Presidential Election of 1864.--Preliminary Movements.--General
Sentiment favors Mr. Lincoln.--Some Opposition to his Renomination.
--Secretary Chase a Candidate.--The "Pomeroy Circular."--Mr. Chase
withdraws.--Republican National Convention.--Baltimore, June 7.--
Fremont and Cochrane nominated.--Speech of Dr. Robert J. Breckinridge.
--Mr. Lincoln renominated.--Candidates for Vice-President.--Andrew
Johnson of Tennessee nominated.--Democratic National Convention.--
Chicago, August 29.--Military Situation discouraging.--Character
of the Convention.--Peace Party prevails.--Speeches of Belmont,
Bigler, Hunt, Long, Seymour.--Nomination of General McClellan for
President.--George H. Pendleton for Vice-President.--Platform.--
Suits Vallandigham.--General McClellan accepts, but evades the
Platform.--General Fremont withdraws.--Success of the Union Army.
--Mr. Lincoln's Popularity.--General McClellan steadily loses
Ground.--Sheridan's Brilliant Victories.--General McClellan receives
the Votes of only Three States.--Governor Seymour defeated in New
York.
The Presidential election of 1864 was approaching, with marked
political fluctuations and varying personal prospects. The tide
of public feeling ebbed or flowed with the disasters or the victories
of the war. The brilliant military triumphs of the summer of 1863
had quelled political opposition, and brought overwhelming success
to the Republican party. This period of heroic achievement and
popular enthusiasm was followed in the winter of 1863-64 by a
dormant campaign, a constant waste, and an occasional reverse which
produced a corresponding measure of doubt and despondency. The
war had been prolonged beyond the expectation of the country; the
loss of blood and of treasure had been prodigious; the rebels still
flaunted their flag along the Tennessee and the Rappahannock; the
public debt was growing to enormous proportions; new levies of
troops were necessary; the end could not yet be seen; and all these
trials and sacrifices and uncertainties had their natural effect
upon the temper of the public and upon the fortunes of the war.
The preliminary movements connected with the Presidential canvass
began in this period of doubt. The prevailing judgment of the
Union-Republican party, with full trust in the President's sagacity
and clear recognition of the injurious construction that would be
put upon a change, pointed unmistakably to the renomination of Mr.
Lincoln. But this predominant sentiment encountered some vigorous
opposition. A part of the hostility was due to a sincere though
mistaken impatience with Mr. Lincoln's slow and conservative methods,
and a part was due to political resentments and ambitions. The
more radical element of the party was not content with the President's
cautious and moderate policy, but insisted that he should proceed
to extreme measures or give way to some bolder leader who would
meet this demand. Other individuals had been aggrieved by personal
disappointments, and the spirit of faction could not be altogether
extinguished even amid the agonies of war. There were civil as
well as military offices to be filled, and the selection among
candidates put forward in various interests could not be made
without leaving a sense of discomfiture in many breasts.
These various elements of discontent and opposition clustered about
Secretary Chase, and found in him their natural leader. He was
the head of the radical forces in the Cabinet, as Mr. Seward was
the exponent of the conservative policy. He had been one of the
earliest and most zealous chiefs of the Free-soil party, and ranked
among the brightest stars in that small galaxy of anti-slavery
senators who bore so memorable a part in the Congressional struggles
before the war. He was justly distinguished as a political leader
and an able and a versatile statesman. For the part he was now
desired and expected to play he had a decided inclination and not
a few advantages. Keenly ambitious, he was justified by his talents,
however mistaken his time and his methods, in aspiring to the
highest place. His sympathies were well understood. By his
unconcealed views and his direct expressions he had encouraged the
movement against Mr. Lincoln. A year in advance of the Presidential
election he had announced his conviction that no President should
be re-elected, and had added the opinion that a man of different
qualities from those of Mr. Lincoln would be needed for the next
four years.
MR. CHASE A PRESIDENTIAL CANDIDATE.
Apart from the influence of his known attitude and of his recognized
leadership, the opponents of Mr. Lincoln were naturally attracted
to Mr. Chase by the fact that he was at the head of the department
which was most potential in the distribution of patronage. If the
purpose was not avowed, the inference was suggested that no man
could do more to help himself. There had been sharp contention
over the important Treasury offices in New York, in which Mr. Chase
appeared on the one side and the rival influences in the Administration
on the other, and this contest was interpreted as a part of the
political and Presidential struggle. Mr. Chase having consented
to the use of his name as a candidate, his friends began active
work on his behalf. Early in the winter of 1863-64 what was known
as the "Pomeroy circular" was sent out, ostensibly as a confidential
paper, but promptly finding its way into print. It derived its
name from the Kansas senator who was prominent in the advocacy of
Mr. Chase's nomination. The circular represented that Mr. Lincoln's
re-election was impossible; that his "manifest tendency toward
compromises and temporary expedients of policy" rendered it
undesirable; that Mr. Chase united more of the qualities needed in
a President for the next four years than were combined in any other
available candidate; and that steps should be taken at once to
effect a general organization to promote his nomination.
But the effort met with small response. It aroused no popular
sympathy. Its chief effect indeed was to call forth the always
constant if sometimes latent attachment of the people to Mr. Lincoln,
and to develop an irresistible desire for his re-election. A few
days after the issue of the "Pomeroy circular" the Republican
members of the Ohio Legislature passed a resolution in favor of
Mr. Lincoln's renomination, and Mr. Chase availed himself of this
unmistakable action in his own State to withdraw his name as a
candidate. The signal failure of the movement however did not
entirely arrest the effort to prevent Mr. Lincoln's renomination.
Restless spirits still persisted in an opposition as destitute of
valid reason as it was abortive in result. With the view of promptly
settling the disturbing question of candidates and presenting an
undivided front to the common foe, the Republican National Convention
had been called to meet on the 7th of June. The selection of this
early date, though inspired by the most patriotic motives, was made
an additional pretext for factious warfare. An address was issued
inviting the "radical men of the nation" to meet at Cleveland on
the 31st of May, with the undisguised design of menacing and
constraining the Republican Convention. This call passionately
denounced Mr. Lincoln by implication as prostituting his position
to perpetuate his own power; it virulently assailed the Baltimore
Convention, though not yet held, as resting wholly on patronage;
it challenged the rightful title of that authoritative tribunal of
the party, and declared for the principle of one term. There had
been no election of delegates to this Cleveland assemblage, and it
possessed no representative character. It was simply a mass
convention, and numbered about a hundred and fifty persons claiming
to come from fifteen different States.
The platform adopted by the Convention was brief, and in some
directions extreme. It demanded that the rebellion be suppressed
without compromise, and that the right of _habeas corpus_ and the
privilege of asylum be held inviolate; declared for the Monroe
doctrine and for constitutional amendments prohibiting the re-
establishment of Slavery and providing for the election of President
for one term only and by direct vote of the people; and finally
advocated the confiscation of the lands of rebels and their
distribution among the soldiers and actual settlers. General
Fremont was selected as the candidate for President, and General
John Cochrane of New York for Vice-President. General Fremont
hurried forward his letter of acceptance, which was dated only four
days after his nomination and three days before the Baltimore
Convention. It repudiated the proposed confiscation, but approved
the remainder of the platform. It was chiefly devoted to a vehement
attack upon Mr. Lincoln's Administration, which was charged with
incapacity and with infidelity to the principles it was pledged to
maintain. General Fremont further hinted that if the Baltimore
Convention would select some candidate other than Mr. Lincoln he
would retire from the contest, but plainly declared that if the
President were renominated there would be no alternative but to
organize every element of opposition against him.
Three days before the Baltimore Convention, a mass meeting was held
in New York to give public voice to the gratitude of the country
to General Grant and his command, for their patriotic and successful
services. While this was the avowed object of the demonstration,
there was a suspicion that it had a political design and that its
real purpose was to present General Grant as a Presidential candidate.
If such were the intent, it was effectually frustrated both by the
emphatic refusal of General Grant to countenance the use of his
name, and by the admirable and impressive letter of Mr. Lincoln.
Paying a warm tribute to the heroic commander of the army, the
President said appealingly, "He and his brave soldiers are now in
the midst of their great trial, and I trust that at your meeting
you will so shape your good words that they may turn to men and
guns, moving to his and their support." This patriotic singleness
of thought for the country's safety defeated and scattered all more
political plans, and the hearts of the people turned more and more
to Mr. Lincoln. He had been steadily growing in the esteem of his
countrymen. The patience, wisdom, and fidelity with which he had
guided the government during its unprecedented trials and dangers
had won the profound respect and affection of the people. Besides
this deepening sentiment of personal devotion and confidence, there
was a wide conviction that, in his own expressive phrase, "it is
not wise to swap horses while crossing the stream."
REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION.
Under these circumstances the Union-Republican National Convention
met in Baltimore. The feeling with which it convened was one of
patriotic and exultant confidence. The doubts prevailing a few
months before had been dissipated. The accession of General Grant
to the command of all our armies, and the forward movement both in
the East and in the West, inspired faith in the speedy and complete
triumph of the Union cause. Many eminent men were included in the
roll of delegates to the Convention. Not less than five of the
leading War Governors were chosen to participate in its councils.
Vermont sent Solomon Foot who had stood faithful in the Senate
during the struggles before the war. Massachusetts had commissioned
her eloquent Governor John A. Andrew; the delegation from New York
embraced Henry J. Raymond; Daniel S. Dickinson, who was to be
prominently named for Vice-President; and Lyman Tremain who, like
Dickinson, was one of the able war Democrats that had joined the
Republican party. New Jersey and Ohio each sent two ex-governors
--Marcus L. Ward and William A. Newell from the former, and William
Dennison and David Tod from the latter. Simon Cameron, Thaddeus
Stevens, and Ex-Speaker Grow of Pennsylvania; Governor Blair and
Omer D. Conger of Michigan; Angus Cameron of Wisconsin and George
W. McCrary of Iowa were among the other delegates who have since
been identified with public affairs and have occupied positions of
responsibility.
In calling the Convention to order Governor Morgan of New York made
a brief speech advocating a constitutional amendment abolishing
slavery. Dr. Robert J. Breckinridge of Kentucky was chosen temporary
chairman. The appearance on the platform of this venerable and
venerated divine was in itself an event of great interest. By
birth and association he was connected with the aristocratic class
which furnished the pillars of the Confederacy; he belonged to a
family conspicuously identified with the rebellion; yet among his
own order he was the strongest and sturdiest champion of the Union
cause south of the Ohio. His pointed eloquence was equaled by his
indomitable courage. The aggressive qualities of his staunch Scotch
ancestry shone in his own resolute and unyielding character, and
he was distinguished both in Church and in State as an able and
uncompromising controversialist. His years and his history inspired
a general feeling of reverence; and as he was conducted to the
chair of the Convention, his tall figure, strong face, and patriarchal
beard imparted to him something of personal majesty. His speech
well illustrated his rugged attributes of character. It was sharp,
sinewy, and defiant. At the beginning he hurled out the declaration
that "the nation shall not be destroyed;" and referring to the plea
which treated the Constitution as the sacred shield of the system
that was waging war on the Union and which insisted that it must
remain untouched, he proclaimed that "we shall change the Constitution
if it suits us to do so." He solemnly affirmed "that the only
enduring, the only imperishable cement of all free institutions
has been the blood of traitors." He alluded to the fact that he
had lived amid the surroundings of slavery, and had been among
those who sustained and upheld the system; but, recognizing that
it was this institution which had lifted the sword against the
Union, he aroused the enthusiasm of his vast audience by his
unhesitating declaration that we must "use all power to exterminate
and extinguish it." Next to the official platform itself, the
speech of Dr. Breckinridge was the most inspiring utterance of the
Convention.
When the question of calling the roll of the Southern States and
of receiving their delegates was reached, Thaddeus Stevens objected
on the ground that such an act might be regarded as recognizing
the right of States in rebellion to participate in the Electoral
College. The Convention decided however to call the roll of all
the States, and to refer the question of admitting their delegates
to the Committee on Credentials. Ex-Governor Dennison of Ohio was
elected permanent president. Preston King of New York from the
Committee on Credentials reported in favor of admitting the Radical
Union delegation from Missouri, and excluding the Conservative
Union or Blair delegation. It was proposed to amend by admitting
both delegations to seats; but the recognition of the Radical Union
delegation was urged on the ground not only that they were regularly
elected, but that it was the duty of the Convention to strengthen
the advanced Union sentiment of the South, and that their admission
would be the practical adhesion of the national party to the broad
anti-slavery policy which was essential to the salvation of the
country. This view prevailed by a vote of 440 to 4. The admission
of the delegations from Tennessee, Arkansas, and Louisiana was a
question of no less interest. It involved the effect of the
rebellion upon the relation of the rebelling States to the Union.
Could they have a voice in public affairs without specific measures
of restoration, or were the acts of secession a nullity without
influence upon their legal status? The committee reported in favor
of admitting the delegations from these States, without the right
to vote. The chairman, Mr. King, was the only member who dissented,
and he moved to amend by admitting them on the same footing as all
the other delegates. The question was first taken on Tennessee,
and the amendment was carried by a vote of 310 to 153--a decision
which had an important bearing on the subsequent nomination for
Vice-President. The delegates from Arkansas and Louisiana were
given the right to vote by 307 to 167. The Territories of Colorado,
Nebraska, and Nevada were soon to enter the Union as States, and
their delegates were allowed to vote. The remaining Territories
and the States of Virginia and Florida were admitted without the
right to vote.
THE PLATFORM AND THE CANDIDATE.
With the completion of the organization the Committee on Resolutions
made their report through Mr. Henry J. Raymond. The platform upon
which it had unanimously agreed was a trenchant and powerful
declaration of policy. Its tone was elevated, its expression was
direct and unequivocal. It pledged every effort to aid the Government
in quelling by force of arms the rebellion against its authority;
it approved "the determination of the government not to compromise
with rebels nor to offer them any terms of peace except such as
may be based upon an unconditional surrender of their hostility
and a return to their just allegiance to the Constitution and laws
of the United States;" and it called upon the government to prosecute
the war with the utmost possible vigor to the complete suppression
of the Rebellion. It resolved that "as slavery was the cause and
now constitutes the strength of this Rebellion, and as it must be
always and everywhere hostile to the principles of Republican
government, justice and the national safety demand its utter and
complete extirpation from the soil of the Republic;" and it declared
for "such an amendment to the Constitution as shall terminate and
forever prohibit the existence of slavery within the limits or
jurisdiction of the United States." The heroism of the soldiers
and sailors of the Republic was gratefully acknowledged. The
wisdom, patriotism, and fidelity of President Lincoln, and his
measures for the defense of the nation were approved. A general
expression that harmony should prevail in the national councils
was interpreted as contemplating a possible reconstruction of the
Cabinet. Declarations for the encouragement of foreign immigration
by a liberal policy, for the speedy construction of a Pacific
railroad, for the inviolability of the National faith, and for the
re-assertion of the Monroe doctrine, completed a platform which in
all its parts was pervaded by the most vigorous spirit. Its
commanding feature was its explicit demand for the abolition of
slavery. The President's Proclamation of Emancipation had been
issued more than a year before, but this was the first National
assemblage with power to make it the fixed policy of a party. The
Baltimore platform, which was adopted by acclamation, made this
the paramount issue, and from that hour Freedom and the Union were
inseparably associated.
The nomination for President being in order, there was a strife
for the honor of naming Mr. Lincoln. General Simon Cameron offered
a resolution declaring Abraham Lincoln the choice of the Union
party for President, and Hannibal Hamlin its candidate for Vice-
President. To this proposition the immediate objection was made that
it might be open to the misconstruction of not permitting a free
vote, and that it complicated the selection for the first place
with a contest over the second. After some discussion General
Cameron withdrew his resolution, and on a general demand, in order
to remove all ground for the charge that the nomination was forced,
the roll of the Convention was called. Abraham Lincoln was named
by 497 delegates,--all of the Convention except the 22 from Missouri,
who under instructions voted for General Grant. Amid great enthusiasm
Mr. Lincoln's nomination was then declared to be unanimous.
CANDIDATES FOR THE VICE-PRESIDENT.
The Vice-Presidency had excited an animated contest. While many
felt that the old ticket should remain unbroken, and that Mr. Hamlin
should continue to be associated with Mr. Lincoln, there was a wide
sentiment in favor of recognizing the war Democrats, who had acted
with the Union party, by selecting one of their number for the
second place. Two prominent representatives of this class were
suggested,--Daniel S. Dickinson of New York and Andrew Johnson of
Tennessee. One was identified with the patriotic Democrats of the
North and the other with the sturdy and intrepid Unionists of the
South. Mr. Dickinson, by reason both of his earnest loyalty and
of his coming from the important State of New York, was regarded
in many quarters with special favor. The Massachusetts delegation
early declared their preference, and sent a message to the New-York
delegation announcing their purpose to vote for him if New York
would present him as a candidate. Had New York given him a united
support his nomination would not have been doubtful. But the very
reasons which commended him in other sections excited jealousy in
his own State, and prompted an opposition which led to his defeat.
Mr. Dickinson's career had been long and honorable. He had been
chosen to the State Senate in 1837, and quickly attained a leading
place. After serving as lieutenant-governor, he was in 1844
appointed United-States senator by Governor Bouck to fill a vacancy,
and was subsequently elected by the Legislature for a full term.
Appearing in the Senate at the important juncture when the annexation
of Texas and the Mexican war were agitating the country, he soon
took an active part in the discussions. He was particularly
distinguished for his aptness in repartee, and for his keen and
incisive humor. Politically he belonged to the conservative or
_Hunker_ wing of the Democracy. Entering the Senate just as Silas
Wright was leaving it to assume the Governor's chair, he joined
Secretary Marcy and the influences that moulded Polk's Administration,
against the able and powerful statesman who had so long held sway
over the Democratic party in New York. Mr. Dickinson's talent made
him the leader of the Hunkers, and in 1852 he was one of their
candidates for President. When the war came, he declared himself
unreservedly on the side of the Government, and rendered valuable
service to the Union party. He was especially effective on the
stump. His sharp wit, his rich fund of anecdotes, his sparkling
humor, his singular felicity and aptness of biblical illustration,
which had earned for him the popular name of "Scripture Dick,"
served to give him wonderful command over an audience, and the
effect was heightened by his personal appearance, which his long,
flowing silvery locks made strikingly impressive.
The suggestion of Mr. Dickinson's name for Vice-President was
cordially received by many delegates. But some of the controlling
influences among the New-York Republicans were not well disposed
towards the advancement of those who came from the Democratic ranks.
They feared, besides, that if the candidate from Vice-President
were taken from New York, it might prejudice her claims for the
Cabinet, and might endanger Mr. Seward's position as Secretary of
State. For these reasons their influence was thrown against Mr.
Dickinson's nomination. On a test-vote in the New-York delegation,
Dickinson received 28, Johnson 22, and Hamlin 6. This result was
fatal to Mr. Dickinson's chances, and brought Mr. Johnson prominently
forward. His record and character had much to attract the patriotic
respect of the country. The vigor and boldness with which, though
a Southern senator, he had denounced secession at the beginning of
the outbreak, had taken strong hold of the popular heart. The
firmness and unyielding loyalty he had displayed as Military Governor
of Tennessee greatly deepened the favorable impression. The
delegates from his own and other Southern States had been admitted
to the Convention as an evidence that the Republican party honored
the tried and faithful loyalists of the South, and many felt that
the nomination of Mr. Johnson would emphasize this sentiment, and
free the party from the imputation of sectional passion and purpose.
The ballot for Vice-President gave Johnson 200; Dickinson 113;
Hamlin 145; General B. F. Butler 26; General L. H. Rousseau 21;
with a few scattering votes. Before the final announcement, several
delegations changed to Johnson, until as declared the ballot stood,
Johnson 492; Dickinson 17; Hamlin 9. Mr. Johnson was then unanimously
nominated. The Convention had completed its work, and the results
were hailed with satisfaction throughout the country.
The Republicans had been compelled in 1856 and 1860 to nominate
their candidates both for President and Vice-President from the
North. This was contrary to the patriotic traditions of the country
with which a single exception had in all parties divided the
candidates between the two great sections of the country. Strangely
enough both parties violated the practice in the exciting canvass
of 1828, when Jackson and Calhoun were the candidates of the
Democratic party and Adams and Rush were the candidates of the
National Republican party. The nomination now of Andrew Johnson
from the South tended, in the phrase of the day, to _nationalize_
the Republican party, and this consideration gave it popularity
throughout the North. It was nevertheless felt by many of Mr.
Hamlin's friends to be an injustice to him. But it did him no
injury. He accepted the result in a cordial manner and worked
earnestly for the success of the nominees. The whole country saw
that the grounds upon which Mr. Hamlin was superseded were not in
derogation of the honorable record he had made in his long and
faithful public career.
DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION, 1864.
The Democratic National Convention was held nearly three months
after the Republican Convention had renominated Mr. Lincoln, and
only two months prior to the election. It had originally been
called to meet in Chicago on the 4th of July; but as the time
approached, the brighter military prospects and the rekindled
national hopes left a darker Democratic outlook, and the assembling
of the Convention had been delayed to the 29th of August. Several
reasons had combined to secure the selection of this unusually late
day. It gave longer opportunity to observe the course of the
military campaign, and to take advantage of any unfavorable
exigencies; it allowed more time to compose Democratic dissensions;
and it furnished more scope for the party, whose chances rested
solely upon the degree of popular discontent, to seize upon any
disturbed state of the public mind, and turn it to account.
The delay of nearly two months had been accompanied by a marked
change in the situation. The advance of the Union cause which had
depressed Democratic expectations in the spring, had been succeeded
by inactivity and doubts which revived Democratic hopes in August.
The postponement which had been ordered that they might avail
themselves of any unfavorable course of affairs, thus deluded them
into a bold abandonment of all reserve. Changes in the military
situation were sometimes sudden and swift. Had the Convention been
postponed another week, its tone and action might have been
essentially different; for its tumultuous session had scarcely
closed before the clouds that hung over the country during the
summer were scattered, and our armies entered upon the most brilliant
movements and triumphs of the war--triumphs which did not cease
until the surrender at Appomattox.
But the Convention assembled at a time of uncertainty if not of
gloom and depression. The issue of the great struggle was not yet
clear. General Grant, with his unquailing resolution "to fight it
out on this line," had cut his way through the Wilderness over the
bloody field of Spotsylvania, and against the deadly lines of Cold
Harbor. He had fastened his iron grip upon Petersburg, and there
the opposing armies were still halting in their trenches. In the
Shenandoah Valley, Early was defiant and aggressive. In the West,
the delay at Kennesaw, the fall of the heroic McPherson, and other
reverses had marked a campaign of slow advances. The assaults upon
Mr. Lincoln's Administration had been renewed with increased venom
and persistence. Mistaken and abortive peace negotiations with
pretended rebel commissioners at Niagara Falls had provoked much
criticism and given rise to unfounded charges. The loyal spirit
and purpose of the people were unshaken; but there was some degree
of popular impatience with the lack of progress, and it was the
expectation of the Democratic managers that the restive feeling
might be turned into the channel of opposition to the Administration.
The Convention included among its delegates many of the most
distinguished leaders of the Democratic party. Massachusetts sent
Josiah G. Abbott and George Lunt. The credentials of Connecticut
were borne by the positive and aggressive William W. Eaton. Among
the representatives of New York were the accomplished Governor
Seymour; the acute Dean Richmond; Samuel J. Tilden, who had not
yet achieved his national distinction; Sanford E. Church, who
afterwards became chief judge of the Court of Appeals; and Ex-
Governor Washington Hunt, whose Silver-Gray conservatism had carried
him into the Democratic party. Ohio counted on the roll of her
delegates William Allen, who had been the contemporary of Webster
and Clay in the Senate; George H. Pendleton and Allen G. Thurman,
who were yet to take high rank in that body; and Clement L.
Vallandigham, just then more prominent with a doubtful celebrity
than any one of his abler colleagues. Pennsylvania contributed Ex-
Governor Bigler, and William A. Wallace already showing the political
talent which afterwards gave him a leading position. The Indiana
delegation was led by Joseph E. McDonald, and the Kentucky delegation
by Governor Powell, James Guthrie, and by Ex-Governor Wickliffe who
had been driven by Mr. Lincoln's anti-slavery policy into the ranks
of his most bitter opponents. In ability and leadership the
Convention fairly represented the great party whose principles and
policy it had met to declare. Besides the accredited delegates,
it brought together a large number of the active and ruling members
of the Democratic organization. The opposition to the war was
stronger in the West than in the East, and the presence of the
Convention in the heart of the region where disloyal societies were
rife, gathered about it a large and positive representation of the
Peace party, which manifested itself in public meetings and in
inflammatory utterances.
DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION, 1864.
The representatives inside and outside of the Convention were united
in opposing the War and in demanding Peace. But there were different
shades of the Peace sentiment. One portion of the Convention, led
chiefly by the adroit New-York managers, arraigned the whole conduct
and policy of the Administration, and insisted upon a cessation of
hostilities, but at the same time modified the force and effect of
this attitude by urging the nomination of General McClellan for
President. They concurred in the demand for an armistice, but made
a reservation in favor of continuing the war in case the rebels
refused to accept it. Another portion sought to make the declaration
against the war so broad and emphatic that neither General McClellan
nor any man who had been identified with the struggle for the Union
could become the candidate. Both divisions agreed in denouncing
the war measures of the Administration, in resisting emancipation,
in calling for immediate cessation of military movements, and in
opposing the requirement of any conditions from the Southern States.
They differed only in the degree of their hostility to the war.
The faction peculiarly distinguished as the Peace party was led by
Mr. Vallandigham of Ohio, who was the central figure of the
Convention. He had been conspicuous in Congress as the most vehement
and violent opponent of every measure for the prosecution of the
war. Subsequent events had increased his notoriety, and given
explicit significance to his participation in the National Convention
of his party.
The Convention, meeting in the same city where Abraham Lincoln had
first been nominated four years before, struck its keynote in
opposition to his Administration. Mr. August Belmont, Chairman of
the National Committee, opened the proceedings with a violent
speech. "Four years of misrule," he said, "by a sectional, fanatical,
and corrupt party have brought our country to the very verge of
ruin. . . . The past and present are sufficient warnings of the
disastrous consequences which would befall us if Mr. Lincoln's re-
election should be made possible by our want of patriotism and
unity." In still more explicit terms he went on to picture the
direful effects of that catastrophe. "The inevitable results of
such a calamity," he said, "must be the utter disintegration of
our whole political and social system amid bloodshed and anarchy,
with the great problems of liberal progress and self-government
jeopardized for generations to come."
Ex-Governor Bigler of Pennsylvania was made temporary chairman,
and followed in a speech which expressed similar sentiments in more
discreet and temperate language than Mr. Belmont had used. He
contented himself with general utterances, and was not betrayed
into personal reflections or prophecies of ruin. The organization
was promptly completed, and the character of the platform was
foreshadowed when it was known that Mr. Vallandigham was a ruling
spirit in the Committee on Resolutions. It was a suggestive incident
that Ex-Governor Wickliffe of Kentucky presented letters from two
delegates chosen to represent that State, explaining their absence
by the fact that they were imprisoned by the Union Government,
without cause, as they alleged, but presumably for disloyal conduct.
Various individual propositions were then brought forward. The
temper and purpose of the Convention may be judged from the offer
of a resolution by so conservative and moderate a man as Ex-Governor
Hunt of New York, declaring in favor of an armistice and of a
convention of States "to review and amend the Constitution so as
to insure to each State the enjoyment of all its rights and the
constitutional control of its domestic concerns,"--meaning in
plainer words the perpetuation and protection of slavery. This
policy aimed to stop the Rebellion by conceding what the rebels
fought for. Then came a characteristic proposition from Alexander
Long of Ohio. Mr. Long was a member of Congress, and next to Mr.
Vallandigham had been most active in resisting war measures. For
a speech which was treasonable in tone he had been publicly censured
by the House. His proposition provided for the appointment of a
committee to proceed at once to Washington, and urge President
Lincoln to stop the draft until the people could decide the question
of peace or war. These various propositions, following the usual
course, were referred to the Committee on Resolutions.
THE PEACE POLICY PROCLAIMED.
Governor Horatio Seymour of New York was chosen president, and on
taking the chair made the most elaborate and important address of
the Convention. He was exceedingly popular with his party, and
was justly recognized as among the ablest defenders of its views.
By virtue both of his official position and of his personal strength
he was looked to more than any other leader for the exposition of
Democratic policy. Singularly prepossessing in manner, endowed
with a rare gift of polished and persuasive speech, he put in more
plausible form the extreme and virulent utterances of intemperate
partisans. He was skilled in dialectics, and his rhetorical
dexterity had more than once served him and his friends in good
stead. He was well-nigh the idol of his party, and no other man
could so effectively rally its strength or direct its policy. His
address as presiding officer was intended to be free from the
menacing tone which marked most of the speeches of the Convention,
but it veiled the same sentiment in more subtle and specious phrase.
He charged both the cause and the continuance of the war upon the
Republican party. "Four years ago," he said, "a convention met in
this city when our country was peaceful, prosperous, and united.
Its delegates did not mean to destroy our government, to overwhelm
us with debt, or to drench our land with blood; but they were
animated by intolerance and fanaticism, and blinded by an ignorance
of the spirit of our institutions, the character of our people,
and the condition of our land. They thought they might safely
indulge their passions, and they concluded to do so. Their passions
have wrought out their natural results." Governor Seymour had no
criticism for those who had drawn the sword against the government;
he did not impute to them any responsibility for the war; but he
charged the wrong upon those who were defending the Union. In
advocating an armistice which would involve a practical surrender
of the contest he said: "The Administration will not let the
shedding of blood cease, even for a little time, to see if Christian
charity or the wisdom of statesmanship may not work out a method
to save our country. Nay, more, they will not listen to a proposal
for peace which does not offer that which this government has no
right to ask." It was the abolition of slavery which "this government
has no right to ask." As he advanced towards his conclusion
Governor Seymour grew more pronounced and less discreet. "But as
for us," he said, "we are resolved that the party which has made
the history of our country since its advent to power seem like some
unnatural and terrible dream, shall be overthrown. We have forborne
much because those who are now charged with the conduct of public
affairs know but little about the principles of our government."
The entire speech was able, adroit, and mischievous.
In the preparation of the platform the champions of the peace policy
had their own way. The friends of General McClellan were so
anxious to secure his nomination and to conciliate the opposition
that they studiously avoided provoking any conflict with the
predominant peace sentiment. The substance and vital spirit of
the platform were contained in the second resolution as follows:
"That this Convention does explicitly declare as the sense of the
American people, that after four years of failure to restore the
Union by the experiment of war, during which under the pretense of
a military necessity of a war power higher than the Constitution,
the Constitution itself has been disregarded in every part, and
public liberty and private right alike trodden down, and the material
prosperity of the country essentially impaired, justice, humanity,
liberty, and the public welfare demand that immediate efforts be
made for a cessation of hostilities with a view to an ultimate
convention of all the States, or other peaceable means, to the end
that at the earliest practicable moment peace may be restored on
the basis of the Federal Union of the States." The few remaining
resolutions pledged fidelity to the Union, condemned the alleged
interference of the military authority with certain State elections,
denounced what were recited as arbitrary acts of Administrative
usurpation, reprobated "the shameful disregard of the Administration
of its duty in respect to our fellow-citizens who now are and long
have been prisoners of war," and declared the sympathy of the
Democratic party with the soldiers of the Republic.
The extreme Peace party having carried the platform, the less
radical section of the Convention secured the candidate for President.
But General McClellan was not nominated without a vehement protest.
The presentation of his name was the signal for a stormy debate.
Mr. Harris of Maryland passionately declared that one man named as
a candidate "was a tyrant." "He it was," continued the speaker,
"who first initiated the policy by which our rights and liberties
were stricken down. That man is George B. McClellan. Maryland
which has suffered so much at the hands of that man will not submit
in silence to his nomination." This attack produced great confusion,
and to justify his course Mr. Harris read General McClellan's order
for the arrest of the Maryland Legislature. He proceeded, "All the
charges of usurpation and tyranny that can be brought against
Lincoln and Butler can be made and substantiated against McClellan.
He is the assassin of State rights, the usurper of liberty, and if
nominated will be beaten everywhere, as he was at Antietam."
General Morgan of Ohio warmly defended McClellan. He declared that
there was a treasonable conspiracy in Maryland to pass an ordinance
of secession, and that McClellan had thwarted it. Mr. Long espoused
the other side. "You have arraigned Lincoln," he said, "as being
guilty of interfering with the freedom of speech, the freedom of
elections, and of arbitrary arrests, and yet you propose to nominate
a man who has gone even farther than Lincoln has gone in the
perpetration of similar tyrannical measures. McClellan is guilty
of the arrest of the Legislature of a sovereign State. He has
suspended the writ of _habeas corpus_, and helped to enforce the
odious Emancipation Proclamation of Lincoln, the wiling instrument
of a corrupt and tyrannical administration. He has aided while
possessing military power all its efforts to strip American freemen
of their liberties."
The heated debate lasted till darkness forced an adjournment, and
on re-assembling in the morning a ballot was immediately taken.
General McClellan received 162 votes, and 64 votes were divided
among Horatio Seymour, Thomas H. Seymour of Connecticut and others;
but before the result was announced several changes were made, and
the vote as finally declared as 2021/2 for McClellan and 231/2 for
Thomas H. Seymour. For Vice-President two ballots were taken. On
the first, James Guthrie of Kentucky had 651/2 votes; George H.
Pendleton of Ohio, 541/2; Governor Powell of Kentucky, 321/2; George
W. Cass of Pennsylvania, 26. Mr. Guthrie had been identified with
the war party; Mr. Pendleton as a member of Congress had opposed
the war and was the favorite of the Peace party; and on the second
ballot Mr. Guthrie's name was withdrawn and Mr. Pendleton unanimously
nominated. This act completed the work of the Convention.
RE-ACTION AGAINST THE DEMOCRACY.
The response of the country to the action of the Democratic
representatives was an immediate outburst of indignant rebuke.
There were thousands of patriotic Democrats who deeply resented
the hostility of the Convention to the loyal sentiment of the
people, and who felt that it was as fatal as it was offensive.
The general expression of condemnation, and the manifestations on
all sides foreshadowed the doom of the Chicago ticket. General
McClellan and his friends felt the necessity of doing something to
placate the aroused sentiment which they could not resist, and he
vainly sought to make his letter of acceptance neutralize the
baneful effect of the Democratic platform.
In truth General McClellan practically disavowed the platform. He
ignored the demand for a cessation of hostilities and the declaration
that the war was a failure. "The re-establishment of the Union,"
he said, "in all its integrity is and must continue to be the
indispensable condition in any settlement. So soon as it as clear,
or even probable, that our present adversaries are ready for peace
upon the basis of the Union, we should exhaust all the resources
of statesmanship practiced by civilized nations and taught by the
traditions of the American people, consistent with the honor and
interests of the country, to secure such peace, re-establish the
Union, and guarantee for the future the constitutional rights of
every State. The Union is the one condition of peace. We ask no
more." While thus proposing to "exhaust the resources of statesmanship"
to secure peace, he indicated that if such efforts were unavailing
the responsibility for consequences would fall upon those who
remained in arms against the Union. But the letter failed to attain
its object. Its dissent from the dangerous and obnoxious propositions
of the platform was too guarded and reserved to be satisfactory.
The people felt moreover that the deliberate declarations of the
Convention and not the individual expressions of the candidate
defined the policy of the party.
One of the first results of the Democratic position was the withdrawal
of General Fremont from the canvass. As a loyal man he could not
fail to see that his position was entirely untenable. Either Mr.
Lincoln or General McClellan would be the next President and his
duty was made so plain that he could not hesitate. The argument
for Mr. Lincoln's re-election addressed itself with irresistible
force to the patriotic sentiment and sober judgment of the country.
Apart from every consideration growing out of the disloyal attitude
of the Democratic Convention, it was felt that the rejection of
Mr. Lincoln would be regarded by the rebels as the condemnation of
the war policy and would encourage them to renewed, prolonged, and
more desperate resistance. This conviction appealed to patriotic
men of all parties. Mere political feeling largely subsided, and
the people were actuated by a higher sense of public duty. Especially
was every effort made to remove all grounds of difference which
had divided members of the Union party. The Baltimore platform
indicated some dissatisfaction with the Cabinet, and, acting upon
this suggestion, the President requested and received the resignation
of Postmaster-General Blair. It is but just to Mr. Blair to say
that he gave to Mr. Lincoln his earnest and faithful support in
the election.
From the hour of the Chicago Convention the whole course of events
steadily strengthened the canvass for Mr. Lincoln. The turn of
the political tide came with sudden and overpowering force. The
news of the capture of Fort Morgan burst upon the Democratic
Convention while it was declaring the war a failure, and the day
after its adjournment brought the still more inspiring intelligence
that Sherman had taken Atalanta. The swift successes of Farragut
in Mobile Bay, following the fall of the rebel stronghold in the
South, filled the country with joy. Within two days from the hour
when the Chicago delegates separated with the demand for a practical
surrender to the rebellion, President Lincoln was able to issue a
proclamation for thanksgiving in all the churches for the great
Union triumphs; and this was followed by national salutes from
every navy-yard and arsenal and from all military headquarters.
The political effect of the victories was instantaneous and
overwhelming. As Secretary Seward expressed it in a public speech,
"Sherman and Farragut have knocked the planks out of the Chicago
platform."
GREAT VICTORY FOR MR. LINCOLN.
The tide of victory swept on. While Grant was holding Lee as in
a vise at Petersburg, and Sherman was breaking the shell of the
Confederacy at Atlanta, Sheridan was dashing through the Shenandoah
Valley. Three striking victories crowned his bold and brilliant
progress. The battles of Winchester and Fisher's Hill came within
three weeks of Atlanta and within three days of each other. The
third exploit at Cedar Creek was still more dramatic and thrilling.
The succession of matchless triumphs was the theme of every journal
and every orator, and the North was aflame with the enthusiasm it
kindled. In the light of the answer flashed back from a score of
battle-fields, the Chicago declaration that the war was a failure
was not only seen to be unpatriotic and mischievous but was made
contemptible by universal ridicule and obloquy.
The political effect of these victories was precisely what Mr.
Lincoln had foreseen and foretold. Speaking of the issue to a
friend, he said, "With reverses in the field the case is doubtful
at the polls. With victory in the field the election will take
care of itself." And so it was. Vermont and Maine in September,
Pennsylvania, Ohio, and Indiana in October, registered in advance
the edict of the people in regard to the Presidency. The result
in November was an overwhelming triumph for Mr. Lincoln. Of the
twenty-two States participating in the election, General McClellan
received the electoral vote of but three. It is perhaps a still
stronger statement to say that of the eighteen free States he
received the vote of but one. New Jersey gave him her electors,
and Kentucky and Delaware, angered by the impending destruction of
Slavery, turned against the Administration and against the prosecution
of the war. Maryland had escaped from all influences connected
with Slavery by its abolition the preceding October, and now cast
her vote for Mr. Lincoln. Missouri and West Virginia, the only
other slave States loyal to the Union, stood firmly by the President.
Mr. Lincoln received two hundred and twelve electoral votes and
General McClellan received twenty-one.
The chief interest of the whole country for the last month of the
campaign had centred in New York. As nearly as Mr. Lincoln was
willing to regard a political contest as personal to himself, he
had so regarded the contest between Mr. Seymour and Mr. Fenton.
Governor Seymour's speech in the Chicago Convention had been an
indictment of a most malignant type against the Administration.
The President felt that he was himself wholly wrong or Governor
Seymour was wholly wrong, and the people of New York were to decide
which. They rendered their verdict in the election of Reuben E.
Fenton to the Governorship by a majority of thousands over Mr.
Seymour. Without that result Mr. Lincoln's triumph would have been
incomplete. For its accomplishment great credit was awarded to
the Republican candidate for the admirable thoroughness of his
canvass and for the judicious direction of public thought to the
necessity of vindicating the President against the aspersions of
Mr. Seymour. The victory in the Nation was the most complete ever
achieved in an election that was seriously contested.