house. I delivered a speech before the pontifices on the 29th of
September. I pleaded my cause with care, and if I ever was worth
anything as a speaker, or even if I never was on any other occasion, on
this one at any rate my indignation at the business, and the importance
of it, did add a certain vigour to my style.[384] Accordingly, the
rising generation must not be left without the benefit of this speech,
which I shall send you all the same, even if you don't want it.[385] The
decree of the pontifices was as follows: "If neither by order of the
people nor vote of the plebs the party alleging that he had dedicated
had been appointed by name to that function, nor by order of the people
or vote of the plebs had been commanded to do so, we are of opinion that
the part of the site in question may be restored to M. Tullius without
violence to religion." Upon this I was at once congratulated--for no one
doubted that my house was thereby adjudged to me--when all on a sudden
that fellow mounts the platform to address a meeting, invited to speak
by Appius,[386] and announces at once to the people that the pontifices
had decided in his favour,[387] but that I was endeavouring to take
forcible possession; he exhorts them to follow himself and Appius to
defend their own shrine of Liberty.[388] Hereupon, when even those
credulous hearers partly wondered and partly laughed at the fellow's mad
folly, I resolved not to go near the place until such time as the
consuls by decree of the senate had given out the contract for restoring
the colonnade of Catulus.[389] On the 1st of October there was a full
meeting of the senate. All the pontifices who were senators were invited
to attend, and Marcellinus,[390] who is a great admirer of mine, being
called on to speak first, asked them what was the purport of their
decree. Then M. Lucullus, speaking for all his colleagues, answered that
the pontifices were judges of a question of religion, the senate of the
validity of a law: that he and his colleagues had given a decision on a
point of religion; in the senate they would with the other senators
decide on the law. Accordingly, each of them, when asked in their proper
order for their opinion, delivered long arguments in my favour. When it
came to Clodius's turn, he wished to talk out the day, and he went on
endlessly; however, after he had spoken for nearly three hours, he was
forced by the loud expression of the senate's disgust to finish his
speech at last. On the decree in accordance with the proposal of
Marcellinus passing the senate against a minority of one, Serranus
interposed his veto.[391] At once both consuls referred the question of
Serranus's veto to the senate. After some very resolute speeches had
been delivered--"that it was the decision of the senate that the house
should be restored to me": "that a contract should be given out for the
colonnade of Catulus": "that the resolution of the house should be
supported by all the magistrates": "that if any violence occurred, the
senate would consider it to be the fault of the magistrate who vetoed
the decree of the senate"--Serranus became thoroughly frightened, and
Cornicinus repeated his old farce: throwing off his toga, he flung
himself at his son-in-law's feet.[392] The former demanded a night for
consideration. They would not grant it: for they remembered the 1st of
January. It was, however, at last granted with difficulty on my
interposition. Next day the decree of the senate was passed which I send
you. Thereupon the consuls gave out a contract for the restoration of
the colonnade of Catulus: the contractors immediately cleared that
portico of his away to the satisfaction of all.[393] The buildings of my
house the consuls, by the advice of their assessors, valued at 2,000,000
sesterces (about £16,000).[394] The rest was valued very stingily. My
Tusculan villa at 500,000 sesterces (about £4,000): my villa at Formiæ
at 250,000 sesterces (about £2,000)--an estimate loudly exclaimed
against not only by all the best men, but even by the common people. You
will say, "What was the reason?" They for their part say it was my
modesty--because I would neither say no, nor make any violent
expostulation. But that is not the real cause: for that indeed in itself
would have been in my favour.[395] But, my dear Pomponius, those very
same men, I tell you, of whom you are no more ignorant than myself,
having clipped my wings, are unwilling that they should grow again to
their old size. But, as I hope, they are already growing again. Only
come to me! But this, I fear, may be retarded by the visit of your and
my friend Varro. Having now heard the actual course of public business,
let me inform you of what I have in my thoughts besides. I have allowed
myself to be made _legatus_ to Pompey, but only on condition that
nothing should stand in the way of my being entirely free either to
stand, if I choose, for the censorship--if the next consuls hold a
censorial election--or to assume a "votive commission" in connexion
with nearly any fanes or sacred groves.[396] For this is what falls in
best with our general policy and my particular occasions. But I wished
the power to remain in my hands of _either_ standing for election, _or_
at the beginning of the summer of going out of town: and meanwhile I
thought it not disadvantageous to keep myself before the eyes of the
citizens who had treated me generously. Well, such are my plans in
regard to public affairs; my domestic affairs are very intricate and
difficult. My town house is being built: you know how much expense and
annoyance the repair of my Formian villa occasions me, which I can
neither bear to relinquish nor to look at. I have advertised my Tusculan
property for sale; I don't much care for a suburban residence.[397] The
liberality of friends has been exhausted in a business which brought me
nothing but dishonour: and this you perceived though absent, as did
others on the spot, by whose zeal and wealth I could easily have
obtained all I wanted, had only my supporters allowed it.[398] In this
respect I am now in serious difficulty. Other causes of anxiety are
somewhat more of the _tacenda_ kind.[399] My brother and daughter treat
me with affection. I am looking forward to seeing you.
[Footnote 384: The speech _de Domo sua ad Pontifices_. The genuineness
of the existing speech has been doubted. But it may very well be said
that no one but Cicero could have written it. It is not certainly one of
his happiest efforts, in spite of what he says here; but he is not
unaccustomed to estimate his speeches somewhat highly, and to mistake
violence for vigour.]
[Footnote 385: He will send it to Atticus to get copied by his
_librarii_, and published.]
[Footnote 386: Appius Claudius Pulcher, brother of P. Clodius, was a
prætor this year.]
[Footnote 387: It is not clear that Clodius was wrong; the pontifices
decided that for a valid consecration an order of the people was
requisite, and, of course, Clodius could allege such an order. Cicero
devoted the greater part of his speech, therefore, to shewing (1) that
Clodius's adoption was invalid, and that he was therefore no tribune,
and incapable of taking an order of the people; (2) that the law was a
_privilegium_, and therefore invalid. The pontifices did not consider
either of these points, which were not properly before them, or within
their competence; they merely decided the religious question--that
unless there had been a _iussus populi_ or _plebis scitus_ there was no
valid consecration.]
[Footnote 388: Or perhaps only "statue of Liberty," as the temple was
not yet completed.]
[Footnote 389: A portico or colonnade, built by Q. Catulus, the
conqueror of the Cimbri, on the site of the house of M. Flaccus, who was
killed with Saturninus in B.C. 100. It was close to Cicero's house, and
what Clodius appears to have done was to pull down the portico, and
build another, extending over part of Cicero's site, on which was to be
a temple for his statue of Liberty.]
[Footnote 390: Cn. Cornelius Lentulus Marcellinus was called on first as
consul designate for B.C. 56.]
[Footnote 391: Sext. Attilius Serranus, a tribune. He had been a quæstor
in Cicero's consulship, but had opposed his recall.]
[Footnote 392: Cn. Oppius Cornicinus, the father-in-law of Serranus, is
said in _p. red. at Quir._ § 13 to have done the same in the senate on
the 1st of January, when Serranus also went through the same form of
"demanding a night" for consideration.]
[Footnote 393: Prof. Tyrrell brackets _porticum_. But I do not
understand his difficulty, especially as he saw none in the last letter.
Cicero (_de Domo_, § 102) certainly implies that Clodius had, at any
rate, partly pulled down the _porticus Catuli_, in order to build
something on a larger scale, which was to take in some of Cicero's site.
This was now to come down, and so leave Cicero his _area_, and, I
presume, the old _porticus Catuli_ was to be restored.]
[Footnote 394: Cicero had given Crassus 3,500,000 for it (about
£28,000). See Letter XVI.]
[Footnote 395: _I.e._, my modest reserve. There does not seem any reason
for Tyrrell's emendation of _num_ for _nam_.]
[Footnote 396: I have translated Klotz's text. That given by Prof.
Tyrrell is, to me at any rate, quite unintelligible. Cicero's _legatio_
under Pompey appears to have been, in fact, honorary, or _libera_, for
he doesn't seem to have done anything. He wishes to reserve the right of
resigning it to stand for the censorship (censors were elected in the
following year), or of turning it into a _votiva legatio_, to visit
certain sacred places on the plea of performing a vow, thus getting the
opportunity, if he desired it, of retiring temporarily from Rome in a
dignified manner. The force of _prope_ seems to be "almost any, I care
not what." It was not likely that a man with his stormy past would do
for the delicate duties of the censorship, and he would save appearances
by going on a _votiva legatio_. See Letter XLIV.]
[Footnote 397: _Facile careo_, others read _non facile_, "I don't like
being without a suburban residence."]
[Footnote 398: The thing which brought him "nothing but dishonour" was
his quitting Rome, and the consequent expenses connected with winning
over friends, or paying for Milo's bravoes to face those of Clodius. In
the last part of the sentence he seems to mean that, had his supporters
backed him properly, he would have got everything necessary to make good
his losses from the liberality of the senate. Others explain that
_defensores_ really means Pompey only.]
[Footnote 399: This and the omission of his wife in the next clause, as
the similar hint at the end of the last letter, seem to point to some
misunderstanding with Terentia, with whom, however, a final rupture was
postponed for nearly twelve years (B.C. 46.)]
XCI (A IV, 3)
TO ATTICUS (IN EPIRUS)
ROME, 24 NOVEMBER
[Sidenote: B.C. 57, ÆT. 49]
I am very well aware that you long to know what is going on here, and
also to know it from me, not because things done before the eyes of the
whole world are better realized when narrated by my hand than when
reported to you by the pens or lips of others, but because it is from my
letters that you get what you want--a knowledge of _my_ feelings in
regard to the occurrences, and what at such a juncture is the state of
my mind, or, in a word, the conditions in which I am living. On the 3rd
of November the workmen were driven from the site of my house by armed
ruffians: the _porticus Catuli_,[400] which was being rebuilt on a
contract given out by the consuls, in accordance with a decree of the
senate, and had nearly reached the roof, was battered down: the house of
my brother Quintus[401] was first smashed with volleys of stones thrown
from my site, and then set on fire by order of Clodius, firebrands
having been thrown into it in the sight of the whole town, amidst loud
exclamations of indignation and sorrow, I will not say of the
loyalists--for I rather think there _are_ none--but of simply every
human being. That madman runs riot: thinks after this mad prank of
nothing short of murdering his opponents: canvasses the city street by
street: makes open offers of freedom to slaves. For the fact is that up
to this time, while trying to avoid prosecution,[402] he had a case,
difficult indeed to support, and obviously bad, but still a case: he
might have denied the facts, he might have shifted the blame on others,
he might even have pleaded that some part of his proceedings had been
legal. But after such wrecking of buildings, incendiaries, and wholesale
robberies as these, being abandoned by his supporters, he hardly retains
on his side Decimus the marshal,[403] or Gellius; takes slaves into his
confidence; sees that, even if he openly assassinates everyone he wishes
to, he will not have a worse case before a court of law than he has at
present. Accordingly, on the 11th of November, as I was going down the
Sacred Way, he followed me with his gang. There were shouts,
stone-throwing, brandishing of clubs and swords, and all this without a
moment's warning. I and my party stepped aside into Tettius Damio's
vestibule: those accompanying me easily prevented his roughs from
getting in. He might have been killed himself.[404] But I am now on a
system of cure by regimen: I am tired of surgery. The fellow, seeing
that what everybody called for was not his prosecution but his instant
execution, has since made all your Catilines seem models of
respectability.[405] For on the 12th of November he tried to storm and
set fire to Milo's house, I mean the one on Germalus:[406] and so openly
was this done, that at eleven o'clock in the morning he brought men
there armed with shields and with their swords drawn, and others with
lighted torches. He had himself occupied the house of P. Sulla[407] as
his headquarters from which to conduct the assault upon Milo's.
Thereupon Q. Flaccus led out some gallant fellows from Milo's other
house (the _Anniana_): killed the most notorious bravoes of all
Clodius's gang: wanted to kill Clodius himself; but my gentleman took
refuge in the inner part of Sulla's house. The next thing was a meeting
of the senate on the 14th. Clodius stayed at home: Marcellinus[408] was
splendid: all were keen. Metellus[409] talked the business out by an
obstructive speech, aided by Appius, and also, by Hercules! by your
friend on whose firmness you wrote me such a wonderfully true letter!
Sestius[410] was fuming. Afterwards the fellow vows vengeance on the
city if his election is stopped. Marcellinus's resolution having been
exposed for public perusal (he had read it from a written copy, and it
embraced our entire case--the prosecution was to include his violent
proceedings on the site of my house, his arson, his assault on me
personally, and was to take place before the elections), he put up a
notice that he intended to watch the sky during all comitial days.[411]
Public speeches of Metellus disorderly, of Appius hot-headed, of
Publius stark mad. The upshot, however, was that, had not Milo served
his notice of bad omens in the _campus_, the elections would have been
held. On the 19th of November Milo arrived on the _campus_ before
midnight with a large company. Clodius, though he had picked gangs of
runaway slaves, did not venture into the _campus_. Milo stopped there
till midday,[412] to everybody's great delight and his own infinite
credit: the movement of the three brethren[413] ended in their own
disgrace; their violence was crushed, their madness made ridiculous.
However, Metellus demands that the obstructive notice should be served
on him next day in the forum: "there was no need to come to the _campus_
before daybreak: he would be in the _comitium_ at the first hour of the
day."[414] Accordingly, on the 20th Milo came to the forum before
sunrise. Metellus at the first sign of dawn was stealthily hurrying to
the _campus_, I had almost said by by-lanes: Milo catches our friend up
"between the groves"[415] and serves his notice. The latter returned
greeted with loud and insulting remarks by Q. Flaccus. The 21st was a
market day.[416] For two days no public meeting. I am writing this
letter on the 23rd at three o'clock in the morning. Milo is already in
possession of the _campus_. The candidate Marcellus[417] is snoring so
loud that I can hear him next door. I am told that Clodius's vestibule
is completely deserted: there are a few ragged fellows there and a
canvas lantern.[418] His party complains that I am the adviser of the
whole business: they little know the courage and wisdom of that hero!
His gallantry is astonishing. Some recent instances of his superhuman
excellence I pass over; but the upshot is this: I don't think the
election will take place. I think Publius will be brought to trial by
Milo--unless he is killed first. If he once puts himself in his way in a
riot, I can see that he will be killed by Milo himself. The latter has
no scruple about doing it; he avows his intention; he isn't at all
afraid of what happened to me, for _he_ will never listen to the advice
of a jealous and faithless friend, nor trust a feeble aristocrat. In
spirit, at any rate, I am as vigorous as in my zenith, or even more so;
in regard to money I am crippled. However, the liberality of my brother
I have, in spite of his protests, repaid (as the state of my finances
compelled) by the aid of my friends, that I might not be drained quite
dry myself. What line of policy to adopt in regard to my position as a
whole, I cannot decide in your absence: wherefore make haste to town.
[Footnote 400: See last letter. The _porticus Catuli_ had been, at any
rate, partly demolished by Clodius to make way for his larger scheme of
building, which was to take in part of Cicero's "site." See _pro Cæl._
§79.]
[Footnote 401: Next door to Cicero's own house.]
[Footnote 402: He would avoid prosecution _de vi_ by getting elected to
the ædileship for B.C. 56, for actual magistrates were rarely
prosecuted; but he, in this case, actually avoided it by getting a
consul and tribune to forbid it by edict (_pro Sest._ § 89).]
[Footnote 403: _Designatorem._ This may mean (1) an official who shewed
people to their places in the theatre; (2) an undertaker's man, who
marshalled funerals. To the latter office a certain _infamia_ was
attached. We know nothing more of Decimus (see _pro Domo_, § 50).
Gellius was an eques and a stepson of L. Marcius Philippus. He
afterwards gave evidence against Sestius for _vis_ (see _pro Sest._ §
110). Cicero calls him the mover of all seditions (_in Vatin._ § 4), and
one of Clodius's gang (_de Har. Resp._ § 59). See next letter.]
[Footnote 404: Perhaps by M. Antonius. See 2 _Phil._ § 21; _pro Mil._ §
40.]
[Footnote 405: Lit. "made all Catilines _Acidini_." Acidinus was the
cognomen of several distinguished men. In _Leg. Agr._ ii. § 64, Cicero
classes the _Acidini_ among men "respectable not only for the public
offices they had held, and for their services to the state, but also for
the noble way in which they had endured poverty." There does not,
however, seem any very good reason known for their becoming proverbial
as the antithesis to revolutionaries.]
[Footnote 406: A slope of the Palatine. Milo's other house (p. 196).]
[Footnote 407: P. Cornelius Sulla, nephew of the dictator. Cicero
defended him in B.C. 62, but he had taken the part of Clodius in the
time of Cicero's exile.]
[Footnote 408: Cn. Cornelius Lentulus Marcellinus, the consul-designate
for the next year. In that capacity he would be called on for his
_sententia_ first.]
[Footnote 409: Q. Cæcilius Metellus Nepos, the consul. Though he had not
opposed Cicero's recall, he stood by his cousin, P. Clodius, in regard
to the threatened prosecution. Appius is Appius Claudius, brother of P.
Clodius.]
[Footnote 410: P. Sestius, the tribune favourable to Cicero, afterwards
defended by him.]
[Footnote 411: Mr. Purser's reading of _nisi anteferret_ before
_proscripsit_ seems to me to darken the passage. What happened was this.
Marcellinus's _sententia_ was never put to the vote, because Metellus,
Appius, and Hortensius (Cicero seems to mean him) talked out the
sitting. Accordingly, Marcellinus published it, _i.e._, put it up
outside the Curia to be read: and under it he (or some other magistrate
whose name has dropped out of the text) put a notice that he was going
to "watch the sky" all the _dies comitiales_, so as to prevent the
election being held. But this had been rendered inoperative by Clodius's
amendment of the _lex Ælia Fufia_ (see 2 _Phil._ § 81)--or at any rate
of doubtful validity--and, accordingly, the only thing left was the
_obnuntiatio_ by a magistrate, which Milo proceeded to make. The rule,
however was that such _obnuntiatio_ must be made before the _comitia_
were begun (2 _Phil. ib._), which again could not begin till sunrise.
Hence Milo's early visit to the _campus_. For the meaning of _proposita_
see Letter XLVII.]
[Footnote 412: After which the _comitia_ could not be begun.]
[Footnote 413: P. Clodius, his brother Appius, and his _cousin_ Metellus
Nepos.]
[Footnote 414: Metellus means that he shall take the necessary auspices
for the _comitia_ in the _comitium_, before going to the _campus_ to
take the votes.]
[Footnote 415: Generally called _inter duos lucos_, the road down the
Capitolium towards the Campus Martius, originally so called as being
between the two heads of the mountain. It was the spot traditionally
assigned to the "asylum" of Romulus.]
[Footnote 416: On the _nundinæ_ and the next day no _comitia_ and no
meeting of the senate could be held.]
[Footnote 417: Candidate for the ædileship, of whom we know nothing.]
[Footnote 418: Apparently a poor lantern, whose sides were made of
canvas instead of horn.]
XCII (Q FR II, 1)
TO HIS BROTHER QUINTUS (IN SARDINIA[419])
ROME (10 DECEMBER)
[Sidenote: B.C. 57, ÆT. 49]
The letter which you have already read I had sent off in the morning.
But Licinius was polite enough to call on me in the evening after the
senate had risen, that, in case of any business having been done there,
I might, if I thought good, write an account of it to you. The senate
was fuller than I had thought possible in the month of December just
before the holidays. Of us consulars there were P. Servilius, M.
Lucullus, Lepidus, Volcatius, Glabrio: the two consuls-designate; the
prætors. We were a really full house: two hundred in all.[420] Lupus had
excited some interest.[421] He raised the question of the Campanian land
in considerable detail. He was listened to in profound silence. You are
not unaware what material that subject affords. He omitted none of the
points which I had made in this business.[422] There were some sharp
thrusts at Cæsar, some denunciations of Gellius, some appeals to the
absent Pompey. After concluding his speech at a late hour, he said that
he would not ask for our votes lest he might burden us with a personal
controversy; he quite understood the sentiments of the senate from the
denunciations of past times and the silence on the present occasion.
Milo spoke. Lupus begins the formula of dismissal,[423] when Marcellinus
says: "Don't infer from our silence, Lupus, what we approve or
disapprove of at this particular time. As far as I am concerned, and I
think it is the same with the rest, I am only silent because I do not
think it suitable that the case of the Campanian land should be debated
in Pompey's absence." Then Lupus said that he would not detain the
senate.[423] Racilius rose and began bringing before the house the case
of the proposed prosecutions. He calls upon Marcellinus, of course,
first;[424] who, after complaining in serious tones of the Clodian
incendiaries, massacres, and stonings, proposed a resolution that
"Clodius himself should, under the superintendence of the prætor
urbanus, have his jury allotted to him; that the elections should be
held only when the allotment of jurors[425] had been completed; that
whoever stopped the trials would be acting against the interests of the
state."[426] The proposal having been received with warm approval, Gaius
Cato[427]--as did also Cassius--spoke against it, with very emphatic
murmurs of disapprobation on the part of the senate, when he proposed to
hold the elections before the trials. Philippus supported Lentulus.[428]
After that Racilius called on me first of the unofficial senators for my
opinion.[429] I made a long speech upon the whole story of P. Clodius's
mad proceedings and murderous violence: I impeached him as though he
were on his trial, amidst frequent murmurs of approbation from the whole
senate. My speech was praised at considerable length, and, by Hercules!
with no little oratorical skill by Antistius Vetus, who also supported
the priority of the legal proceedings, and declared that he should
consider it of the first importance. The senators were crossing the
floor in support of this view,[430] when Clodius, being called on, began
trying to talk out the sitting. He spoke in furious terms of having been
attacked by Racilius in an unreasonable and discourteous manner. Then
his roughs on the Græcostasis[431] and the steps of the house suddenly
raised a pretty loud shout, in wrath, I suppose, against Q. Sextilius
and the other friends of Milo. At this sudden alarm we broke up with
loud expressions of indignation on all sides. Here are the transactions
of one day for you: the rest, I think, will be put off to January. Of
all the tribunes I think Racilius is by far the best: Antistius also
seems likely to be friendly to me: Plancius, of course, is wholly ours.
Pray, if you love me, be careful and cautious about sailing in December.
[Footnote 419: Quintus Cicero was in Sardinia as Pompey's _legatus_ as
superintendent of the corn-supply, to which office he had been appointed
in August. The letter is written not earlier than the 10th of December,
for the new tribunes for B.C. 56 have come into office, and not later
than the 16th, because on the 17th the Saturnalia began. Perhaps as the
senate is summoned and presided over by Lupus, it is on the 10th, the
day of his entrance upon office.]
[Footnote 420: "Full," that is, for the time of year. A "full house" is
elsewhere mentioned as between three and four hundred.]
[Footnote 421: P. Rutilius Lupus, one of the new tribunes.]
[Footnote 422: This refers to Cicero's attempts to exempt the _ager
publicus_ in Campania from being divided (see Letter XXIV, p. 55); and
not only to his speeches against Rullus. It was because Cæsar
disregarded the ancient exception of this land from such distribution
that Cicero opposed his bill, and refused to serve on the commission.]
[Footnote 423: _Nihil vos moramur_ were the words used by the presiding
magistrate, indicating that he had no more business to bring before the
senate. If no one said anything, the senate was dismissed; but any
magistrate, or magistrate-designate, could speak, and so continue the
sitting up to nightfall, when the house stood adjourned.]
[Footnote 424: Because consul-designate. L. Racilius, one of the new
tribunes.]
[Footnote 425: The _sortitio iudicum_ was performed by the prætor
drawing out the required number of names from the urn, which contained
the names of all liable to serve. The accused could, however, challenge
a certain number, and the prætor had then to draw others.]
[Footnote 426: The formula whereby the senate declared its opinion that
so and so was guilty of treason. It had no legal force, but the
magistrates might, and sometimes did, act on it.]
[Footnote 427: C. Porcius Cato, distant relation of Cato Uticensis, one
of the new tribunes.]
[Footnote 428: _I.e._, Marcellinus (Cn. Cornelius Lentulus).]
[Footnote 429: The senators not in office only spoke when called on
(_rogati_). The consuls-designate (if there were any) were always called
first, and then the consulars in order. To be called _first_ was a
subject of ambition, and an opportunity for the presiding magistrate to
pay a compliment or the reverse.]
[Footnote 430: They went and sat or stood near the speaker they wished
to support. It was not, however, a formal division till the speeches
ended, and the presiding magistrate counted. Still, it made the division
easier.]
[Footnote 431: A platform outside the senate-house, where
representatives originally of Greek and then of other states were
placed. It was apparently possible to hear, or partly hear, the debates
from it. It was a _locus substructus_ (Varro, _L. L._ v. 155). There is
no evidence that it was a building to lodge ambassadors in, as Prof.
Tyrrell says.]
XCIII (F VII, 26)
TO M. FADIUS GALLUS (AT ROME)
TUSCULUM[432] (? DECEMBER)
[Sidenote: B.C. 57, ÆT. 49]