Depression among the People in 1863.--Military Situation.--Hostility
to the Administration.--Determination to break it down.--Vallandigham's
Disloyal Speech.--Two Rebellions threatened.--General Burnside
takes Command of the Department of the Ohio.--Arrests Vallandigham.
--Tries him by Military Commission.--His Sentence commuted by Mr.
Lincoln.--Habeas Corpus refused.--Democratic Party protests.--
Meeting in Albany.--Letter of Governor Seymour.--Ohio Democrats
send a Committee to Washington.--Mr. Lincoln's Replies to Albany
Meeting and to the Ohio Committee.--Effect of his Words upon the
Country.--Army of the Potomac.--General Hooker's Defeat at
Chancellorsville.--Gloom in the Country.--The President's Letters
to General Hooker.--General Meade succeeds Hooker in Command of
the Army.--Battle of Gettysburg.--Important Victory for the Union.
--Relief to the Country.--General Grant's Victory at Vicksburg.--
Fourth of July.--Notable Coincidence.--State Elections favorable
to the Administration.--Meeting of Thirty-eighth Congress.--Schuyler
Colfax elected Speaker.--Prominent New Members in Each Branch.--E.
D. Morgan, Alexander Ramsey, John Conness, Reverdy Johnson, Thomas
A. Hendricks, Henry Winter Davis, Robert C. Schenck, James A.
Garfield, William B. Allison.--President's Message.--Thirteenth
Amendment to the Constitution.--First proposed by James M. Ashley.
--John B. Henderson proposes Amendment which passes the Senate.--
Debate in Both Branches.--Aid to the Pacific Railroads.--Lieutenant-
General Grant.
At no time during the war was the depression among the people of
the North so great as in the spring of 1863. When the Thirty-
seventh Congress came to its close on the 3d of March, partisan
feeling was so bitter that a contest of most dangerous character
was foreshadowed in the Loyal States. The anti-slavery policy of
the President was to be attacked as tending to a fatal division
among the people; the conduct of the war was to be arraigned as
impotent, and leading only to disaster. Circumstances favored an
assault upon the Administration. The project of freeing the slaves
had encountered many bitter prejudices among the masses in the
Loyal States, and reverses in the field had created a dread of
impending conscriptions which would send additional thousands to
be wasted in fruitless assaults upon impregnable fortifications.
General Hooker had succeeded to the command of the Army of the
Potomac, still sore under the cruel sacrifice of its brave men in
the previous December. General Grant was besieging Vicksburg,
which had been fortified with all the strength that military science
could impart, and was defended by a very strong force under the
command of J. C. Pemberton, a graduate of West Point, and a lieutenant-
general in the Confederate army.
CRUSADE AGAINST THE PRESIDENT.
The opponents of the Administration intended to press the attack,
to destroy the prestige of Mr. Lincoln, to bring hostilities in
the field to an end, to force a compromise which should give
humiliating guaranties for the protection of Slavery, to bring the
South back in triumph, and to re-instate the Democratic party in
the Presidential election of the ensuing year for a long and peaceful
rule over a Union in which radicalism had been stamped out and
Abolitionists placed under the ban. Such was the flattering prospect
which opened to the view of the party that had so determinedly
resisted and so completely defeated the Administration in the great
States of the Union the preceding year. The new crusade against
the President was begun by Mr. Vallandigham, who if not the ablest
was the frankest and boldest member of his party. He took the
stump soon after the adjournment of the Thirty-seventh Congress.
It was an unusual time of the year to begin a political contest;
but the ends sought were extraordinary, and the means adopted might
well be of the same character. On the first day of May Mr.
Vallandigham made a peculiarly offensive, mischievous, disloyal
speech at Mount Vernon, Ohio, which was published throughout the
State and widely copied elsewhere. It was perfectly apparent that
the bold agitator was to have many followers and imitators, and
that in the rapidly developing sentiment which he represented, the
Administration would have as bitter an enemy in the rear as it was
encountering at the front. The case was therefore critical. Mr.
Lincoln saw plainly that the Administration was not equal to the
task of subduing two rebellions. While confronting the power of
a solid South he must continue to wield the power of a solid North.
After General Burnside had been relieved from the command of the
Army of the Potomac he was sent to command the Department of Ohio.
He established his headquarters at Cincinnati in April (1863). He
undoubtedly had confidential instructions in regard to the mode of
dealing with the rising tide of disloyalty which, beginning in
Ohio, was sweeping over the West. The Mount-Vernon speech of Mr.
Vallandigham would inevitably lead to similar demonstrations
elsewhere, and General Burnside determined to deal with its author.
On Monday evening the 4th of May he sent a detachment of soldiers
to Mr. Vallandigham's residence in Dayton, arrested him, carried
him to Cincinnati, and tried him by a military commission of which
a distinguished officer, General Robert B. Potter, was president.
Mr. Vallandigham resisted the whole proceeding as a violation of
his rights as a citizen of the United States, and entered a protest
declaring that he was arrested without due process of law and
without warrant from any judicial officer, that he was not in either
the land or naval forces of the United States nor in the militia
in actual service, and therefore was not triable by a court-martial
or military commission, but was subject only, by the express terms
of the Constitution, to be tried on an indictment or presentment
of a grand jury. Of the offense charged against him there was no
doubt, and scarcely a denial; and the commission, brushing aside
his pleas, convicted him, and sentenced him to be placed in close
confinement, during the continuance of the war, in some fortress
of the United States--the fortress to be designated by the commanding
officer of the department. General Burnside approved the proceeding,
and designated Fort Warren in the harbor of Boston as the place of
Mr. Vallandigham's detention.
THE ARREST OF VALLANDIGHAM.
The President, with that sagacity which was intuitive and unfailing
in all matters of moment, disapproved the sentence, and commuted
it to one sending Mr. Vallandigham beyond our military lines to
his friends of the Southern Confederacy. The estimable and venerable
Judge Leavett of the United-States District Court was applied to
for a writ of _habeas corpus_, but he refused to issue it. The
judge declared that the power of the President undoubtedly implies
the right to arrest persons who by their mischievous acts of
disloyalty impede or hinder the military operations of the government.
The Democratic party throughout the Union took up the case with
intemperate and ill-tempered zeal. Meetings were held in various
places to denounce it, and to demand the right of Vallandigham to
return from the rebel lines within which he had been sent. Governor
Seymour of New York in a public letter denounced the arrest as "an
act which had brought dishonor upon our country, and is full of
danger to our persons and our homes. If this proceeding is approved
by the government and sanctioned by the people it is not merely a
step towards revolution, it is revolution; it will not only lead
to military despotism, it establishes military despotism. In this
respect it must be accepted, or in this respect it must be rejected.
If it is upheld our liberties are overthrown." Waxing still bolder
Governor Seymour said "the people of this country now wait with
the deepest anxiety the decision of the Administration upon these
acts. Having given it a generous support in the conduct of the
war, we now pause to see what kind of government it is for which
we are asked to pour out our blood and our treasure. The action
of the Administration will determine, in the minds of more than
one-half of the people of the Loyal States, whether this war is
waged to put down rebellion in the South or to destroy free
institutions at the North."
The evil effect upon the public opinion of the North of such language
from a man of Governor Seymour's high personal character and
commanding influence with his party can hardly be exaggerated. It
came at a time when the Administration was sorely pressed and when
it could not stand an exasperating division in the North. The
governor's letter was publicly read at a large meeting of the
Democratic party in Albany, presided over by Erastus Corning, and
called to consider the act of the Administration. A long series
of resolutions denouncing Vallandigham's arrest were adopted and
forwarded to the President. But Mr. Lincoln rose to the occasion
as if inspired, and his letter of June 12 to the Albany Committee
turned the popular tide powerfully in favor of the Administration.
One of the points presented made a deep impression upon the
understanding and profoundly stirred the hearts of the people.
"Mr. Vallandigham was not arrested," said the President, "because
he was damaging the political prospects of the Administration or
the personal interests of the commanding general, but because he
was damaging the army, upon the existence and vigor of which the
life of this Nation depends. . . . If Mr. Vallandigham was not
damaging the military power of the country, then his arrest was
made on mistake of facts, which I would be glad to correct on
reasonable, satisfactory evidence. I understand the meeting whose
resolutions I am considering, to be in favor of suppressing the
Rebellion by military force--by armies. Long experience has shown
that armies cannot be maintained unless desertion shall be punished
by the severe penalty of death. The case requires, and the law
and the Constitution sanction, this punishment. Must I shoot a
simple-minded soldier-boy who deserts, while I must not touch a
hair of the wily agitator who induces him to desert? This is none
the less injurious when effected by getting father or brother or
friend into a public meeting, and there working upon his feelings
until he is persuaded to write the soldier-boy that he is fighting
in a bad cause, for a wicked Administration of a contemptible
government, too weak to arrest and punish him if he shall desert.
I think that in such a case to silence the agitator and to save
the boy is not only constitutional, but is withal a great mercy."
No other man in our history has so fully possessed the power of
presenting an argument in concrete form, overthrowing all the logic
of assailants, and touching the chords of public feeling with a
tenderness which becomes an irresistible force.
The Democrats of Ohio took up the arrest of Vallandigham with
especial earnestness, and were guilty of the unspeakable folly of
nominating him as their candidate for governor. They appointed an
imposing committee--one from each Congressional district of the
State--to communicate with the President in regard to the sentence
of banishment. They arrived in Washington about the last of June,
and addressed a long communication to Mr. Lincoln, demanding the
release and return of Mr. Vallandigham. They argued the case with
ability. No less than eleven of the committee were or had been
members of Congress, with George H. Pendleton at their head. Mr.
Lincoln's reply under date of June 29 to their communication was
as felicitous, as conclusive, as his reply to the Albany Committee.
He expressed his willingness in answer to their request, to release
Mr. Vallandigham without asking pledge, promise, or retraction from
him, and with only one simple condition. That condition was that
"the gentlemen of the committee themselves, representing as they
do the character and power of the Ohio Democracy, will subscribe
to three propositions: _First_, That there is now a rebellion in
the United States, the object and tendency of which are to destroy
the National Union, and that in your opinion an army and navy are
constitutional means for suppressing that rebellion. _Second_,
That no one of you will do any thing which in his own judgment will
tend to hinder the increase or favor the decrease or lessen the
efficiency of the army and navy while engaged in the effort to
suppress that rebellion. And _Third_, That each of you will in
his sphere do all he can to have the officers, soldiers, and seamen
of the army and navy, while engaged in the effort to suppress the
Rebellion, paid, fed, clad, and otherwise well provided for and
supported."
Mr. Lincoln sent duplicates of these three conditions to the
committee, one of which was to be returned to him indorsed with
their names as evidence of their agreement thereto, the publication
of which indorsement should be of itself a revocation of the order
in relation to Mr. Vallandigham. If the Ohio gentlemen subscribed
to these conditions as essential and obligatory, they thereby
justified the arrest of Vallandigham for resisting each and every
one of them. If they would not subscribe to them they placed
themselves before the people of Ohio in an attitude of hostility
to the vigorous and successful conduct of the war, on which the
fate of the Union depended. The committee made a very lame rejoinder
to the President. He had in truth placed them in a dilemma, from
which they could not extricate themselves, and they naturally fell
under popular condemnation. Mr. Lincoln's hit had indeed been so
palpable that its victims were laughed at by the public, and their
party was foredoomed by their course to political annihilation in
the coming election.
THE BATTLE OF CHANCELLORSVILLE.
While these interesting events were in progress the military exigency
was engaging the attention of the people with an interest almost
painfully intense. There was an urgent demand for an early movement
by the Army of the Potomac. Mr. Lincoln realized that prompt
success was imperatively required. The repetition of the disasters
of 1862 might fatally affect our financial credit, and end with
the humiliation of an intervention by European Powers. General
Hooker was impressed by Mr. Lincoln with the absolute necessity of
an early and energetic movement of the Army of the Potomac. On
the 2d and 3d of May he fought the battle of Chancellorsville. He
had as large a force as the Union army mustered on a single battle-
field during the war,--not less perhaps than one hundred and twenty
thousand men. He made a lamentable failure. Without bringing more
than one-third of his troops into action he allowed himself to be
driven across the Rappahannock by Lee, who, on the 7th of May,
issued a highly congratulatory and boastful order detailing his
victory.
In the issuing of orders General Hooker was one day in advance of
Lee. He tendered to the soldiers his "congratulations on the
achievements of the past seven days," and assured them that "if
all has not been accomplished that was expected, the reasons are
well known to the army." He further declared that "in withdrawing
from the south bank of the Rappahannock before delivering a general
battle to our adversaries, the army has given renewed evidence of
its confidence in itself and its fidelity to the principles it
represents. Profoundly loyal and conscious of its strength," the
General continued, "the Army of the Potomac will give or decline
battle whenever its interest or its honor may demand." The General
thought "the events of the past week may swell with pride the heart
of every officer and soldier in the army. By your celerity and
secrecy of movement our advance was undisputed; and on our withdrawal,
not a rebel ventured to follow." The questionable character of
these compliments exposed General Hooker to ridicule, and increased
the public sense of his unfitness for high command, though he was
a gallant and brave soldier and admirably fitted for a division or
a corps. The Union loss was serious. The killed and wounded
exceeded eleven thousand. The year thus opened very inauspiciously.
The gloom of 1862 was not dispelled. The shadows had not lifted.
The weightiest anxiety oppressed both the government and the people.
The Confederacy had sustained a heavy loss in the death of Stonewall
Jackson. He had a genius for war, and in a purely military point
of view it would perhaps have been better for the Confederates to
lose the battle than to lose the most aggressive officer in their
Army.
The spirit of the Confederates rose high. They believed they would
be able to hold the line of the Mississippi against the army of
Grant, and in the defeat and demoralization of the army of the
Potomac they saw their way clear to an invasion of Pennsylvania,
for which General Lee began his preparations with leisure and
completed them with thoroughness. After General Hooker's failure
at Chancellorsville, and his remarkable order which followed it,
he evidently lost the confidence of the President. Some of the
hasty notes and telegrams sent to General Hooker after his defeat
are in Mr. Lincoln's most characteristic vein. June 5 the President
wrote, "If you find Lee coming to the north of the Rappahannock,
I would by no means cross to the south of it. . . . In one word,
I would not take any risk of being entangled up on the _river like
an ox jumped half over a fence, liable to be torn by dogs, front
and rear, without a fair chance to gore one way or kick the other_."
Later, on June 10, the President wrote, "Lee's Army and not Richmond
is your true objective point. If he comes towards the upper Potomac,
follow on his flank on the inside track, shortening your lines
while he lengthens his. Fight him when opportunity offers. If he
stays where he is _fret him and fret him_."* Lee was, by the date
of this note, well on his way towards the North, and the military
situation grew every hour more critical.
THE THREE DAYS' BATTLE OF GETTYSBURG.
The indispensable requisite to Union success was a commander for
the Army of the Potomac in whose competency the Administration,
the people, and most of all the soldiers would have confidence.
In the judgment of military men it was idle to intrust another
battle to the generalship of Hooker; and as the army moved across
Maryland to meet Lee on the soil of Pennsylvania, General Hooker
was relieved and the command of the army assigned to General George
G. Meade. This change of commanders was made by order of the
President on the 28th of June, only two days before the opening
engagement of the great battle of Gettysburg. By the middle of
June the advance guard of Lee's army had reached the upper Potomac,
and on its way had literally destroyed the division of the Union
army commanded by General Milroy and stationed at Winchester. The
agitation throughout the country was profound. On the 15th of June
as the magnitude of Lee's movement became more apparent, the
President issued a proclamation stating that "Maryland, West
Virginia, Pennsylvania and Ohio were threatened with invasion and
required an immediate addition to the military forces." He called
therefore for one hundred thousand militia from these four States
to serve for six months; ten thousand each from Maryland and West
Virginia, thirty thousand from Ohio, and fifty thousand from
Pennsylvania. All the surrounding States were aroused. Governor
Seymour sent fifteen thousand extra men from New York. Governor
Parker sent a valuable contingent from New Jersey. Western Maryland
was occupied at various points as early as the 20th of June, and
during the last week of that month rebel detachments were in the
southern counties of Pennsylvania committing depredations and
exacting tribute,--in York, Cumberland, Franklin, Fulton and Adams.
The two armies finally converged at Gettysburg, and on the 1st,
2d, and 3d of July the battle was fought which in many of its
aspects was the most critical and important of the war. The
Confederates began with the self-assurance of victory; and with
victory they confidently counted upon the occupation of Philadelphia
by Lee's army, upon the surrender of Baltimore, upon the flight of
the President and his Cabinet from Washington. It was within the
extravagant and poetic dreams of the expectant conquerors to proclaim
the success of the Confederacy from the steps of Independence Hall,
and to make a treaty with the fugitive Government of the United
States for half the territory of the Republic. But it was not so
fated. The army under Meade proved unconquerable. In conflicts
on Virginia soil the army of Lee had been victorious. Its invasion
of the North the preceding year had been checked by McClellan before
it reached the border of the free States. It was now fighting on
ground where the spirit which had nerved it in Virginia was
transferred to the soldiers of the Union. With men of the North
the struggle was now for home first, for conquest afterwards, and
the tenacity and courage with which they held their ground for
those three bloody days attest the magnificent impulse which the
defense of the fireside imparts to the heart and to the arm of the
soldier.
General Meade had not been widely known before the battle, but he
was at once elevated to the highest rank in the esteem and love of
the people. The tide of invasion had been rolled back after the
bloodiest and most stubbornly contested field of the war. The
numbers on each side differed but little from the numbers engaged
at Waterloo, and the tenacity with which the soldiers of the British
Isles stood that day against the hosts of Napoleon, was rivaled on
the field of Gettysburg by men of the same blood, fighting in the
ranks of both armies.
The relief which the victory brought to the North is indescribable.
On the morning of the Fourth of July a brief Executive order was
telegraphed from the Executive mansion to all the free States,
announcing the triumph, for which "the President especially desires
that on this day, He whose will, not ours, should ever be done, be
everywhere remembered and reverenced with the profoundest gratitude."
By one of those coincidences that have more than once happened in
our history, the Fourth of July of this year was made especially
memorable. Rejoicings over the result at Gettysburg had scarcely
begun when word came from General Grant that the Confederate forces
at Vicksburg had surrendered, and that at ten o'clock of the Fourth,
the very hour when Mr. Lincoln issued the bulletin proclaiming the
victory of Gettysburg, General Pemberton's forces marched out and
stacked arms in front of their works, prisoners of war to General
Grant. The city of Vicksburg was immediately occupied by the Union
troops, the first division of which was commanded by General John
A. Logan. Jackson, the Capital of Mississippi, defended by General
Joseph E. Johnston, capitulated a few days later to General Sherman,
and the Confederate forces at Port Hudson surrendered to the army
of General Banks. This was the last obstruction to the navigation
of the Mississippi, and the great river flowed unvexed to the sea.
The entire situation was changed by these important victories.
Heart and spirit were given to the people, hope grew into confidence,
the strength of the Government was vastly increased, the prestige
of the Administration was greatly heightened. Could the election
for the Thirty-eighth Congress have taken place in the autumn of
1863, and not in the autumn of 1862, instead of being a close
struggle it would have been an overwhelming triumph for the war
policy which had wrought out such splendid results. The popular
re-action was attested in every State where an election gave
opportunity. Governor Curtin was re-chosen by a large majority in
Pennsylvania over Judge George W. Woodward, who had pronounced a
judicial decision against the constitutionality of the proscription
law; the course of Governor Seymour was rebuked in New York by the
thirty thousand majority given to the Republican State ticket,
which was headed by the brilliant Chauncey M. Depew, then but twenty-
nine years of age; while in Ohio the Democratic party was overwhelmed
by an avalanche of popular indignation which responded to the
nomination of Vallandigham with a majority of a hundred and one
thousand for the Administration.
MEETING OF THIRTY-EIGHTH CONGRESS.
The Thirty-eighth Congress met on the first Monday of December,
1863. The House was promptly organized by the election of Schuyler
Colfax to the Speakership. He received 101 votes; all other
candidates 81. Mr. Samuel S. Cox received 42 votes, the highest
given to any candidate of the opposition. The vote for Mr. Colfax
was the distinctive Republican strength in the House. On issues
directly relating to the war the Administration was stronger than
these figures indicate, being always able to command the support
of Mr. Stebbins, Mr. Odell, and Mr. Griswold of New York, and of
several members from the Border States.
Schuyler Colfax was especially fitted for the duties of the Chair.
He had been a member of the House for eight years, having been
chosen directly after the repeal of the Missouri Compromise. He
came from good Revolutionary stock in New Jersey, but had been
reared in the West; had learned the trade of a printer, and had
edited a successful journal at South Bend. He was a paragon of
industry, with keen, quick, bright intellect. He mingled freely
and creditably in the debates. With a wisdom in which many able
members seem deficient, he had given studious attention to the
Rules of the House, and was master of their complexities. Kindly
and cordial by nature it was easy for him to cultivate the art of
popularity, which he did with tact and constancy. He came to the
Chair with absolute good will from both sides of the House, and as
a presiding officer proved himself able, prompt, fair-minded, and
just in all his rulings.
The political re-action of 1862 had seriously affected the membership
of the House. Many of those most conspicuous and influential in
the preceding Congress had either been defeated or had prudently
declined a renomination. E. G. Spaulding, Charles B. Sedgwick,
Roscoe Conkling, and A. B. Olin did not return from New York; John
A. Bingham and Samuel Shellabarger were defeated in Ohio; Galusha
A. Grow was not re-elected in Pennsylvania, and lost in consequence
a second term as Speaker; Albert G. Porter and McKee Dunn gave way
to Democratic successors in Indiana. In the delegations of all
the large States radical changes were visible, and the narrow escape
of the Administration from total defeat in the preceding year was
demonstrated afresh by the roll-call of the House.
MEMBERS OF THIRTY-EIGHTH CONGRESS.
But the loss of prominent members was counterbalanced by the
character and ability of some of the new accessions. Henry Winter
Davis took his seat as representative from one of the districts of
the city of Baltimore. He had been originally elected to the House
as a member of the American party in 1854, and had been re-elected
in 1856 and 1858. He had not co-operated with the Republican party
before the war, and had supported Mr. Bell for the Presidency in
1860. He was always opposed to the Democratic party, and was under
all circumstances a devoted friend of the Union, an arch-enemy of
the Secessionists. Born a Southern man, he spoke for the South,--
for its duty to the Federal Government, for its best and highest
destiny. To him before and above all other men is due the maintenance
of loyalty in Maryland. His course was censured by the Democratic
Legislature of his State in the winter preceding the Rebellion.
He replied through an address "to the voters of Maryland," which
for eloquence of expression, force, and conclusiveness of reasoning
is entitled to rank in the political classics of America as the
Address to the Electors of Bristol ranks in the political classics
of England. As a debater in the House Mr. Davis may well be cited
as an exemplar. He had no boastful reliance upon intuition or
inspiration or the spur of the moment, though no man excelled him
in extempore speech. He made elaborate preparation by the study
of all public questions, and spoke from a full mind with complete
command of premise and conclusion. In all that pertained to the
graces of oratory he was unrivaled. He died at forty-eight. Had
he been blessed with length of days, the friends who best knew his
ability and his ambition believed that he would have left the most
brilliant name in the Parliamentary annals of America.
Robert C. Schenck was an invaluable addition to the House. He had
been serving in the field since the outbreak of the war, but had
been induced to contest the return of Vallandigham to Congress.
His canvass was so able and spirited that though in other parts of
the State the Democrats captured eight Republican districts, he
defeated Vallandigham in a Democratic district. Mr. Schenck had
originally entered Congress in 1843 at thirty-four years of age,
and after a distinguished service of eight years was sent by
President Fillmore as Minister-Plenipotentiary to Brazil. After
his return he had taken no part in political affairs until now.
His re-appearance in Congress was therefore significant. He was
at once placed at the head of the Committee on Military Affairs,
then of superlative importance, and subsequently was made chairman
of Ways and Means, succeeding Mr. Stevens in the undoubted leadership
of the House. He was admirably fitted for the arduous and difficult
duty. His perceptions were keen, his analysis was extraordinarily
rapid, his power of expression remarkable. On his feet, as the
phrase went, he had no equal in the House. In the five-minute
discussion in Committee of the Whole he was an intellectual marvel.
The compactness and clearness of his statement, the facts and
arguments which he could marshal in that brief time, were a constant
surprise and delight to his hearers. No man in Congress during
the present generation has rivaled his singular power in this
respect. He was able in every form of discussion, but his peculiar
gift was in leading and controlling the Committee of the Whole.**
MEMBERS OF THIRTY-EIGHTH CONGRESS.
Several new members entered the Thirty-eighth Congress who were
destined to long service and varying degrees of prominence. James
A. Garfield came from Ohio with a valuable reputation acquired in
the Legislature of his State and with a good military record,
established in the war and recognized by the conferment of a Major-
General's commission which he had won on the field. William B.
Allison, John A. Kasson and Hiram Price of Iowa, John A. J. Creswell
of Maryland, Glenni W. Scofield of Pennsylvania, all earned honorable
distinction in after years. George S. Boutwell entered from
Massachusetts at forty-five years of age. Twelve years before, as
a radical Democrat and Free-Soiler, he had been chosen governor of
his State. James G. Blaine entered from Maine at thirty-three
years of age. Among the new members on the Democratic side of the
House were Samuel J. Randall, with the reputation of conspicuous
service in the Pennsylvania Legislature, and William R. Morrison,
fresh from his duty in the field as colonel of an Illinois regiment,
and, though still young, old enough to have served with credit in
the Mexican war. Fernando Wood, who had been elected a member of
the House in 1840, and had served one term, now entered again.
Francis Kernan appeared in public life for the first time, having
defeated Roscoe Conkling in the Utica district. Charles A. Eldridge
of Wisconsin became one of the ablest parliamentarians of the House.
In the Senate some important changes were made. Governor Morgan
entered from New York as the successor of Preston King; Governor
Sprague came from Rhode Island, and Governor Ramsey from Minnesota.
These elections were all made in direct recognition of the valuable
service which these Republican War-Governors had rendered the
country. John Conness, a follower of Douglas, who had done much
for the cause of the Union on the Pacific coast, now bore the
credentials of California. B. Gratz Brown came from Missouri as
pledge of the radical regeneration of that State.
To the Democratic side of the chamber three able men were added.
Reverdy Johnson of Maryland succeeded to the seat made vacant the
preceding autumn by the death of James Alfred Pearce. Mr. Johnson
had long been eminent at the Bar of the Supreme Court. He was a
warm supporter of Mr. Clay, and was chosen to the Senate as a Whig
in 1845. He was attorney-general in the Cabinet of President
Taylor, and after the defeat of the Whigs in 1852 had co-operated
with the Democrats. He had stood firmly by the Union, and his re-
appearance in the Senate added largely to the ability and learning
of that body. Thomas A. Hendricks entered from Indiana as the
successor of Jesse D. Bright, who had been expelled upon a charge
of disloyalty. Mr. Hendricks had served in the House of Representatives
from 1851 to 1855. He was but thirty-one years of age when first
chosen and his record in the House had not prepared the public to
expect the strength and ability which he displayed as senator. He
was in the full maturity of his powers when he took his seat, and
he proved able, watchful, and acute in the discharge of his public
duties. He was always at his post, was well prepared on all
questions, debated with ability, and rapidly gained respect and
consideration in the Senate. Charles R. Buckalew of Pennsylvania
succeeded David Wilmot. Both he and Mr. Hendricks were fruits of
the violent re-action against the Administration the preceding
year. Mr. Buckalew came with high reputation, but did not gain so
prominent a position in the Senate as his friends had anticipated.
He did not seem ambitious, was not in firm health, and though his
ability was recognized, his service did not strengthen his party
either in the Senate or in his State. A Democrat from Pennsylvania
is somewhat out of harmony with the members of his party elsewhere,
on account of the advocacy of the Protective system to which he is
forced by the prevailing opinion among his constituents.
THE MESSAGE OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN.
Congress assembled in December, 1863, in very different spirit from
that which prevailed either at the opening or at the adjournment
of the preceding session. The President in his annual message
recognized the great change for which "our renewed and profoundest
gratitude to God is due." Referring to the depressing period of
the year before, he said "The tone of public feeling at home and
abroad was not satisfactory. With other signs the popular elections
then just passed indicated uneasiness among ourselves, while amid
much that was cold and menacing, the kindest words coming from
Europe were uttered in accents of pity, that we were too blind to
surrender a hopeless cause. Our commerce was suffering greatly by
a few armed vessels built upon and furnished from foreign shores,
and we were threatened with such additions from the same quarter
as would sweep our trade from the sea and raise the blockade. We
had failed to elicit from European governments any thing hopeful
on this subject. . . .
"We are now permitted to take another view. The rebel borders are
pressed still further back, and by the complete opening of the
Mississippi the country, dominated by the Rebellion, is divided
into distinct parts with no practical communication between them.
Tennessee and Arkansas have been substantially cleared of insurgent
control, and influential citizens in each,--owners of slaves and
advocates of slavery at the beginning of the Rebellion,--now declare
openly for emancipation in their respective States. Of those States
not included in the Emancipation Proclamation, Maryland and Missouri,
neither of which three years ago would tolerate any restraint upon
the extension of slavery into new territories, only now dispute as
to the best mode of removing it within their own limits." The
President dwelt with much satisfaction upon the good behavior of
the slave population. "Full one hundred thousand of them are now
in the United-States military service, about one-half of which
number actually bear arms in the ranks, thus giving a double
advantage,--of taking so much labor from the insurgents' cause,
and supplying the places which otherwise might be filled with so
many white men. So far as tested it is difficult to say that they
are not as good soldiers as any. No servile insurrection or tendency
to cruelty has marked the measures of emancipation and the arming
of the blacks. . . . Thus we have a new reckoning. The crisis
which threatened to divide the friends of the Union is past."
The Thirty-seventh Congress was distinguished for its effective
legislation on all subjects relating to the finances and to the
recruitment of a great army. It was reserved to the Thirty-eighth
Congress to take steps for the final abolition of slavery by the
submission to the States of a Thirteenth Amendment to the Constitution.
The course of events had prepared the public mind for the most
radical measures. In the short space of three years, by the
operation of war, under the dread of national destruction, a great
change had been wrought in the opinions of the people of the Loyal
States. When the war began not one-tenth of the citizens of those
States were in favor of immediate and unconditional emancipation.
It is very doubtful whether in September, 1862, the proclamation
of the President would have been sustained by the majority of the
Northern people. In every instance the measures of Congress were
in advance of public opinion, but not so far in advance as to invite
a calamity through re-action. The President was throughout more
conservative than Congress. He had surprised every one with the
Emancipation Proclamation, but he was so anxious for some arrangement
to be made for compensating the Border States for their loss of
slaves, that he did not at once recommend the utter destruction of
the institution by an amendment to the Fundamental Law of the
Republic. He left Congress to take the lead.
Mr. James M. Ashley of Ohio is entitled to the credit of having
made the first proposition to Congress to amend the Constitution
so as to prohibit slavery throughout the United States. During
the entire contest Mr. Ashley devoted himself with unswerving
fidelity and untiring zeal to the accomplishment of this object.
He submitted his proposition on the fourteenth day of December.
Mr. Holman of Indiana objected to the second reading of the bill,
but the speaker overruled the objection and the bill was referred
to the Committee on the Judiciary. Mr. Wilson of Iowa, chairman
of the Judiciary Committee, and Mr. Arnold of Illinois subsequently
introduced joint resolutions proposing a like amendment to the
Constitution. Mr. Holman moved to lay the resolution of Mr. Arnold
on the table. The motion failed by a vote of 79 nays to 58 ayes.
The vote thus disclosed was so far from the two-thirds necessary
to carry the constitutional amendment as to be discouraging to the
supporters of the measure.
AMENDMENT OF THE CONSTITUTION.
On the thirteenth day of January, 1864, Mr. Henderson of Missouri
introduced in the Senate a joint resolution proposing a complete
abolition of slavery by an amendment to the Constitution, and on
the tenth day of February Mr. Trumbull, chairman of the Judiciary
Committee, reported the proposition to the Senate in these words:
"Neither slavery nor involuntary servitude except as a punishment
for crime, whereof the party shall have been duly convicted, shall
exist in the United States or any place subject to their jurisdiction."
Mr. Garrett Davis of Kentucky proposed to amend the resolution so
as to exclude the descendants of negroes on the maternal side from
all places of office and trust under the government of the United
States. Mr. Davis betrayed by this motion his apprehension that
freedom to the negro would be followed by the enjoyment of civil
rights and the exercise of political power. Mr. Davis proposed at
the same time to amend the Constitution so as to consolidate New
England into two States to be called East New England and West New
England, the evident attempt being to avenge the overthrow of the
slave system by the degradation of that section of the country in
which the anti-slavery sentiment had originated and received its
chief support.
--It fell to Mr. Trumbull, as the senator who had reported the
resolution, to open the debate. He charged the war and all its
manifold horrors upon the system of slavery. He stated with
clearness the views of the opposition in regard to the legal effect
of the proclamation of emancipation, and with eloquent force of
logic he portrayed the necessity of universal freedom as the chief
means of ending not only the controversy on the battle-field, but
the controversy of opinion.--Mr. Willard Saulsbury of Delaware on
the 31st of March replied to Mr. Trumbull, and discussed the subject
of slavery historically, citing the authority of the old and the
new dispensations in its support.--Mr. Hendricks of Indiana objected
to a proposition to amend the Constitution while eleven States of
the Union were unable to take part in the proceedings. He wished
a constitution for Louisiana as well as for Indiana, for Florida
as well as for New Hampshire.--Mr. Clark of New Hampshire criticised
the Constitution, and traced the woes which the country was then
enduring to the recognition of slavery in that instrument. From
the twenty-eighth day of March until the eighth day of April, when
the final vote was taken, the attention of the Senate was given to
the debate, with only unimportant interruptions. Upon the passage
of the resolution, the yeas were 38, and the nays 6. The nays were
Messrs. Garrett Davis, Hendricks, McDougall, Powell, Riddle, and
Saulsbury. Upon the announcement of the vote, Mr. Saulsbury said,
"I bid farewell to all hope for the reconstruction of the American
Union."
When the joint resolution, passed by the Senate, was read in the
House, Mr. Holman objected to the second reading, and on the
question, "Shall the joint resolution be rejected?" the yeas were
55 and the nays 76, an even more discouraging vote than the first.
With 55 members opposed to the amendment, it would require 110 to
carry it, or 34 more than the roll-call had disclosed. The debate
was opened by Mr. Morris of New York who treated the abolition of
slavery as a necessary preliminary to the reconstruction of the
Union.
--Mr. Fernando Wood denounced the movement as "unjust in itself,
a breach of good faith utterly irreconcilable with expediency."
--Mr. Ebon C. Ingersoll of Illinois made a strong and eloquent
appeal for the passage of the amendment and the liberation of the
slave. With the accomplishment of that grand end, said he, "our
voices will ascend to Heaven over a country re-united, over a people
disinthralled, and God will bless us."
--Mr. Samuel J. Randall of Pennsylvania argued earnestly against
the amendment. He regarded it as the beginning of radical changes
in our Constitution, and the forerunner of usurpation. The policy
pursued was uniting the South and dividing the North.
--Mr. Arnold of Illinois said, "in view of the long catalogue of
wrongs which it has inflicted upon the country, I demand to-day
the death of African slavery."
--Mr. Mallory of Kentucky maintained that Mr. Lincoln had been
forced to issue the Proclamation of Emancipation by the governors
who met at Altoona. He was answered by Mr. Boutwell of Massachusetts,
who most effectively disproved the charge.
--Mr. Pendleton of Ohio maintained that three-fourths of the States
possessed neither the power to establish nor to abolish slavery in
all the States. He contended that the power to amend did not carry
with it the power to revolutionize and subvert the form and spirit
of the government.
The vote on the passage of the amendment was taken on the fifteenth
day of June. The yeas were 93, the nays were 65. The yeas were
27 short of the necessary two-thirds. Mr. Ashley of Ohio, who had
by common consent assumed parliamentary charge of the measure,
voted in the negative, and in the exercise of his right under the
rules, entered upon the journal a motion to reconsider the vote.
This ended the contest in the first session of the Thirty-eighth
Congress. Mr. Ashley gave notice that the question would go to
the country, and that upon the re-assembling of Congress in December
he should press the motion to reconsider, and he expected that the
amendment would be adopted. This result forced the question into
the Presidential canvass of 1864, and upon the decision of that
election depended the question of abolishing slavery. The issue
thus had the advantage of a direct submission to the votes of the
people before it should go to the State Legislatures for ultimate
decision.
PUBLIC AID TO THE PACIFIC RAILROAD.
In the previous Congress an Act had been passed which was approved
by the President on the first day of July, 1862, to aid in the
construction of a railroad and telegraph line from the Missouri
River to the Pacific Ocean, and to secure to the government the
use of the same for postal, military, and other purposes. The
company authorized to build it was to receive a grant of public
land amounting to five alternate sections per mile on each side of
the road. In addition to the lands the Government granted the
direct aid of $16,000 per mile in its own bonds, payable upon the
completion of each forty miles of the road. The bill was passed
by a vote which in the main but not absolutely was divided on the
line of party. The necessity of communication with our Pacific
possessions was so generally recognized that Congress was willing
to extend generous aid to any company which was ready to complete
the enterprise. The association of gentlemen who had organized
under the provisions of the Act, were unable, as they reported, to
construct the road upon the conditions prescribed and the aid
tendered. It was impossible to realize money from the lands under
the grant, as they were too remote for settlement, and $16,000 per
mile was declared insufficient to secure the means requisite for
the construction of the road across trackless plains, and through
rugged passes of the Rocky Mountains.
The corporators had accordingly returned to Congress in 1864 for
further help, and such was the anxiety in the public mind to promote
the connection with the Pacific that enlarged and most generous
provision was made for the completion of the road. The land-grant
was doubled in amount; the Government for certain difficult portions
of the road allowed $32,000 per mile, and for certain mountainous
sections $48,000 per mile. The whole of this munificent grant was
then subordinated as a second mortgage upon the road and its
franchise, and the company was empowered to issue a first mortgage
for the same amount for each mile--for $16,000, $32,000 and $48,000,
according to the character of the country through which the road
was to pass. Mr. Washburne of Illinois and Mr. Holman of Indian
made an earnest fight against the provisions of the bill as needlessly
extravagant, and as especially censurable in time of war when our
resources were needed in the struggle for our national life. Mr.
Washburne had sustained the original bill granting the aid of lands
and of bonds. He alleged, and produced a tabular statement in
support of the assertion, that the Government was granting $95,000,000
to the enterprise, besides half of the land in a strip twenty miles
wide from the Missouri River to the Pacific Ocean.
PUBLIC AID TO THE PACIFIC RAILROAD.
So earnest however was the desire of the Government to secure the
construction of the road that the opponents of the bill were unable
to make any impression upon the House. On an amendment by Mr.
Holman declaring that "the roads constructed under the Act shall
be public highways and shall transport the property and the troops
of the United States, when transportation thereof shall be required,
free of toll or other charge," there could be secured but 39 votes
in the affirmative. On an amendment by Mr. Washburne to strike
out the section which subordinated the government mortgage to that
of the railroad company on the lands and the road, but 38 voted in
the affirmative and the bill passed without a call of the yeas and
nays. In the Senate there were only five votes against the bill.
Mr. Ten Eyck of New Jersey was the only Republican senator who
voted in the negative. Whatever may have subsequently occurred to
suggest that the grant was larger than was needed for the construction
of the highway to the Pacific, there can be no doubt that an
overwhelming sentiment, not only in Congress but among the people,
was in favor of the bountiful aid which was granted. The terrible
struggle to retain the Southern States in the Union had persuaded
the Administration and the Government that no pains should be spared
and no expenditure stinted to insure the connection which might
quicken the sympathy and more directly combine the interests of
the Atlantic and Pacific coasts of the United States. A more
careful circumspection might perhaps have secured the same work
with less expenditure; but even with this munificent aid a full
year passed before construction began from the eastern end of the
road, and for a considerable period it was felt that the men who
embarked their money in the enterprise were taking a very hazardous
task on their hands. Many capitalists who afterwards indulged in
denunciations of Congress for the extravagance of the grants, were
urged at the time to take a share in the scheme, but declined
because of the great risk involved.
Two organizations, composed of powerful men, were formed to prosecute
the work. The California Company, with Governor Leland Stanford
and the indomitable C. P. Huntington at the head, constructed the
thousand miles stretching from the Bay of San Francisco to Salt
Lake, and a company headed by Oakes Ames and Oliver Ames, two
Massachusetts men noted for strong business capacity, industry,
and integrity, constructed the thousand miles from the Missouri
River to the point of junction. In the history of great enterprises,
no parallel can be found to the ability and energy displayed in
the completion of this great work. With all the aids and adjuncts
of surrounding civilization, there had never been two thousand
miles of rail laid so rapidly as this was across trackless plains,
over five rugged ranges of mountains, through a country without
inhabitants, or inhabited only by wild Indians who offered obstruction
and not help.
On the first day of the session, December 7, 1863, Mr. Elihu B.
Washburne of Illinois introduced a bill to empower the President
to appoint a Lieutenant-General for all our forces. It was avowedly
intended for General Grant who had already been appointed a Major-
General in the Regular Army. Some opposition was shown to the
measure, when it was formally reported from the Military Committee
by Mr. Farnsworth of Illinois who ably supported it. Mr. Thaddeus
Stevens indicated his intention to oppose it and was followed by
Mr. Garfield who thought the action premature. Mr. Schenck also
intimated that it might be difficult at that moment to say who
would in the end command precedence among our generals. Eighteen
months before, McClellan would have been chosen; after Gettysburg
Meade would have been selected; at one time in the midst of his
successes in the South-West Rosecrans might have been appointed.
As a matter of course Grant would now be selected. Mr. Schenck
however announced his intention to support the measure.
Mr. Washburne closed the debate with an impressive plea for the
bill. He avowed that it meant General Grant who had been "successful
in every fight from Belmont to Lookout Mountain. The people of
this country want a fighting general to lead their armies, and
General Grant is the man upon whom we must depend to fight out this
rebellion in the end." Mr. Washburne gave a unique description of
General Grant in the critical campaign below Vicksburg: "General
Grant did not take with him the trappings and paraphernalia so
common to many military men. As all depended on celerity of movement
it was important to be encumbered with as little baggage as possible.
General Grant took with him neither a horse nor an orderly nor a
servant nor a camp-chest nor an overcoat nor a blanket nor even a
clean shirt. His entire baggage for six days--I was with him at
the time--was a tooth-brush. He fared like the commonest soldier
in his command, partaking of his rations and sleeping upon the
ground with no covering except the canopy of heaven." The speech
of Mr. Washburne was very earnest and very effective, and, the vote
coming at its conclusion, the House passed the bill by 96 yeas to
41 nays. It was not strictly a party vote. Randall of Pennsylvania,
Morrison of Illinois, Eldridge of Wisconsin, Voorhees of Indiana
and several other Democratic partisans supported the measure, while
Thaddeus Stevens, Winter Davis, Garfield, Broomall of Pennsylvania
and others among the Republicans opposed it.
The bill was desired by the President who approved it on the 29th
of February, 1864, and immediately nominated Ulysses S. Grant to
be Lieutenant-General. Mr. Lincoln saw the obvious advantage of
placing a man of General Grant's ability in command of all the
armies. The General was ordered to Washington at once, and arrived
at the capital on the eighth day of March. Mr. Lincoln had never
before seen him, though both were citizens of Illinois and General
Grant had been distinguished in the field for more than two years.
A new era opened in our military operations and abundant vigor was
anticipated and realized. General Sherman was left in command of
the great army in the West. He had up to this time been serving
with General Grant but was now to assume command of an enormous
force and to engage in one of the most arduous, heroic, and successful
campaigns in the military history of the country. The march from
Vicksburg to Chattanooga, thence to Atlanta, to Savannah, and
Northward to the Potomac, is one of the longest ever made by an
army. From Vicksburg to Chattanooga the army was under command of
General Grant, but the entire march of the same body of troops must
have exceeded two thousand miles through the very heart of the
insurrectionary country. But the great operations of both Grant
and Sherman were incomplete when Congress adjourned on the Fourth
of July. Its members returned home to engage in a canvass of
extraordinary interest and critical importance.
CHARACTER OF GENERAL SHERMAN.
The character and ability of General Sherman were not fully
appreciated until the second year of the war. He had not aimed to
startle the country at the outset of his military career with any
of the brilliant performances attempted by many officers who were
heard of for a day and never afterwards. With the true instinct
and discipline of a soldier, he faithfully and skillfully did the
work assigned to him, and he gained steadily, rapidly, and enduringly
on the confidence and admiration of the people. He shared in the
successful campaigns of General Grant in the South-West, and earned
his way to the great command with which he was now intrusted,--a
command which in one sense involved the prompt success of all the
military operations of the Government. Disaster for his army did
not of course mean the triumph of the Rebellion, but it meant fresh
levies of troops, the prolongation of the struggle, and a serious
increase to the heavy task that General Grant had assumed in
Virginia.
General Sherman was a graduate of West Point, and while still a
young man had served with marked credit for some twelve years in
the army. But he had more than a military education. Through a
checkered career in civil life, he had enlarged his knowledge of
the country, his acquaintance with men, his experience in affairs.
He had been a banker in California, a lawyer in Kansas, President
of a college in Louisiana, and, when the war began, he was about
to take charge of a railroad in Missouri. It would be difficult,
if not impossible to find a man who has so thorough, so minute a
knowledge of every State and Territory of the Union. He has made
a special study of the geography and products of the country. Some
one has said of him, that if we should suddenly lose all the maps
of the United States, we need not wait for fresh surveys to make
new ones, because General Sherman could reproduce a perfect map in
twenty-four hours. That this is a pardonable exaggeration would
be admitted by any one who had conversed with General Sherman in
regard to the topography and resources of the country from Maine
to Arizona.
General Sherman's appearance is strongly indicative of his descent.
Born in the West, he is altogether of Puritan stock, his father
and mother having emigrated from Connecticut where his family
resided for nearly two centuries. All the characteristics of that
remarkable class of men re-appear in General Sherman. In grim,
determined visage, in commanding courage, in mental grasp, in
sternness of principle, he is an Ironside Officer of the Army of
Cromwell, modified by the impulsive mercurial temperament which
eight generations of American descent, with Western birth and
rearing, have impressed upon his character.
[* The Italicized words were underscored in the original letters
of the President.]
[** THIRTY-EIGHTH CONGRESS.
REPUBLICANS IN ROMAN; DEMOCRATS IN ITALIC.
The Senate was composed of same members as in Thirty-seventh Congress
(given on pp. ----), with the following exceptions:--
ILLINOIS.--_William A. Richardson_ succeeded O. H. Browning.
INDIANA.--_Thomas A. Hendricks_ succeeded _David Turpie_.
MAINE.--Nathan A. Farwell succeeded William Pitt Fessenden.
MARYLAND.--_Reverdy Johnson_ succeeded _James Alfred Pearce_.
MINNESOTA.--Alexander Ramsey succeeded _Henry M. Rice_.
MISSOURI.--B. Gratz Brown succeeded _Robert Wilson_.
NEW JERSEY.--_William Wright_ succeeded _James W. Wall_.
NEW YORK.--Edwin D. Morgan succeeded Preston King.
PENNSYLVANIA.--_Charles R. Buckalew_ succeeded David Wilmot.
RHODE ISLAND.--William Sprague succeeded Samuel G. Arnold.
"Waitman T. Willey and Peter G. Van Winkle were admitted as the
first senators from West Virginia. Lemuel J. Bowden took Mr.
Willey's place as senator from Virginia, and colleague of John
Carlile. The political power of West Virginia was thus actually
represented at one time by four senators.
"James W. Nye and William M. Stewart took their seats Feb. 1, 1865,
as senators from the new State of Nevada.
"Ten States were unrepresented.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
CALIFORNIA.--Cornelius Cole, William Higby, Thomas B. Shannon.
CONNECTICUT.--Augustus Brandegee, Henry C. Deming, _James E.
English_, John H. Hubbard.
DELAWARE.--Nathaniel B. Smithers.
ILLINOIS.--_James C. Allen; William J. Allen_; Isaac N. Arnold;
_John R. Eden_; John F. Farnsworth; _Charles M. Harris_; Ebon C.
Ingersoll, elected in place of Owen Lovejoy, deceased; _Anthony L.
Knapp_; Owen Lovejoy, died March 25, 1864; _William R. Morrison;
Jesse O. Norton; James C. Robinson; Lewis W. Ross; John T. Stuart_;
Elihu B. Washburne.
INDIANA.--Schuyler Colfax, _James A. Cravens_, Ebenezer Dumont,
_Joseph K. Edgerton, Henry W. Harrington, William S. Holman_, George
W. Julian, _John Law, James F. McDowell_, Godlove S. Orth, _Daniel
W. Voorhees_.
IOWA.--William B. Allison, Joseph B. Grinnell, Asahel W. Hubbard,
John A. Kasson, Hiram Price, James F. Wilson.
KANSAS.--A. Carter Wilder.
KENTUCKY.--Lucien Anderson, Brutus J. Clay, Henry Grider, Aaron
Harding, Robert Mallory, William H. Randall, Green Clay Smith,
_William H. Wadsworth_, George H. Yeaman.
MAINE.--James G. Blaine, Sidney Perham, Frederick A. Pike, John H.
Rice, _Lorenzo D. M. Sweat_.
MARYLAND.--John A. J. Creswell, Henry Winter Davis, _Benjamin G.
Harris_, Francis Thomas, Edwin H. Webster.
MASSACHUSETTS.--John R. Alley, Oakes Ames, John D. Baldwin, George
S. Boutwell, Henry L. Dawes, Thomas D. Eliot, Daniel W. Gooch,
Samuel Hooper, Alexander H. Rice, William B. Washburn.
MICHIGAN.--Augustus C. Baldwin, Fernando C. Beaman, John F. Driggs,
Fracis W. Kellogg, John W. Longyear, Charles Upson.
MINNESOTA.--Ignatius Donnelly, William Windom.
MISSOURI.--Francis P. Blair, Jr., seat successfully contested by
Samuel Knox; Henry T. Blow, Sempronius H. Boyd; _William A. Hall;
Austin A. King_; Samuel Knox, seated in place of Mr. Blair, June
15, 1864; Benjamin Loan; Joseph W. McClurg; James S. Rollins, _John
G. Scott_.
NEVADA.--Henry G. Worthington, seated Dec. 21, 1864.
NEW HAMPSHIRE.--_Daniel Marcy_, James W. Patterson, Edward H.
Rollins.
NEW JERSEY.--_George Middleton, Nehemiah Perry, Andrew J. Rogers_,
John F. Starr, _William G. Steele_.
NEW YORK.--_James Brooks; John W. Chanler_; Ambrose W. Clark;
Freeman Clarke; Thomas T. Davis; Reuben E. Fenton, resigned Dec.
10, 1864; Augustus Frank; _John Ganson_; John A. Griswold; _Anson
Herrick_; Giles W. Hotchkiss; Calvin T. Hulburd; _Martin Kalbfleisch_;
Orlando Kellogg; _Francis Kernan_; De Witt C. Littlejohn; James M.
Marvin; Samuel F. Miller; Daniel Morris; _Homer A. Nelson; Moses
F. Odell_; Theodore M. Pomeroy; _John V. L. Pruyn; William Radford;
Henry G. Stebbins_, resigned 1864; _John B. Steele; Dwight Townsend_,
elected in place of Mr. Stebbins; Robert B. Van Valkenburgh; _Elijah
Ward; Charles H. Winfield; Benjamin Wood; Fernando Wood_.
OHIO.--James M. Ashley, _George Bliss, Samuel S. Cox_, Ephraim B.
Eckley, _William E. Finck_, James A. Garfield, _Wells A. Hutchins,
William Johnson, Francis C. LeBlond, Alexander Long, John F.
McKinney, James R. Morris, Warren P. Noble, John O'Neill, George
H. Pendleton_, Robert C. Schenck, Rufus P. Spaulding, _Chilton A.
White, Joseph W. White_.
OREGON.--John R. McBride.
PENNSYLVANIA.--_Sydenham E. Ancona, Joseph Baily_, John M. Broomall,
_Alexander H. Coffroth, John L. Dawson, Charles Denison, James T.
Hale, Philip Johnson_, William D. Kelley, _Jesse Lazear, Archibald
McAllister, William H. Miller_, James K. Moorhead, Amos Myers,
Leonard Myers, Charles O'Neill, _Samuel J. Randall_, Glenni W.
Scofield, Thaddeus Stevens, _John D. Stiles, Myer Strouse_, M.
Russell Thayer, Henry W. Tracy, Thomas Williams.
RHODE ISLAND.--Nathan F. Dixon, Thomas A. Jenckes.
VERMONT.--Portus Baxter, Justin S. Morrill, Fred. E. Woodbridge.
WEST VIRGINIA.--Jacob B. Blair, William G. Brown, Killian V. Whaley.
WISCONSIN.--_James T. Brown_, Amasa Cobb, _Charles A. Eldridge_,
Walter D. McIndoe, Ithamar C. Sloan, _Ezra Wheeler_.
TERRITORIAL DELEGATES.
ARIZONA.--Charles D. Poston.
COLORADO.--Hiram P. Bennett.
DAKOTA.--William Jayne, _John B. S. Todd_.
IDAHO.--William H. Wallace.
MONTANA.--_Samuel McLean_, seated June 6, 1865.
NEBRASKA.--Samuel G. Daily.
NEVADA.--Gordon N. Mott.
NEW MEXICO.--Francisco Perea.
UTAH.--John F. Kenney.
WASHINGTON.--_George E. Cole_.]