indicates his wish by
some less formal sentence (see Letter CXIV). T. Ampius was the
predecessor of Lentulus in Cilicia.]
XCVII (F I, 4)
TO P. LENTULUS SPINTHER (IN CILICIA)
ROME, JANUARY
[Sidenote: B.C. 56, ÆT. 50]
Though in the senate of the 15th of January we made a most glorious
stand, seeing that on the previous day we had defeated the proposal of
Bibulus about the three legates, and the only contest left was with the
proposal of Volcatius, yet the business was spun out by our opponents by
various obstructive tactics. For we were carrying our view in a full
senate, in spite of the multifarious devices and inveterate jealousy of
those who were for transferring the cause of the king from you to some
one else. That day we found Curio very bitterly opposed, Bibulus much
more fair, almost friendly even. Caninius and Cato declared that they
would not propose any law before the elections. By the _lex Pupia_, as
you know, no senate could be held before the 1st of February, nor in
fact during the whole of February,[448] unless the business of the
legations were finished or adjourned. However, the Roman people are
generally of opinion that the pretext of a trumped-up religious scruple
has been introduced by your jealous detractors, not so much to hinder
you, as to prevent anyone from wishing to go to Alexandria with a view
of getting the command of an army. However, everyone thinks that the
senate has had a regard for your position. For there is no one that is
ignorant of the fact that it was all the doing of your opponents that no
division took place: and if they, under the pretext of a regard for the
people, but really from the most unprincipled villainy, attempt to carry
anything, I have taken very good care that they shall not be able to do
so without violating the auspices or the laws, or, in fact, without
absolute violence. I don't think I need write a word either about my own
zeal or the injurious proceedings of certain persons. For why should I
make any display myself--since, if I were even to shed my blood in
defence of your position, I should think that I had not covered a tithe
of your services to me? Or why complain of the injurious conduct of
others, which I cannot do without the deepest pain? I cannot at all
pledge myself to you as to the effect of open violence, especially with
such feeble magistrates; but, open violence out of the question, I can
assure you that you will retain your high position, if the warmest
affections both of the senate and the Roman people can secure it to you.
[Footnote 448: _I.e._, no meeting of the senate for ordinary business.
During the month of February the senate usually devoted all its time to
hearing and answering deputations from the provinces or foreign states.
The _lex Pupia_ forbade the meeting of the senate on _dies comitiales_,
and after the 14th the days in January were all _comitiales_: but
another law (_lex Vatinia_) ordered it to meet every day in February for
the business of the legations. If this business was concluded or
deferred it remained a moot point whether a magistrate was not still
bound or, at least, allowed to summon it for other business (_ad Q. Fr._
ii. 13).]
XCVII (F I, 5)
TO P. LENTULUS SPINTHER (IN CILICIA)
ROME, FEBRUARY
[Sidenote: B.C. 56, ÆT. 50]
Though the first wish of my heart is that my warmest gratitude to you
should be recognized first of all by yourself and then by everybody
else, yet I am deeply grieved that such a state of things has followed
your departure as to give you occasion, in your absence, to test the
loyalty and good disposition towards you both of myself and others. That
you see and feel that men are shewing the same loyalty in maintaining
your position as I experienced in the matter of my restoration, I have
understood from your letter. Just when I was depending most securely on
my policy, zeal, activity and influence in the matter of the king, there
was suddenly sprung on us the abominable bill of Cato's,[449] to hamper
all our zeal and withdraw our thoughts from a lesser anxiety to a most
serious alarm. However, in a political upset of that kind, though there
is nothing that is not a source of terror yet the thing to be chiefly
feared is treachery: and Cato, at any rate, whatever happens, we have no
hesitation in opposing. As to the business of Alexandria and the cause
of the king, I can only promise you thus much, that I will to the utmost
of my power satisfy both you, who are absent, and your friends who are
here. But I fear the king's cause may either be snatched from our hands
or abandoned altogether, and I cannot easily make up my mind which of
the two alternatives I would least wish. But if the worst comes to the
worst, there is a third alternative, which is not wholly displeasing
either to Selicius[450] or myself--namely, that we should not let the
matter drop, and yet should not allow the appointment, in spite of our
protests, to be transferred to the man to whom it is now regarded as
practically transferred.[451] We will take the utmost care not to omit
struggling for any point that it seems possible to maintain, and not to
present the appearance of defeat if we have in any case failed to
maintain it. You must shew your wisdom and greatness of mind by
regarding your fame and high position as resting on your virtue, your
public services, and the dignity of your character, and by believing
that, if the perfidy of certain individuals has deprived you of any of
those honours which fortune has lavished on you, it will be more
injurious to them than to you. I never let any opportunity slip either
of acting or thinking for your interests. I avail myself of the aid of
Q. Selicius in everything: nor do I think that there is any one of all
your friends either shrewder, or more faithful, or more attached to you.
[Footnote 449: That of the tribune C. Cato for the recall of Lentulus.]
[Footnote 450: A money-lender, and friend of Lentulus Spinther.]
[Footnote 451: Pompey.]
XCIX (Q FR II, 2)
TO HIS BROTHER QUINTUS (IN SARDINIA)
ROME, 18 JANUARY
[Sidenote: B.C. 56, ÆT. 50]
It was not from the multiplicity of business, though I am very much
engaged, but from a slight inflammation of the eyes that I was induced
to dictate this letter, and not, as is my usual habit, write it with my
own hand. And, to begin with, I wish to excuse myself to you on the very
point on which I accuse you. For no one up to now has asked me "whether
I have any commands for Sardinia"--I think you often have people who
say, "Have you any commands for Rome?" As to what you have said in your
letters to me about the debt of Lentulus and Sestius, I have spoken with
Cincius.[452] However the matter stands, it is not the easiest in the
world. But surely Sardinia must have some special property for recalling
one's memory of the past. For just as the famous Gracchus--as
augur--after arriving in that province remembered something that had
happened to him, when holding the elections in the Campus Martius, in
violation of the auspices, so you appear to me to have recalled at your
ease in Sardinia the design of Numisius and the debts due to Pomponius.
As yet I have made no purchase. Culleo's auction has taken place: there
was no purchaser for his Tusculan property. If very favourable terms
were to be offered, I should perhaps not let it slip. About your
building I do not fail to press Cyrus.[453] I hope he will do his duty.
But everything goes on somewhat slowly, owing to the prospect of that
madman's ædileship.[454] For it seems that the legislative assembly will
take place without delay: it has been fixed for the 20th of January.
However, I would not have you uneasy. Every precaution shall be taken by
me. In regard to the Alexandrine king, a decree of the senate was passed
declaring it dangerous to the Republic that he should be restored "with
a host." The point remaining to be decided in the senate being whether
Lentulus or Pompey should restore him, Lentulus seemed on the point of
carrying the day. In that matter I did justice to my obligations to
Lentulus marvellously well, while at the same time splendidly gratifying
Pompey's wishes: but the detractors of Lentulus contrived to talk the
matter out by obstructive speeches. Then followed the comitial days, on
which a meeting of the senate was impossible. What the villainy of the
tribunes is going to accomplish I cannot guess; I suspect, however, that
Caninius will carry his bill by violence.[455] In this business I cannot
make out what Pompey really wishes. What his _entourage_ desire
everybody sees. Those who are financing the king are openly advancing
sums of money against Lentulus. There seems no doubt that the commission
has been taken out of Lentulus's hands, to my very great regret,
although he has done many things for which I might, if it were not for
superior considerations, be justly angry with him. I hope, if it is
consistent with your interests, that you will embark as soon as
possible, when the weather is fair and settled, and come to me. For
there are countless things, in regard to which I miss you daily in every
possible way. Your family and my own are well.
18 January.
[Footnote 452: Agent or steward of Atticus.]
[Footnote 453: The architect. See Letter XXVIII, p. 68.]
[Footnote 454: Clodius, who was ædile this year.]
[Footnote 455: For commissioning Pompey with two lictors to restore
Ptolemy.]
C (A IV, 4 a)
TO ATTICUS (RETURNING FROM EPIRUS)
ROME, 28 JANUARY
[Sidenote: B.C. 56, ÆT. 50]