before daybreak. For he told me that you were in Italy and that he was
sending slaves to you. I did not like them to go without a letter from
me; not that I had anything to say to you, especially as you are all but
here, but that I might express merely this one thing--that your arrival
is most delightful and most ardently wished for by me. Wherefore fly to
us with the full assurance that your affection for me is fully
reciprocated. The rest shall be reserved for our meeting. I write in
great haste. The day you arrive, mind, you and your party are to dine
with me.
CI (Q FR II, 3)
TO HIS BROTHER QUINTUS (IN SARDINIA)
ROME, 12 FEBRUARY
[Sidenote: B.C. 56, ÆT. 50]
I have already told you the earlier proceedings; now let me describe
what was done afterwards. The legations were postponed from the 1st of
February to the 13th. On the former day our business was not brought to
a settlement. On the 2nd of February Milo appeared for trial. Pompey
came to support him. Marcellus spoke on being called upon by me.[456] We
came off with flying colours. The case was adjourned to the 7th.
Meanwhile (in the senate), the legations having been postponed to the
13th, the business of allotting the quæstors and furnishing the outfit
of the prætors was brought before the house. But nothing was done,
because many speeches were interposed denouncing the state of the
Republic. Gaius Cato published his bill for the recall of Lentulus,
whose son thereupon put on mourning. On the 7th Milo appeared. Pompey
spoke, or rather wished to speak. For as soon as he got up Clodius's
ruffians raised a shout, and throughout his whole speech he was
interrupted, not only by hostile cries, but by personal abuse and
insulting remarks. However, when he had finished his speech--for he
shewed great courage in these circumstances, he was not cowed, he said
all he had to say, and at times had by his commanding presence even
secured silence for his words--well, when he had finished, up got
Clodius. Our party received him with such a shout--for they had
determined to pay him out--that he lost all presence of mind, power of
speech, or control over his countenance. This went on up to two
o'clock--Pompey having finished his speech at noon--and every kind of
abuse, and finally epigrams of the most outspoken indecency were uttered
against Clodius and Clodia. Mad and livid with rage Clodius, in the very
midst of the shouting, kept putting the questions to his claque: "Who
was it who was starving the commons to death?" His ruffians answered,
"Pompey." "Who wanted to be sent to Alexandria?" They answered,
"Pompey." "Who did they wish to go?" They answered, "Crassus." The
latter was present at the time with no friendly feelings to Milo. About
three o'clock, as though at a given signal, the Clodians began spitting
at our men. There was an outburst of rage. They began a movement for
forcing us from our ground. Our men charged: his ruffians turned tail.
Clodius was pushed off the rostra: and then we too made our escape for
fear of mischief in the riot. The senate was summoned into the Curia:
Pompey went home. However, I did not myself enter the senate-house, lest
I should be obliged either to refrain from speaking on matters of such
gravity, or in defending Pompey (for he was being attacked by Bibulus,
Curio, Favonius, and Servilius the younger) should give offence to the
loyalists. The business was adjourned to the next day. Clodius fixed the
Quirinalia (17 of February) for his prosecution. On the 8th the senate
met in the temple of Apollo, that Pompey might attend. Pompey made an
impressive speech. That day nothing was concluded. On the 9th in the
temple of Apollo a decree passed the senate "that what had taken place
on the 7th of February was treasonable." On this day Cato warmly
inveighed against Pompey, and throughout his speech arraigned him as
though he were at the bar. He said a great deal about me, to my disgust,
though it was in very laudatory terms. When he attacked Pompey's perfidy
to me, he was listened to in profound silence on the part of my enemies.
Pompey answered him boldly with a palpable allusion to Crassus, and said
outright that "he would take better precautions to protect his life
than Africanus had done, whom C. Carbo had assassinated."[457]
Accordingly, important events appear to me to be in the wind. For Pompey
understands what is going on, and imparts to me that plots are being
formed against his life, that Gaius Cato is being supported by Crassus,
that money is being supplied to Clodius, that both are backed by Crassus
and Curio, as well as by Bibulus and his other detractors: that he must
take extraordinary precautions to prevent being overpowered by that
demagogue--with a people all but wholly alienated, a nobility hostile, a
senate ill-affected, and the younger men corrupt. So he is making his
preparations and summoning men from the country. On his part, Clodius is
rallying his gangs: a body of men is being got together for the
Quirinalia. For that occasion we are considerably in a majority, owing
to the forces brought up by Pompey himself: and a large contingent is
expected from Picenum and Gallia, to enable us to throw out Cato's bills
also about Milo and Lentulus.
On the 10th of February an indictment was lodged against Sestius for
bribery by the informer Cn. Nerius, of the Pupinian tribe, and on the
same day by a certain M. Tullius for riot.[458] He was ill. I went at
once, as I was bound to do, to his house, and put myself wholly at his
service: and that was more than people expected, who thought that I had
good cause for being angry with him. The result is that my extreme
kindness and grateful disposition are made manifest both to Sestius
himself and to all the world, and I shall be as good as my word. But
this same informer Nerius also named Cn. Lentulus Vatia and C. Cornelius
to the commissioners.[459] On the same day a decree passed the senate
"that political clubs and associations should be broken up, and that a
law in regard to them should be brought in, enacting that those who did
not break off from them should be liable to the same penalty as those
convicted of riot."
On the 11th of February I spoke in defence of Bestia[460] on a charge of
bribery before the prætor Cn. Domitius,[461] in the middle of the forum
and in a very crowded court; and in the course of my speech I came to
the incident of Sestius, after receiving many wounds in the temple of
Castor, having been preserved by the aid of Bestia. Here I took occasion
to pave the way beforehand for a refutation of the charges which are
being got up against Sestius, and I passed a well-deserved encomium upon
him with the cordial approval of everybody. He was himself very much
delighted with it. I tell you this because you have often advised me in
your letters to retain the friendship of Sestius. I am writing this on
the 12th of February before daybreak: the day on which I am to dine with
Pomponius on the occasion of his wedding.
Our position in other respects is such as you used to cheer my
despondency by telling me it would be--one of great dignity and
popularity: this is a return to old times for you and me effected, my
brother, by your patience, high character, loyalty, and, I may also add,
your conciliatory manners. The house of Licinius, near the grove of
Piso,[462] has been taken for you. But, as I hope, in a few months'
time, after the 1st of July, you will move into your own. Some excellent
tenants, the Lamiæ, have taken your house in Carinæ.[463] I have
received no letter from you since the one dated Olbia. I am anxious to
hear how you are and what you find to amuse you, but above all to see
you yourself as soon as possible. Take care of your health, my dear
brother, and though it is winter time, yet reflect that after all it is
Sardinia that you are in.[464]
15 February.
[Footnote 456: Milo impeached by Clodius before the _comitia tributa_
for his employment of gladiators. Dio (xxxix. 18) says that Clodius thus
impeached Milo, not with any hope of securing his conviction against the
powerful support of Cicero and Pompey, but to get the chance of
insulting these latter. Marcellus was one of the candidates for the
ædileship with Clodius. See Letter XCI.]
[Footnote 457: In B.C. 129, after making a speech in favour of the
claims of the Italians for exemption from the agrarian law of Gracchus,
Scipio Æmilianus, the younger Africanus, was found dead in his bed. The
common report was that he had been assassinated by Carbo, or with his
privity, but it was never proved (see _de Orat._ ii. § 170). Cicero does
not here assume the truth of the story, he merely repeats Pompey's
words.]
[Footnote 458: M. Tullius Albinovanus. It was on this charge _de vi_
that Cicero defended Sestius in the extant speech. The charge of bribery
does not appear to have been proceeded with.]
[Footnote 459: _Adlegatos_, probably commissioners named to receive and
report on a deposition of an informer before the senate acted.]
[Footnote 460: L. Calpurnius Piso Bestia, a candidate in the last
election of ædiles.]
[Footnote 461: Cn. Domitius Calvinus, consul B.C. 53. In the Civil War
he sided with Pompey, and perished at sea after Thapsus (B.C. 46).]
[Footnote 462: _Ad lucum Pisonis_. The place is not known, but there is
not sufficient reason for the change to _ad lacum Pisonis_, a place
equally unknown.]
[Footnote 463: A part of Rome on the slope of the Mons Oppius.]
[Footnote 464: _I.e._, get out of it as soon as you can.]
CII (F I, 5 b)
TO P. LENTULUS SPINTHER (IN CILICIA)
ROME (FEBRUARY)
[Sidenote: B.C. 56, ÆT. 50]
What is being done and has been done here I imagine you know from
letters of numerous correspondents and from messengers: but what are
still matters for conjecture, and seem likely to take place, I think I
ought to write and tell you. After Pompey had been roughly treated with
shouts and insulting remarks, while speaking before the people on the
7th of February in defence of Milo, and had been accused in the senate
by Cato in exceedingly harsh and bitter terms amidst profound silence,
he appeared to me to be very much upset in his mind. Accordingly, he
seems to me to have quite given up any idea of the Alexandrine
business--which, as far as we are concerned, remains exactly where it
was, for the senate has taken nothing from you except what, owing to the
same religious difficulty, cannot be granted to anyone else. My hope and
my earnest endeavour now is that the king, when he understands that he
cannot obtain what he had in his mind--restoration by Pompey--and that,
unless restored by you, he will be abandoned, and neglected, should pay
you a visit.[465] This he will do without any hesitation, if Pompey
gives the least hint of his approval. But you know that man's deliberate
ways and obstinate reserve. However, I will omit nothing that may
contribute to that result. The other injurious proceedings instituted by
Cato I shall, I hope, have no difficulty in resisting. I perceive that
none of the consulars are friendly to you except Hortensius and
Lucullus; the rest are either hostile, without openly shewing it, or
undisguisedly incensed. Keep a brave and high spirit, and feel confident
that the result will be to utterly repulse the attack of a most
contemptible fellow, and to retain your high position and fame.
[Footnote 465: Ptolemy was at Ephesus.]
CIII (F I, 6)
TO P. LENTULUS SPINTHER (IN CILICIA)
ROME (FEBRUARY)
[Sidenote: B.C. 56, ÆT. 50]
What is going on you will learn from Pollio,[466] who not only was
engaged in all the transactions, but was the leader in them. In my own
deep distress, occasioned by the course your business has taken,[467] I
am chiefly consoled by the hope which makes me strongly suspect that the
dishonest practices of men will be defeated both by the measures of your
friends and by mere lapse of time, which must have a tendency to weaken
the plans of your enemies and of traitors. In the second place, I derive
a ready consolation from the memory of my own dangers, of which I see a
reflexion in your fortunes. For though your position is attacked in a
less important particular than that which brought mine to the ground,
yet the analogy is so strong, that I trust you will pardon me if I am
not frightened at what you did not yourself consider ought to cause
alarm. But shew yourself the man I have known you to be, to use a Greek
expression, "since your nails were soft."[468] The injurious conduct of
men will, believe me, only make your greatness more conspicuous. Expect
from me the greatest zeal and devotion in everything: I will not falsify
your expectation.
[Footnote 466: The famous C. Asinius Pollio.]
[Footnote 467: The postponement of the Egyptian commission.]
[Footnote 468: ἐξ ἀπαλῶν ὀνύχων, _i.e._, "from your earliest youth."
Others explain it to mean "from the bottom of your heart," or
"thoroughly," from the idea that the nerves ended in the nails. ἔξ αὐτῶν
τῶν ὀνύχων, "thoroughly," occurs in late Greek, and similar usages in
the Anthology.]
CIV (Q FR II, 4 AND PART OF 6)
TO HIS BROTHER QUINTUS (IN SARDINIA)
ROME, MARCH
[Sidenote: B.C. 56, ÆT. 50]
Our friend Sestius was acquitted on the 11th of March, and, what was of
great importance to the Republic--that there should be no appearance of
difference of opinion in a case of that sort--was acquitted unanimously.
As to what I had often gathered from your letters, that you were anxious
about--that I should not leave any loophole for abuse to an unfriendly
critic on the score of my being ungrateful, if I did not treat with the
utmost indulgence his occasional wrong-headedness--let me tell you that
in this trial I established my character for being the most grateful of
men. For in conducting the defence I satisfied in the fullest manner
possible a man of difficult temper, and, what he above all things
desired, I cut up Vatinius (by whom he was being openly attacked) just
as I pleased, with the applause of gods and men. And, farther, when our
friend Paullus[469] was brought forward as a witness against Sestius, he
affirmed that he would lay an information against Vatinius[470] if
Licinius Macer hesitated to do so, and Macer, rising from Sestius's
benches, declared that he would not fail. Need I say more? That impudent
swaggering fellow Vatinius was overwhelmed with confusion and thoroughly
discredited.
That most excellent boy, your son Quintus, is getting on splendidly with
his education. I notice this the more because Tyrannio[471] gives his
lessons in my house. The building of both your house and mine is being
pushed on energetically. I have caused half the money to be paid to
your contractor. I hope before winter we may be under the same roof. As
to our Tullia, who, by Hercules, is very warmly attached to you, I hope
I have settled her engagement with Crassipes.[472] There are two days
after the Latin festival which are barred by religion.[473] Otherwise
the festival of Iuppiter Latiaris has come to an end.
The affluence which you often mention I feel the want of to a certain
extent; but while I welcome it if it comes to me, I am not exactly
beating the covert for it.[474] I am building in three places, and am
patching up my other houses. I live somewhat more lavishly than I used
to do. I am obliged to do so. If I had you with me I should give the
builders full swing for a while.[475] But this too (as I hope) we shall
shortly talk over together.
The state of affairs at Rome is this: Lentulus Marcellinus is splendid
as consul, and his colleague does not put any difficulty in his way: he
is so good, I repeat, that I have never seen a better. He deprived them
of all the comitial days; for even the Latin festival is being
repeated,[476] nor were thanksgiving days wanting.[477] In this way the
passing of most mischievous laws is prevented, especially that of
Cato,[478] on whom, however, our friend Milo played a very pretty trick.
For that defender of the employment of gladiators and beast-fighters had
bought some beast-fighters from Cosconius and Pomponius, and had never
appeared in public without them in their full armour. He could not
afford to maintain them, and accordingly had great difficulty in
keeping them together. Milo found this out. He commissioned an
individual, with whom he was not intimate, to buy this troop from Cato
without exciting his suspicion. As soon as it had been removed,
Racilius--at this time quite the only real tribune--revealed the truth,
acknowledged that the men had been purchased for himself--for this is
what they had agreed--and put up a notice that he intended to sell
"Cato's troop." This notice caused much laughter. Accordingly, Lentulus
has prevented Cato from going on with his laws, and also those who
published bills of a monstrous description about Cæsar, with no tribune
to veto them. Caninius's proposal, indeed, about Pompey has died a
natural death. For it is not approved of in itself, and our friend
Pompey is also spoken of with great severity for the breach of his
friendship with Publius Lentulus. He is not the man he was. The fact is
that to the lowest dregs of the populace his support of Milo gives some
offence, while the aristocrats are dissatisfied with much that he omits
to do, and find fault with much that he does. This is the only point,
however, in which I am not pleased with Marcellinus--that he handles him
too roughly. Yet in this he is not going counter to the wishes of the
senate: consequently I am the more glad to withdraw from the
senate-house and from politics altogether. In the courts I have the same
position as I ever had: never was my house more crowded. One untoward
circumstance has occurred owing to Milo's rashness--the acquittal of
Sext. Clodius[479]--whose prosecution at this particular time, and by a
weak set of accusers, was against my advice. In a most corrupt panel his
conviction failed by only three votes. Consequently the people clamour
for a fresh trial, and he must surely be brought back into court. For
people will not put up with it, and seeing that, though pleading before
a panel of his own kidney, he was all but condemned, they look upon him
as practically condemned. Even in this matter the unpopularity of Pompey
was an obstacle in our path. For the votes of the senators were largely
in his favour, those of the knights were equally divided, while the
_tribuni ærarii_ voted for his condemnation. But for this _contretemps_
I am consoled by the daily condemnations of my enemies, among whom, to
my great delight, Servius[480] got upon the rocks: the rest are utterly
done for. Gaius Cato declared in public meeting that he would not allow
the elections to be held, if he were deprived of the days for doing
business with the people. Appius has not yet returned from his visit to
Cæsar. I am looking forward with extraordinary eagerness to a letter
from you. Although I know the sea is still closed, yet they tell me that
certain persons have, nevertheless, arrived from Olbia full of your
praises, and declaring you to be very highly thought of in the province.
They said also that these persons reported that you intended to cross as
soon as navigation became possible. That is what I desire: but although
it is yourself, of course, that I most look forward to, yet meanwhile I
long for a letter. Farewell, my dear brother.
[Footnote 469: L. Æmilius Paullus, prætor B.C. 53, consul B.C. 50, a
strong Optimate and friend of Cicero's.]
[Footnote 470: P. Vatinius, the tribune of B.C. 59, who had supported
Cæsar and proposed the law for his five years' command in Gaul. Cicero
spoke against him for perjury; but afterwards we shall find them
ostensibly reconciled.]
[Footnote 471: A Greek grammarian and geographer, of whom we have heard
before, and shall hear of again in connexion with Cicero's library.]
[Footnote 472: P. Furius Crassipes. Tullia's first husband, C.
Calpurnius Piso Frugi, died, it seems, before Cicero returned from exile
in B.C. 57. This second marriage (or, perhaps, only betrothal) was
shortly ended by a divorce.]
[Footnote 473: _I.e._, on which the _sponsalia_ could not take place.]
[Footnote 474: Not going the right way to work to get it.]
[Footnote 475: At the end of the next letter he says that, pending
Quintus's arrival, he has stopped some of his building.]
[Footnote 476: On some alleged informality the _feriæ Latinæ_ were held
a second time (_instauratæ_), really, Cicero implies, in order to bar
some additional days for public business, and prevent legislation, as
later on the election of Pompey and Crassus was prevented (Dio, xxxix.
30).]
[Footnote 477: At the end of B.C. 57, or the beginning of 56, fifteen
days of _supplicatio_ were decreed in consequence of Cæsar's success in
Gaul (Cæs. _B. G._ ii. 35).]
[Footnote 478: Gaius Cato the tribune, who proposed to recall Lentulus.]
[Footnote 479: A _scriba_ or public clerk, and a client of the patrician
Clodii.]
[Footnote 480: Unknown. Cicero's words seem to imply that he nearly got
convicted, but not quite.]
CV (Q FR II, 5 AND PARTS OF 6 AND 7)
TO HIS BROTHER QUINTUS (IN SARDINIA)
ROME, 8 APRIL
[Sidenote: B.C. 56, ÆT. 50]
I have already sent you a letter containing the information of my
daughter Tullia having been betrothed to Crassipes on the 4th of April,
and other intelligence public and private. The following are the events
since then. On the 5th of April, by a decree of the senate, a sum of
money amounting to 40,000 sestertia (about £320,000) was voted to Pompey
for the business of the corn-supply. But on the same day there was a
vehement debate on the Campanian land, the senators making almost as
much noise as a public meeting. The shortness of money and the high
price of corn increased the exasperation. Nor will I omit the following:
the members of the colleges of the Capitolini and the Mercuriales[481]
expelled from their society a Roman knight named M. Furius Flaccus, a
man of bad character: the expulsion took place when he was at the
meeting, and though he threw himself at the feet of each member.
On the 6th of April, the eve of my departure from town, I gave a
betrothal party to Crassipes. That excellent boy, your and my Quintus,
was not at the banquet owing to a very slight indisposition. On the 7th
of April I visited Quintus and found him quite restored. He talked a
good deal and with great feeling about the quarrels between our wives.
What need I say more? Nothing could have been pleasanter. Pomponia,
however, had some complaints to make of you also: but of this when we
meet. After leaving your boy I went to the site of your house: the
building was going on with a large number of workmen. I urged the
contractor Longilius to push on. He assured me that he had every wish to
satisfy us. The house will be splendid, for it can be better seen now
than we could judge from the plan: my own house is also being built with
despatch. On this day I dined with Crassipes. After dinner I went in my
sedan to visit Pompey at his suburban villa. I had not been able to call
on him in the daytime as he was away from home. However, I wished to see
him, because I am leaving Rome to-morrow, and he is on the point of
starting for Sardinia. I found him at home and begged him to restore you
to us as soon as possible. "Immediately," he said. He is going to start,
according to what he said, on the 11th of April, with the intention of
embarking at Livorno or Pisa.[482] Mind, my dear brother, that, as soon
as he arrives, you seize the first opportunity of setting sail, provided
only that the weather is favourable. I write this on the 8th of April
before daybreak, and am on the point of starting on my journey, with the
intention of stopping to-day with Titus Titius at Anagnia. To-morrow I
think of being at Laterium,[483] thence, after five days in Arpinum,
going to my Pompeian house, just looking in upon my villa at Cumæ on my
return journey, with the view--since Milo's trial has been fixed for the
7th of May--of being at Rome on the 6th, and of seeing you on that day,
I hope, dearest and pleasantest of brothers. I thought it best that the
building at Arcanum[484] should be suspended till your return. Take good
care, my dear brother, of your health, and come as soon as possible.
[Footnote 481: In B.C. 357 a "college" was established for celebrating
the _ludi Capitolini_, in celebration of the failure of the Gauls to
take it. It consisted of men living on the Capitoline (Livy, v. 50). The
_Mercuriales_ were a "college" or company of merchants who celebrated
the _fête_ of the consecration of the temple of Mercury (B.C., 495) on
the Ides of May (Livy, ii. 27; Ov. _F._ v. 669; C. _I. L._ i. p. 206).]