All of Mr. Buchanan’s official duties at St. Petersburg were not,

however, so entirely pleasant as the negotiation of the commercial

treaty. While this negotiation was in its early stage, Baron Sacken, who

had been left by Baron Krudener as Russian chargé d’affaires at

Washington, made to the Secretary of State a somewhat offensive

communication, complaining of certain articles in _The Globe_, the

official paper of the American Government, concerning the conduct of

Russia towards Poland. The complaint was doubtless made in ignorance of

the fact that although the _Globe_ was the official gazette of our

Government, the President had no control over or responsibility for its

editorial articles, or the articles which it copied from English or

French journals. The freedom of the press in this country was not

understood by Russian officials; and although it does not appear that

Baron Sacken’s act was directed from St. Petersburg, there can be no

doubt that in making the complaint he did what he believed would be

acceptable to his superiors at home. He, however, considerably overshot

the mark, in the tone and manner of his communication to the Department

of State, and it became necessary for the President to direct Mr.

Buchanan to lay the matter before the Russian government. This was done

by a despatch from Mr. Livingston, courteous but firm, pointing out the

impossibility of exercising in this country any governmental constraint

over the press, and making very clear the offensive imputation of

insincerity on the part of the President contained in Baron Sacken’s

note. This occurrence was not known at St. Petersburg, at least it was

not known to Mr. Buchanan, while the negotiation of the commercial

treaty was pending. On the receipt of Mr. Livingston’s despatch, which

was written early in January, 1833, Mr. Buchanan had an interview with

Count Nesselrode on the subject, of which he gave the following account

to the Secretary of State:

February 26th, 1833.

On yesterday at 2 o’clock, P. M., I had a conference with the count. I

inquired if he had yet received from Washington the answer of Mr.

Livingston to Baron Sacken’s note of the 14th of October last; to which

he replied in the affirmative. After expressing my regret that anything

unpleasant should have occurred at Washington in the intercourse between

the two governments, whilst everything here had been proceeding so

harmoniously, I observed:

That Baron Sacken himself, in his note to Mr. Brent, had admitted that

the President, throughout the whole course of his administration, had

constantly expressed a desire to be on friendly terms with Russia. But

the President’s feelings had not been confined to mere official

declarations to the Russian government; they had been expressed, in

strong terms, before the world in each of his annual messages to

Congress, previous to the date of Baron Sacken’s note. Besides they had

been always manifested by his conduct.

The baron [I said], with a full knowledge of these facts, had addressed

this note to Mr. Brent, which was not only offensive in its general

tone, but more especially so in imputing a want of sincerity to the

President, and in effect charging him with tacitly encouraging the abuse

of the emperor by the American newspapers, whilst he was professing

friendship towards the Russian government. Such a charge was well

calculated to make a strong impression upon General Jackson, a man who,

during his whole life, had been distinguished for sincerity and

frankness. When, after Mr. Clay’s departure, I had perused this note,

with which his excellency had been good enough to furnish me, I was

convinced the President could not pass it over in silence; and I had

since been astonished not to have received, until very recently, any

communication on the subject.

I had now discovered that the reason of this delay was an anxious desire

on the part of the President to avoid everything unpleasant in the

intercourse between the two countries; and had formed an expectation

that Baron Sacken himself, after reflection, would have rendered it

unnecessary to bring the subject before the imperial government. In this

hope the President had been disappointed. Nearly two months had

transpired before Mr. Livingston answered his note. In the meantime, a

fair opportunity was afforded him to withdraw it, and a verbal

intimation given that this would be more agreeable to the President than

to take the only notice of it which he could take with propriety. Mr.

Livingston had supposed that, under the circumstances, the baron would

have felt it to be his duty to visit Washington, where, at a verbal

conference, the affair might have been satisfactorily adjusted. In this

opinion he found he was mistaken. At length, on the 4th December, he

addressed the baron this answer, which places in a striking light the

most offensive part of his note, the charge of insincerity. Even in it,

however, the President’s feelings of amity for Russia and respect for

the emperor are reiterated.

After this answer, Mr. Livingston waited nearly another month, confident

that a disavowal of any offensive intention would, at least, have been

made. This not having been done, he has sent me instructions, under date

of the 3d January last, to bring the subject under the notice of the

imperial government; and it is for that purpose I have solicited the

present interview.

The count expressed his regret that any misunderstanding should have

occurred between Baron Sacken and Mr. Livingston; it was evident the

former never could have intended anything offensive to the President, as

he had taken the precaution of submitting his note of the 14th of

October to Mr. Livingston in New York before it was transmitted to the

Department, who not only made no objection to it at the time, but

informed him it should be answered in a few days. The count then asked

if Mr. Livingston had not communicated this circumstance to me in his

despatches. I replied in the negative, and from my manner intimated some

doubt as to its existence; when he took up the despatch of Baron Sacken

and read to me, in French, a statement of this fact. He said, if Mr.

Livingston had at that time objected to any part of the note, the baron

would have immediately changed its phraseology. I replied that the

President at least had certainly never seen the note previous to its

receipt at the Department; and it appeared to me manifestly to contain

an imputation on his sincerity, and was besides offensive in its general

character. He did not attempt to justify its language, but repeated that

he thought Baron Sacken never could have intended to write anything

offensive to the President. If he had, it would have been done in

violation of his instructions. That the feelings of the emperor as well

as his own were of the most friendly nature towards the Government of

the United States, and that, in particular, both the emperor and himself

entertained the highest respect and esteem for the character of the

President. That neither of them would ever think of sanctioning the

imputation of insincerity or anything that was dishonorable to General

Jackson, and he was very sorry Baron Sacken had written a note the

effect of which was to wound his feelings.

As the count did not still seem to be altogether satisfied that the note

attributed insincerity to the professions of the President, I then took

it up and pointed out in as clear and striking a manner as I could, the

most offensive passages which it contained. After I had done, he

repeated in substance what he had said before, but without any

qualification whatever, expressing both his own sorrow and that of the

emperor, that Baron Sacken should have written a note calculated to

wound the feelings of General Jackson, or to give him any cause of

offence. He added, that the baron either already had left, or would soon

leave the United States; and he had no doubt, that soon after the

arrival of the treaty and of Baron Krudener at Washington, all matters

would be explained to the satisfaction of the President; by whom, he

trusted, this unpleasant occurrence would be entirely forgotten.

With this explanation, I expressed myself perfectly satisfied, and

assured him I should have great pleasure in communicating it to the

President.

He then observed that, judging from the despatch of Baron Sacken, this

unfortunate business seemed to have been a succession of mistakes. That

Mr. Livingston, through Mr. Kremer, had pointed out to the baron the

exceptional parts of his note; but whilst he was engaged in correcting

them, and before sufficient time for this purpose had been afforded, he

had received Mr. Livingston’s note of the 4th of December.

In the course of the interview, the count read me several detached

paragraphs from Baron Sacken’s despatch, and from their character I

received the impression that he had become alarmed at the consequences

of his own conduct, and was endeavoring to justify it in the best manner

he could.

We afterwards had some conversation respecting the publications in our

newspapers, in which allusion was made to the explanations I had given

him on this subject in December. He stated distinctly that they were now

fully aware of the difficulties which would attend any attempt to

interfere with the press under our form of Government.

In obedience to your instructions, I now read to him the greater part of

Despatch No. 5, and explained the nature of the only connection which

our Government has with the official paper. After having done so, I

asked him to consider the consequences of an unsuccessful attempt on the

part of the administration at Washington to control the _Globe_; and

told him that in that event, the editor, by publishing it to the world,

would make both the emperor and the President subjects of abuse

throughout the Union. The press was essentially free in our country.

Even the Congress of the United States had no power to pass any law for

the punishment of a libel on the President. This subject was exclusively

under the jurisdiction of the several States.

That, it was true, editors were often influenced by the counsel of those

whom they respected, therefore I had communicated his request to General

Jackson, that he would advise the editor of the _Globe_ to desist

hereafter from offensive publications against Russia, but even this

would be a delicate matter to proceed from a person holding the office

of President of the United States. I then informed him that I had been

much pleased, some weeks since, to observe in the St. Petersburg

_Journal_ an official contradiction of some of the acts attributed to

the Russian government of Poland; that I had sent the paper which

contained it to the Department of State, and had no doubt it would be

extensively published in the United States. He expressed great

satisfaction that I had taken the trouble, and said it would be very

agreeable to them to have this contradiction circulated throughout our

country.

It is scarcely worth repeating that he objected, in a good-natured

manner, to the designation of Baron Sacken’s note in the despatch as “a

formal note,” observing that a formal note always commenced with “the

undersigned,” and not the first person. This was intended to be an

informal note, and that was the reason it had been submitted to Mr.

Livingston before it was transmitted to the Department of State.

I congratulate you that this unpleasant affair has had such an

auspicious termination. We shall, I think, hear no more complaints from

this quarter, on the subject of publications in the American newspapers,

especially if the editor of the _Globe_ should be a little more

circumspect in his course hereafter.

In regard to the subject of Polish affairs, the treatment of which by

the _Globe_ was the occasion of Baron Sacken’s imprudent note, it will

be seen hereafter that the emperor was peculiarly sensitive to the

comments of the foreign press. Mr. Buchanan, who had the best

opportunity for observation while he was in St. Petersburg, formed the

opinion that the personal attacks upon the emperor, on account of the

conduct of his government towards the Poles, with which the English,

French, and American journals abounded, were to a certain extent unjust;

that the inveterate national hatreds with which the Russian and Polish

races regarded each other, were at the bottom of most of the

difficulties with which the emperor had to contend; and that the fact

that Russian officers were intrusted with power in Poland over a race

whom they hated and by whom they were hated in turn, inevitably led to

many of the cruelties and oppressions with which the world outside of

Russia resounded, and which were charged upon the emperor personally, as

if he had designed them. Buchanan did not palliate or excuse the conduct

of the Russian government towards the Poles; nor does he seem on any

occasion, when it was proper for him to refer to it, to have allowed any

one to suppose that he defended it. But in writing to his own Government

or to his friends at home, he did not hesitate to say that he thought

many of the causes which produced the oppression that so roused the

indignation of the world, lay deep in the national hatred between the

two races, and were not to be imputed to an arbitrary and cruel temper

in the emperor.

He looked upon the despotism which he saw with the calm eye of an

observer who could comprehend its character and trace its operations,

without doing injustice to the reigning monarch. He saw a vast nation

entirely incapable of any thing like constitutional liberty, and

governed by the absolute will of one man, to obey whom was at once a

point of religion, loyalty and patriotism. Between the nobility and the

throne, there was no middle class, capable of thinking or acting upon

any political subject; and the nobility, as a rule, were capable and

desirous of no other political training, ideas or aspirations than such

as would fit them for the part of useful servants of an emperor whom

they adored, and of a system which constituted their country the most

peculiar and the least free of any in Europe. The statesmen who were

formed under such a system were, as might naturally be expected,

accomplished in many ways, subtle and often powerful reasoners; and they

were not seldom among the ablest men of the age. When they were made to

understand how completely, as Mr. Buchanan said, they and we were

“political antipodes,” they found no difficulty in yielding to the

necessity of respecting a state of things in America which was so unlike

any thing that they knew at home. At first, Count Nesselrode could not

understand how a government could have an official organ, and yet

disclaim responsibility to a foreign power for what that organ said in

its editorial columns. But when it was explained to him that the

American Government did disclaim that responsibility, and was obliged to

do so by the nature of its political institutions, he did not make it

his business to argue the point, but gracefully accepted the explanation

and put an end to the whole of the misunderstanding.

It must be confessed, however, that while Mr. Buchanan fully and firmly

carried out his instructions and procured all the admission that his own

Government desired, in regard to Baron Sacken’s note, it was a pretty

fine distinction that his Government had to draw. It was perfectly true

that the _Globe_ was the official gazette of the American Government,

and yet that its editorial columns could not be legally controlled by

the President. Still it might be a question whether an American

administration should have had an official organ, with which it was

connected on such terms that the editor or conductor was just as

independent of its influence or its power, as if he published a

newspaper that was not connected in any way with the Government. Both at

home and abroad, the editorial columns of the _Globe_ were liable to be

regarded as speaking the sentiments of the administration; and when it

became necessary to disclaim that they did so, the explanation, although

made upon undeniable facts, was an awkward one to make. Mr. Buchanan

certainly felt it to be so, for in writing to the Secretary of State,

after he had obtained from Count Nesselrode all the disavowal that was

desired, he said:

I have time but for few remarks upon this strange interview.

It serves to show how indispensable it is that our minister to this

country should be kept advised of every proceeding in the United States

which may affect the relations between the two nations. He has indeed a

most difficult part to perform. He must be cautious in the extreme, and

is under the habitual necessity of concealing his real sentiments. It is

utterly impossible for these people to realize the state of affairs in

the United States. We are political antipodes, and hence the great

difficulty of maintaining those friendly relations which are so

important to the interests of our country. I know not when the despatch

was received containing a copy of Baron Sacken’s note to Mr. Brent, or

what influence it might have had upon the negotiation had it reached him

[Nesselrode] at an earlier period. Of this, however, I feel confident,

that, if a copy of this note had been transmitted [to me] immediately

after its receipt, this unpleasant interview might have been avoided

altogether....

I would suggest the policy of advising the editor of the _Globe_ to

abstain at least from severe editorial paragraphs respecting the emperor

of Russia. Neither the cause of Poland nor of human liberty could suffer

by his silence in a country where there are so many faithful sentinels,

and I should, _by all means_, advise the publication of a strong

editorial paragraph in the _Globe_, expressing a proper sense of the

good feelings of the emperor of Russia, evinced towards the United

States in making us an exception to his general policy by concluding the

commercial treaty. If this should be done, and more particularly if the

President should, even in the slightest manner, allude to the

circumstance in his inaugural address, it would be very grateful

personally to the feelings of the emperor.

I have felt it my duty to take measures, though they may be expensive to

the Government, of having the semi-weekly _Globe_ transmitted to me

through the post-office from London. Will you be particular in giving

directions that it shall be regularly forwarded from New York by every

packet. It is true it will be read at the post-office here; but should

it contain anything offensive, I shall know it almost as soon as this

government and before the Russian minister at Washington can have an

opportunity of transmitting any inflammatory commentaries. I assure you,

I feel the delicacy of my position; but knowing your distinguished

abilities and long experience, if I could but only attract your special

regard to this mission, I think, between us, we might, in perfect

consistency with the high and independent character of our own country,

keep his imperial majesty in a state of better feeling towards us than

almost any other nation. We have much to gain by such a course and

nothing to lose.

I requested Mr. Vail, some time ago, to send me the semi-weekly _Globe_

by mail from London. Although this may be expensive to the Government,

it cannot be avoided, and it is absolutely necessary that I should

receive it. It would seem, however, that the department has ceased

forwarding them to London. Will you be kind enough to give directions

that they shall be sent, in a separate parcel, by every Liverpool packet

from New York.

-----

Footnote 32:

It should be said here that the whole course of this negotiation shows

that the details of the treaty were entrusted largely to Mr.

Buchanan’s discretion. At that time, indeed, it was impracticable for

an American minister in Europe, and especially at St. Petersburg, to

be guided from day to day, or even from month to month, by the

Secretary of State. The Atlantic had not then been crossed by steam. I

have gone through with the minute discussions which took place between

Mr. Buchanan and the Russian Foreign Office, but have not deemed it

necessary to display them to my readers. They evince on his part a

thorough acquaintance with the whole subject, and a remarkable power

of carrying his points.

Footnote 33:

See _post_ an account of Mr. Buchanan’s conversation with Pozzo di

Borgo in Paris.

-----

CHAPTER IX.

1832–1833.

GENERAL JACKSON’S SECOND ELECTION—GRAVE PUBLIC EVENTS AT HOME REFLECTED

IN MR. BUCHANAN’S LETTERS FROM HIS FRIENDS—FEELINGS OF GENERAL

JACKSON TOWARDS THE “NULLIFIERS”—MOVEMENTS IN PENNSYLVANIA FOR

ELECTING MR. BUCHANAN TO THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES—HE MAKES A

JOURNEY TO MOSCOW—RETURN TO ST. PETERSBURG—DEATH OF HIS

MOTHER—SINGULAR INTERVIEW WITH THE EMPEROR NICHOLAS AT HIS AUDIENCE

OF LEAVE.

Mr. Buchanan, as the reader has seen, went abroad in the spring of 1832.

Events of great consequence occurred at home during his absence. The

great debate in the Senate on nullification, between Mr. Webster and

Col. Hayne, which took place in 1830, had not been followed in South

Carolina by any surrender of the doctrine maintained by the Nullifiers.

In November, 1832, the people of South Carolina, assembled in

convention, adopted their celebrated ordinance which declared the

existing tariff law of the United States null and void within her

limits, as an unconstitutional exercise of power. General Jackson who

had been re-elected President in the same month, defeating Mr. Clay and

all the other candidates by a very large majority of the electoral

votes, issued his proclamation against the Nullifiers on the 10th of

December.[34] Then followed the introduction of the “Force Bill” into

the Senate in January, 1833; a measure designed to secure the collection

of the revenue against the obstruction of the State laws of South

Carolina; Mr. Webster’s support of this measure of the administration;

and the consequent expectation of a political union between him and

General Jackson. This union, however, was prevented by an irreconcilable

difference between Mr. Webster and General Jackson and his friends on

the subject of the currency and the Bank of the United States. In 1832

the President had vetoed a bill to continue the Bank in existence. Early

in June the President left Washington on a tour to the Eastern States,

and while in Boston, during the month of June, he determined to remove

the public deposits from the Bank of the United States, and to place

them in certain selected State banks. These events and the excitements

attending them are touched upon in the private letters which Mr.

Buchanan received from his friends, not the least interesting of which

was one from General Jackson, expressing his feelings in regard to his

proclamation in a very characteristic manner. From one of these letters,

too, we may gather that steps were already taking to elect Mr. Buchanan

to the Senate of the United States.

[FROM A FRIEND IN WASHINGTON.]

WASHINGTON CITY, August 1, 1832.

DEAR SIR:—

Of course you receive regular files of American papers, and I shall

therefore not be able to give you much news of a public or political

nature.

Thinking, however, you may overlook some things of importance, I shall

confine myself to them. The tariff bill, having passed in a modified

form (reducing the duties on protected, and taking them off nearly

altogether on unprotected articles, to the wants of the Government), it

was supposed the excitement in the South would be allayed, if not

entirely subdued; but this, I am sorry to say, has not been the case in

South Carolina. Messrs. Hayne, Miller, McDuffie, etc., have published an

address to the people of South Carolina, in which they state, that the

protective system has now become the settled policy of the country, and

advise an open resistance to the act. Their legislature will, I have no

doubt, recommend the same course, and before another year, I am firmly

of the opinion, _rebellion_ will be the order of the day, accompanied

with all its horrors. The moment that a drop of blood is shed by the

South, in resisting the laws, there will be a general rising of the

people, and where is the hand that will be able to stop the fearful

wrath of the sovereign people? Duff Green, in his paper of yesterday,

said: “That he will write as long as writing will be of any effect; when

that ceases, he will adopt the _sword_. If South Carolina is to be

sacrificed, the _tyrant will_ be met on the banks of the Potomac, and

many, very many, are the sons of her sister States who will rally

beneath her standard. We say to her gallant sons, go on! Yours is the

cause of _liberty_, and the eyes of all _her_ votaries are upon you!”

When language like this is held by the _leader_ of the party, at the

seat of Government of the Union, under the immediate eyes of the heads

of the nation, and suffered to pass unpunished, it is indeed time for

the people seriously to think of a civil war. The leaders in this affair

will have much to answer for, and be assured they will be _held

accountable_.

The bank bill has passed, by a small majority, in both Houses of

Congress, and the President (true to his principles) has returned it

(without his signature) with his objections. There appeared to be great

excitement at the time, but it was only occasioned by the brawling of

the opposition. A large meeting was got up in Philadelphia, at which a

few Jackson men of no note attended, but all would not do. The next

week, the Jackson men met to express their opinions, and they resolved

unanimously to support “Andrew Jackson, bank or no bank, veto or no

veto.” At this meeting there were between ten and fifteen thousand

people, citizens of the city and county, the largest meeting, I am told,

that ever assembled in Philadelphia within the recollection of the

oldest inhabitants.

[GENERAL JACKSON TO MR. BUCHANAN.]

(Private.) WASHINGTON, March 21, 1833.

DEAR SIR:—

Your letter by Mr. Clay was handed me on his arrival. The fact of there

being no means of conveyance, my not having ascertained Mr. Clay’s

determination in regard to his return to you, and the immense and heavy

pressure of public business have caused me to delay my reply.

Nullification, the corrupting influence of the Bank, the union of

Calhoun and Clay, supported by the corrupt and wicked of all parties,

engaged all my attention. The liberty of the people requires that wicked

projects, and evil combinations against the Government should be exposed

and counteracted.

I met nullification at its threshhold. My proclamation was well timed,

as it at once opened the eyes of the people to the wicked designs of the

Nullifiers, whose real motives had too long remained concealed. The

public ceased to be deluded by the promise of securing by nullification

“a peaceful and constitutional modification of the tariff.”

They investigated the subject, and saw that, although the tariff was

made the ostensible object, a separation of the confederacy was the real

purpose of its originators and supporters.

The expression of public opinion elicited by the proclamation, from

Maine to Louisiana, has so firmly repudiated the absurd doctrine of

nullification and secession, that it is not probable that we shall be

troubled with them again shortly.

The advices of to-day inform us that South Carolina has repealed her

ordinance and all the laws based upon it.[35] Thus die nullification and

secession, but leave behind the remembrance of their authors and

abettors, which holds them up to scorn and indignation, and will

transmit them to posterity as traitors to the best of governments.

The treaty is as good a one as we could expect or desire, and if you can

close the other as satisfactorily, it will be a happy result, and place

you in the highest rank of our able and fortunate diplomatists.

Mr. Clay has conversed with me freely, and has determined, under all the

circumstances, to return to you.

If Mr. Clay had not taken this determination, be well assured that your

request in respect to his successor would have received my most anxious

attention. You should have had one in whom you could with safety

confide. I had thought of Mr. Vail, now at London, who has signified his

inclination to remain abroad, as secretary of legation, when relieved by

a minister.

Mr. Clay can be left as chargé-d’affaires when your duty to your aged

mother may make it necessary for you to return to her and your country.

Knowing, as I do, that you will not leave your post until you bring to a

close the negotiation now under discussion, I have said to the Secretary

of State to grant you permission to return whenever you may ask it. But

should an emergency arise which will render it inconvenient, if not

impossible, for you to write and receive an answer from the state

department before, from the feeble health of your mother, it may be

necessary for you to return, you will consider yourself as being hereby

authorized to leave the court of Russia, and return, leaving Mr. Clay in

charge of our affairs there.

I must refer you to Mr. Clay, and the newspapers, which I have requested

the Secretary of State to send you, for the news and politics of the

day. I must, however, add, that in the late election, good old

Democratic Pennsylvania has greatly increased my debt of gratitude to

her, which I can only attempt to discharge by renewed and increasing

vigilance and exertions in so administering the Government as to

perpetuate the prosperity and happiness of the _whole_ people.

Accept of my best wishes for your health and happiness, and for your

safe return to your country and friends. Give my kind respects to Mr.

Barry, and believe me to be sincerely

Your friend,

ANDREW JACKSON.

[MR. BUCHANAN TO GENERAL JACKSON.]

ST. PETERSBURG, May 22, 1833

DEAR GENERAL:—

I had the pleasure of receiving, by Mr. Clay, your kind letter of the

21st March. And here allow me to tender you my grateful thanks for the

permission which you have granted me to return home. Indeed, I, for some

time, had scarcely indulged the hope that I should be allowed to leave

St. Petersburg before the next spring; this permission, therefore, was a

most agreeable surprise, and adds another to the many obligations I owe

to your kindness. I hope I may yet have an opportunity of displaying my

gratitude by my actions.

Although I shall leave St. Petersburg with pleasure, yet I shall always

gratefully remember the kindness with which I have been treated here. My

great objection to the country is the extreme jealousy and suspicion of

the government. A public minister, in order successfully to discharge

his duties and avoid giving offense, must conceal the most ennobling

sentiments of his soul. We are continually surrounded by spies, both of

high and low degree in life. You can scarcely hire a servant who is not

a secret agent of the police.

There is one mitigating circumstance in Russian despotism. In other

portions of Europe we behold nations prepared and anxious for the

enjoyment of liberty, yet compelled to groan beneath the yoke. No such

spectacle is presented in this country. The most ardent Republican,

after having resided here for one year, would be clearly convinced that

the mass of this people, composed as it is of ignorant and superstitious

barbarians, who are also slaves, is not fit for political freedom.

Besides, they are perfectly contented. The emperor seems to me to be the

very beau ideal of a sovereign for Russia, and in my opinion,

notwithstanding his conduct towards Poland, he is an abler and a better

man than any of those by whom he is surrounded. I flatter myself that a

favorable change has been effected in his feelings towards the United

States since my arrival. Indeed, at the first I was treated with great

neglect, as Mr. Clay had always been. I was glad he returned. It would

be difficult to find a more agreeable Secretary of Legation. I also

entertain a very high opinion of Mr. Vail.

I sincerely rejoice that our domestic differences seem almost to have

ended. Independently of their fatal influence at home, they had greatly

injured the character of the country abroad. The advocates of despotism

throughout Europe beheld our dissensions with delight; whilst the

friends of freedom sickened at the spectacle. God grant that the

restless spirits which have kindled the flame in South Carolina may

neither be willing nor able to promote disunion by rendering the

Southern States generally disaffected towards the best of governments.

Whilst these dissensions are ever to be deplored in themselves, they

have been most propitious for your fame. We generally find but few

extracts from American papers in the European journals; but whilst the

South Carolina question was pending, your proclamation, as well as every

material fact necessary to elucidate its history, was published on this

side of the Atlantic. I have a hundred times heard, with pride and

pleasure, the warmest commendations of your conduct, and have not met

with a single dissenting voice. I was the other day obliged to laugh

heartily at the sentiment of a Russian nobleman, which he considered the

highest commendation. He said it was a pity that such a man as you had

not been king of England instead of William the Fourth, for then Ireland

would have been kept in good order and O’Connell would long since have

been punished as he deserved.

I might have told him you were not the stuff of which kings are made,

and if you had possessed the power Ireland would have had her grievances

removed and received justice, and that then there might have been no

occasion for severity......

JAMES BUCHANAN.

[FROM S. PLEASONTON.]

WASHINGTON, April 2d, 1833.

DEAR SIR:—

I take the opportunity afforded by the return of Mr. Clay to St.

Petersburg to write to you, in the certainty that the letter will be

safely delivered.

The compromising tariff act passed at the last session has been accepted

pretty generally at the South, and has been received at the North much

better than I expected, so that the alarm and anxiety which existed on

the subject have been removed.

Much clamor, however, is yet kept up at the South, including Virginia,

on the subject of the President’s 10th December proclamation, and what

is called the enforcing bill. The proclamation in my opinion contains

the true Union doctrine, and does General Jackson great honor; and the

enforcing bill was absolutely called for by the attitude which South

Carolina had assumed. The State rights gentlemen, however, in the South,

are for denying all right to the Union, as if the two governments were

not formed by the same people and for their benefit. Absurd as these

State rights doctrines are when carried fully out, I fear they will be

pushed to an open rebellion by the Southern States before many years

shall elapse.

I was in hopes that when Mr. Livingston went to France, as he will do

probably in June next, that you would have been called to the Department

of State, but it seems a different arrangement is to be made. Mr. McLane

is to go to the Department of State, and it is said a gentleman from

Pennsylvania, who has never been spoken of for the Treasury, is to be

appointed to that department. As Dallas and Wilkins have been much

talked of for this department, I am somewhat in hopes that the person

referred to may be yourself. Be that as it may, I feel pretty confident

that you will be elected to the Senate of the United States at the next

meeting of the legislature, if you should be at home in season. They

have made two or three trials to elect a senator during the session

without effect, and from all I can learn the legislature will adjourn

without making an election, so that the election will lie over until the

next session.

Mrs. Pleasonton is now pretty well, though she has had several severe

attacks in the course of the winter. Mathilda, with her husband, left us

yesterday morning for Philadelphia. She had been ill for nearly two

months, and was not able to leave us until yesterday. Augustus is

exceedingly studious and is getting a good share of professional

business. I have great hopes of him. Laura is still in Philadelphia, but

will complete her education in the month of May. Mrs. P. intended to

have written to you but she has not had it in her power, having been

much engaged for Mathilda. I send you by Mr. Clay, copies, or rather

duplicates, of two letters written to you some time ago about your

accounts.

Mr. Clay can inform you of many particulars which will interest you, but

I presume will say nothing of his friend [John] Randolph, who is now

decidedly and zealously in the opposition. He was here lately and

behaved in the most eccentric manner.

As you may not have seen all the documents communicated to Congress by

the President in relation to South Carolina, I have determined to

burthen Mr. Clay with them. They are accordingly enclosed.

With great regard, I remain, dear sir, your friend and obedient servant,

S. PLEASONTON.

[MR. BUCHANAN TO JOHN B. STERIGERE.]

ST. PETERSBURG, May 19, 1833.

MY DEAR SIR:—

I think you are mistaken in supposing I should have been elected to the

Senate had I been at home. The opposition against me from many causes

would have been too strong. Indeed, I have an impression that my public

career is drawing near its close, and I can assure you this feeling does

not cost me a single pang. All I feel concerned about is to know what I

shall employ myself about after my return. To recommence the practice of

the law in Lancaster would not be very agreeable. If my attachments for

that place as well as my native State were not so strong, I should have

no difficulty in arriving at a conclusion. I would at once go either to

New York or Baltimore; and even if I should ever desire to rise to

political distinction, I believe I could do it sooner in the latter

place than in any part of Pennsylvania. What do you think of this

project? Say nothing about it. I have not written a word on the subject

to any other person. I see the appointment of Judge Sutherland announced

some weeks ago. Judging from the feelings displayed in the election of

printers to Congress, I should not have been astonished at his election

as Speaker by the next House of Representatives.

The winter here has been very long, but I have not at all suffered from

the cold. The great thickness of the walls of the houses, their double

windows and doors, and their stoves built of tile, render their houses

much more comfortable in very cold weather than our own. They are always

heated according to a thermometer, and preserved at an equal

temperature. Indeed, I have suffered more from the heat than the cold

during the winter. But its length has been intolerable. The Neva was

frozen for nearly six months. It broke up on the 25th ultimo; but still,

until within a few days, there is a little ice occasionally running

which comes from the Lake Ladoga.

On the 9th instant the navigation opened at Cronstadt. Four noble

American ships led the way, and with a fine breeze and under full sail

they passed through the ice and made an opening for the vessels of other

nations. The character of our masters of vessels and supercargoes stands

much higher here than that of the same class belonging to any other

nation. They have much more intelligence. This Court requires a man of

peculiar talent. There are but few of our countrymen fit to be sent here

as minister. Here the character of the country depends much upon that of

the minister. The sources of information respecting our republican

institutions which are open throughout the rest of Europe are closed in

this country. A favorable impression must be made upon the nobility by

personal intercourse, and in order that this may be done it is

absolutely necessary that the minister should occasionally entertain

them and mix freely in their society. Such is the difference between

Russian and American society, I am satisfied that Levett Harris would be

a more useful minister here than Daniel Webster. I make this remark on

the presumption that for years to come we shall have no serious business

to transact.

After looking about me here, I was much at a loss to know what course to

pursue. Without ruin to my private fortune I could not entertain as

others did. Not to entertain at all I might almost as well not have been

here except for the treaty. After some time I determined that I would

give them good dinners in a plain republican style, for their splendid

entertainments, and the plan has succeeded. I have never even put livery

on a domestic in my house;—a remarkable circumstance in this country.

I think I may say, I am a favorite here, and especially with the emperor

and empress. They have always treated me during the past winter in such

a manner as even to excite observation. I am really astonished at my own

success in this respect, for in sober truth, I say that, in my own

opinion, I possess but few of the requisites of being successful in St.

Petersburg society. I trust and hope that I may be permitted to return

to my beloved native land this fall; and if Providence should continue

to bless my endeavors, I think the character of the United States will

stand upon a fairer footing with his Imperial Majesty than it has ever

done since his accession to the throne.

_May 22d._

Mr. Randolph Clay returned here on the 19th, bringing me a great number

of letters from my friends and the President’s permission to return home

this fall. God willing! I shall be with you about the end of November.

These letters hold out flattering prospects of my election to the Senate

at the next session.

I confess I consider this event very doubtful, and shall take care not

to set my heart upon it.

Mr. Barry leaves me to-day for London, and I have no time to add

anything more. Please to write soon, and believe me ever to be your

sincere friend,

JAMES BUCHANAN.

P. S.—Remember me to Paulding, Patterson, Kittera and my other friends.

I wrote once to the latter, but have never received an answer from him.

[FROM LOUIS McLANE.]

(Unofficial.) WASHINGTON, June 20, 1832.

MY DEAR SIR:—

It affords me sincere pleasure to devote a portion of my early labors in

this Department[36] to you, whom I have known so long, and esteemed so

highly. In one form or other you will hereafter receive more frequent

communications from me, for I have already made a regulation by which a

semi-monthly communication will be kept up from the Department with our

principal ministers abroad. This is not only due to their character, but

necessary to keep them informed of our principal domestic and foreign

relations. This regulation will be independent of such special

communications as the particular state of the missions respectively may

[render] necessary.

You have no friend in this country who participated more sincerely than

I in the success of your negotiation, and if the President needed

anything to strengthen his friendship for you, or his confidence in your

zeal and ability, your labors on that occasion would have afforded it.

He has probably told you so himself, as I understood from him that he

intended to write you.

...... The President is on a tour through the northern and eastern

cities. He will go to Portland and thence up the lakes, through New York

to Ohio and Pennsylvania, and expects to return here about the middle of

July. I accompanied him as far as New York, and thence returned to my

post. His health and spirits, notwithstanding the great fatigue to which

he was perpetually exposed, had considerably improved, and I now have

great hopes that he will derive advantage from his journey. His journey

to New York was quite a triumphal procession, and his reception

everywhere indescribably gratifying and imposing. The enthusiasm and

cordial out-pouring of the kindest feelings of the heart, with which he

was everywhere greeted, could not be exceeded, and the committees from

the East, who met him in New York, assured us that a similar reception

awaited his further progress. In Boston, both parties were emulating

each other’s exertions, and Webster, it was understood, had cut short

his tour in the West, in order to receive him.

This would be a sharp alliance, and yet it is altogether probable. On

the part of Webster’s friends, it is ardently desired and incessantly

urged; on his own part he affects to consider the President’s hostility

to the bank as the only barrier. But I consider this only the last qualm

of a frail lady, who notwithstanding, finally falls into the arms of the

seducer. In the Senate, Webster’s accession may be important, in the

country its effect will be at least doubtful; especially with the

democracy of New England. If, however, the President can identify the

power of his name and character and hold upon the affections of the

people with any individual, all opposition, however combined, must be

hopeless. It is evident to me that no man ever lived, who exerted the

same influence over the great body of the people as General Jackson; and

if he devote the remainder of his term to tranquilize the public mind,

he will go into retirement with greater fame than any other man in our

history. The bank is the only disturbing question, and that he might

overthrow, after all its iniquities, without a jar, unless by premature

changing the [deposits], he should seriously derange the business and

currency of the country. He is strongly disposed to take that step, both

from his own hostility to the institution, and from the importunate

[advice] of many of his friends. It would, in my opinion, be injudicious

and prejudicial to the community; but the probability is it will be done

either before or immediately after the commencement of the next session

of Congress.

The affairs in the South are once more tranquil, and nullification may

be said to be extinct. There are men in that quarter, however, who

seriously meditate further difficulties, and there is just reason to

apprehend that these will not be satisfied short of a Southern

convention, leading to a Southern confederacy.

The elements of popular excitement only are wanting to make their

purpose discernible to all, and the grave question has been revived for

this purpose. So far it has not been successful, though it is evidently

making some impression in one or two of the States south of the Potomac,

and you know better than I can tell you, that the spirit of revolution

is progressive, though it may be slow.

On all other points, our affairs at home are prosperous, and the

prospect gratifying; and the new lines of party will not be very

distinctly defined until toward the close of the next session of

Congress.

I saw, while in Philadelphia with the President, many of your friends,

who affectionately inquired after you, and you may be satisfied that

your absence from the country has not served to weaken their attachment.

Now, my dear sir, I have taken up already too much of your time with

this uninteresting letter, and I will therefore relieve you from a

greater part of it. I will only add the wish of Mrs. McL—— to be brought

to your remembrance, and the assurance of the continued respect and

regard with which I am unaffectedly your friend and servant,

LOUIS MCLANE.

The principal object of the mission being accomplished, Mr. Buchanan

began his journey to Moscow early in June, and was absent from St.

Petersburg about a month. In making selections from his journals and

letters relating to this tour, as well as those which he kept on his

travels homeward after he finally left Russia, I shall omit descriptions

of places and countries that are now familiar to multitudes of

Americans, and shall quote only those which are of interest because they

give accounts of persons or things as they impressed him at the time,

and which are out of the beaten path of guide books as they then were or

have since become, or which relate to the public affairs of that period.

_Tuesday at 8 P. M., June 4, 1833._

Left St. Petersburg and arrived at Novogorod about 12 midi on Wednesday.

Visited the church of St. Sophia, said to be founded by Wladimir in

1040. His tomb, at which they say miracles are wrought, is in it. The

paintings are numerous and barbarous. The interior has a rude

magnificence. Went into the _sanctum sanctorum_, where women are never

admitted. There they consecrate the Eucharist in the Greek Church, out

of the view of the people; unlike the Latin in this respect. The priest

afterwards carries it out on his head, to be adored by the people.

The sides of the western door are lined with bronze, from which jutted

out in bronze a number of strange and barbarous figures not unlike those

of Mexico. They must have been Christian and even Russian in their

origin, as one of them represented an Archimandrite in full dress. The

inscriptions were Sclavonian. Our guide said they were conquered from

the Swedes by St. Wladimir. The church is west of the river. It and

several other buildings are surrounded by a brick wall, with turrets,

etc., etc., about twenty-five feet high and eighteen thick and nearly a

mile in circumference, a ditch beneath.

There are also the remains of another rampart and ditch, a considerable

distance from the former. The church of St. Sophia is surrounded by a

dome and four cupolas of the character peculiar to Russia.

The former is gilt and the others plated with silver, so they say. The

celebrated monastery of St. Anthony we did not visit. There is scarcely

any appearance of ancient ruins to indicate the former greatness of

Novogorod. This arises from the nature of the materials of which it was

built.

On Wednesday night we stayed at Zaitsova, an excellent inn.

The public houses are generally bad, beyond what an American can have

any idea of; nevertheless, a few on this road were good. This inn is

maintained in a degree by the emperor.

The peasants are jolly, good-natured fellows, who drive furiously and

seem happy. They are all rogues, nevertheless. In appearance and conduct

they are very unlike those of Petersburg.

_Saturday, June 8._

We arrived in Moscow at 10 o’clock A. M. The road is the best over which

I have ever travelled. It is macadamized in the most perfect manner, and

the traveller pays no toll. About 175 versts, or five posts, are yet

unfinished between Chotilova and Tiver. This fraction is the old road

and partly composed of sand, partly of the trunks of trees laid across,

and partly of large stones, and in some places it is very bad. The

posting is eight cents per verst for four horses and ten cents for the

post adjoining St. Petersburg and Moscow.

The horses, though mean in their appearance, travel with great speed.

They uniformly place the four abreast when travelling by post in Russia.

The post-boys always cross themselves devoutly before ascending their

seats; though they, in common with all the other Russian mousiques whom

I have ever met, will cheat you if they can.

At every post station we found a number of these—with their long beards

and their tanned sheepskins—ready to grease the carriage or perform any

other menial service. At night they lie down on the road and around the

post-houses, and sleep on the ground. Indeed Russians of the highest

class appear to know little of the comforts of a good bed.

The country presents a forlorn aspect for 150 versts from St.

Petersburg. It is both poor and flat, and the villages have a wretched

appearance. They all consist of log huts with their gables towards the

street. As you approach Waldi, the country becomes somewhat better and

more undulating, and more attention seems to have been paid to its

cultivation. It afterwards resumes its level appearance as you advance

to Moscow, but still it is much better in every respect than near St.

Petersburg. With a single exception we did not observe a nobleman’s seat

along the whole route, and this one had a mean appearance. Nothing

affords variety to the dull and monotonous scenery except the churches,

which present the only interesting objects in the landscape.

Tiver is the principal town of the government of that name. It was

finally conquered in 1483. The city is handsome and has the appearance

of prosperity. It is situated on both sides of the Volga. When I

approached this river, I could not resist the feeling of how strange it

was that I should be on its banks.

_Sunday afternoon, 9th._

We went to the promenade, at three versts from the city, on the

Petersburg road.

_Monday morning, 10th._

We visited Madame S—— and had some conversation with her which would

have been agreeable but for the constant interruption of a parrot which

screeched as if it had been hired for the occasion. She had accompanied

Mr. Wells of Philadelphia last year to the monastery of the Trinity. Her

son is to go with us to the Kremlin to-morrow.

The appearance of Moscow must have greatly improved since its

conflagration in 1812. It has lost, however, in a great degree, that

romantic and Asiatic appearance which it formerly presented. The

cumbrous and rude magnificence of palaces irregularly scattered among

Tartar huts, has given place to airy and regular streets in all

directions. It appears to be in a prosperous condition. That which

chiefly distinguishes it from other cities is the immense number of

churches. Their cupolas, of all colors and of all forms, rising above

the summits of the houses and glittering in the sun, are very striking

and imposing objects. In this respect no city in the world, except

Constantinople, can be compared with it. In the evening we visited the

Russian Theatre. Both the infernal regions and the Elysian fields were

well represented on the stage.

_Tuesday._

It rained all day. Dined with Madame Novaselsoff. She is one of the

three daughters of —— Orloff, the youngest brother of the three who left

no son—immensely rich—had one son, an only child, who was killed in a

duel some nine years ago. Aide-de-camp of Emperor—Ischermoff was his

antagonist. Both fell. His mother lives upon his memory. She says she is

now building two churches, one on the spot where he expired and the

other on her estate—-a monument. She has established schools, one on the

Lancasterian plan, among her peasants. I told her she ought to live for

her peasants and consider them her children. Her example also might

produce great effect. She said she had no object to live for, and when

it was the will of God, she would go cheerfully; that her affections

were fixed on another world. She had a full length likeness of her son

in her parlor, and different other portraits of him scattered about; his

drawings, etc., etc.

_Wednesday morning._

We visited the Foundling Hospital, or the Imperial House of Education,

as it is called. We had a letter for Dr. Alfonskoi, the chief medical

officer attached to the institution, and he, together with Baron

Stackelberg, the superintendent, conducted us through the apartments.

This hospital is the glory of Moscow and is the most extensive

establishment of the kind in the world. It is perfectly well conducted

in all its departments.

The object of the institution is twofold. The first is limited to the

preservation of the lives of the foundlings and rearing them as peasants

of the crown, and the second extends to their education and their

freedom. The number of infants of the first description amounted to 6500

the last year. Each of these requires a separate nurse, and from the

peculiar state of society in Russia, these are provided without the

least difficulty. The peasant women throughout the province of Moscow

(and others are excluded) come daily in considerable numbers to offer

their services as nurses. Each one receives a foundling and after

remaining with it a few weeks in the hospital, she and the child are

sent to the village to which she belongs. For the maintenance of this

child, until it attains the age of twelve years, she receives five

roubles per month, or sixty per annum. Three thousand foundlings had

been received during the present year. The boys and girls thus raised

are sent upon the lands of the crown and become peasants. The former are

not exempted from serving in the army.

It was quite a novel spectacle for me to pass through the long ranges of

women, with infants in their arms, or in the cradle. Everything was

clean and in good order; though the women were anything but

good-looking.

I believe most of the children received are legitimate, of poor parents.

_It is called the Imperial House of Education_, not a foundling

hospital, and the former name is more applicable to it than the latter.

They borrow at 4 and lend at 5; not 5 and 6, as the Guide says.

Baron Stackelberg told Mr. G. that the institution had 7,000,000 roubles

clear after all expenses at the end of each year—_sed quere_.

The second class are very different from the first. They consist of

those foundlings for whom 150 roubles are advanced at the time they

enter the establishment. But as the institution can accommodate a

greater number than are sent to it upon these terms, the deficiency is

supplied by selections made sometimes from children of the first class,

but most generally from those of poor parents of Moscow. These all

continue in the institution until they receive their education. They are

free when they depart from it and are not liable to be drafted as

soldiers. A sufficiently accurate account of these is to be found in the

Guide. There are at present 550 boys and as many girls of this

description.

We dined with Dr. Alfonskoi. His wife is a communicative, agreeable

woman who expresses her opinion freely upon all subjects. Whilst at

table I received the impression from her conversation that she took me

for an Englishman, notwithstanding I had been introduced to her as the

American minister. I did not consider this remarkable, from the

ignorance which prevails throughout this country concerning the United

States. On the evening of this day I had a still more decided example.

Mr. G. and myself went to pay a visit to “The Prince Ouroussoff, master

of the court of his I. M., and senator.” Whilst I was conversing with

the daughter, the princess asked Mr. G. if the United States still

belonged to England. He replied that they were independent and

constituted a separate government. She said this must have been since

1812, and when he informed her that their independence had been

recognized by England since 1783, she was much astonished. Among other

things she wished to know whether they spoke the English language in

America.

We visited the Souchareva Bashnia. This is a lofty and extensive

building on an elevated position, in the second story of which is the

reservoir to supply the city with water. This is brought eighteen

versts. The top of the edifice affords a fine view of the city.

All the buildings of this establishment escaped the conflagration of

1812. They contain at present a population of more than 5,000, and have

a distinct police.

_Thursday Morning._

Before breakfast I visited the mineral-water establishment. It is

situated near the Moscow, about four versts above the Kremlin. There you

find waters of twenty-four different kinds prepared in imitation of

those which are most celebrated throughout Europe. I took a glass of

Carlsbad, the taste of which reminded me of that of Saratoga. Indeed the

whole scene resembled that exhibited there. There were a great number of

ladies and gentlemen walking in the promenades, drinking and talking;

but the ladies of Saratoga were not there. The water is drawn by cocks

from different vessels prepared for containing it, and placed contiguous

to each other in a row.

This establishment has been recently made by a joint stock company. The

emperor has subscribed a number of shares. In St. Petersburg they are

about to get up a similar establishment. There were to be six hundred

shares at five hundred roubles each; but three times that amount was

subscribed at once. Dr. Myer, whom I met there to-day, is now here as

agent from St. Petersburg to gain information, and observe the operation

of the establishment at Moscow.

We ascended the belfry of Ivan Vélikoi (Jean le Grand). It receives its

name from the Church of St. John, which it surmounts. From there we had

another fine view of the city. There are thirty-one bells in the belfry.

All in the Kremlin are collected in it.—Vide the Guide.

From thence we proceeded to the treasury of the Kremlin and examined its

contents. It is fully described in the Guide, with the exception of some

things which have been added since its publication.

These are chiefly the trophies of the conquest of poor unhappy Poland.

They are the two thrones—the sceptre, the globe, and the sword of the

emperor of Russia as king of Poland, which have been brought from

Warsaw.

The portraits of all the kings of Poland are now hung up in their order

in this Russian arsenal where the treasure is kept. We saw there also

the flags which had been presented to the Polish army by the Emperor

Alexander, and also the original constitution of Poland on the floor at

his feet. It was placed there by the express command of his present

majesty.

The glorious standard of Poland which waved triumphantly over many a

well fought field, but which the most exalted courage and self-devotion

could no longer maintain against brutal and barbarian force, is there

exhibited. The white eagle has been obliged to cower beneath the

double-headed monster of Russia. May it again soar! though to all human

appearance it has sunk forever.

The head of John Sobieski is one of the most noble and commanding I have

ever beheld. The famous standard which he took from the Turks at Vienna

when Poland saved Europe from the sway of the Infidel, is now in the

same hall with the portrait of the hero and the king who commanded her

army on that celebrated day. We afterwards visited the ancient and the

modern palaces. The contrast between the two exhibits the change between

ancient and modern times in striking colors. In one of the rooms of the

latter, among other ancient portraits, we saw one of the Princess

Sophia. She was an extraordinary woman, and must have had a very fine

face. I have an interest in this woman, and am willing to disbelieve the

crime which Peter the Great attributed to her, of an intention to

assassinate him. How must her proud and ambitious spirit have been

chafed by being confined to a monastery after having reigned with so

much distinction. Accompanied by Mr. Thal, we rode out of the Barrier de

Drogomirov, two or three versts on the road to Smolensko, to the summit

of the last of three hills which rise gradually above each other, from

whence we had a fine view of the city. It was from this quarter that the

French entered. Bonaparte slept the first night at Petrovski, a place

near the St. Petersburg road, about three versts from the city.

_Friday Morning, June 2–14th._

I went with Mr. Gretsch, the editor of the Bee at St. Petersburg, to see

the famous monastery of Novo Devitcher where we saw the tomb of the

Princess Sophia, who took the veil under the name of Suzanna, and was

buried in 1704. For the rest, see the Guide, 183, 184. Mr. G. and myself

visited and went through the mosque. In this country, all churches must

be open. Unfortunately we arrived a little too late for the service.

John the Third, in 1473, married the Princess Sophia, the daughter of

Thomas Paléologus Porphyrogénétus, who was the brother of Constantine

Paléologus, who died in 1453, whilst seeing his capital fall under the

dominion of the Turks. By his unison with the last descendant of the

Paléologus, John the Third considered himself as the heir of their

crown, and after his marriage he substituted the eagle with two heads

for the cavalier which was then the arms of the grand principality, and

it was then that he took the title of Tsar.

_Saturday._

This Mr. Gretsch is the editor of the _Northern Bee_ of St. Petersburg,

the principal Russian journal. He is also on a visit here for the first

time. He came up to me the other day at the Treasury and introduced

himself, since when he has been uncommonly kind. He appears to be, for I

know not what he is, a frank, open-hearted, talkative, well-informed

person, but something of a bore. He laughingly styled the sultan this

morning “our Governor General of Turkey.” I am persuaded this is now the

feeling in Russia. They believe themselves to be already the virtual

masters of Constantinople.

Mr. G. and myself afterwards went to the Mountain of Sparrows. It is on

the southwest of the city opposite or nearly so the monastery of Novo

Devitcher. From thence you have the best view of Moscow, and it is truly

a beautiful and magnificent spectacle. It was here that they commenced

the foundation of the cathedral of St. Sauveur, in consequence of a vow

of the Emperor Alexander during the French war; but it has been

discontinued, and will be erected in another part of the city. The place

was found to be too extensive and too expensive, though the vow was to

build the greatest and most magnificent church in Russia.

We next visited the garden of Niéschouchin, from whence also we had

another fine view of the city. We there saw a theatre _sub Jove_.

The opinion of Dr. Alfonskoi on the cholera is that it arises in all

cases from a defect of heat in the system, and his universal remedy,

after he came to understand the disease, was the hot, very hot bath. He

is fully convinced it was not contagious. It seized on those whose

digestive powers had been enfeebled by drunkenness or high living. I

told him of Dr. Stevens’ saline treatment, and he said, from the

development of heat, [which] the salt produced in the system, it might

have been a good remedy. The cholera, Dr. A. thinks, came from the

earth, is connected with gravity. The grip is its opposite and is

connected with electricity. This last the best evidence that the cholera

has finally disappeared. The stomach the root, as of a tree, etc.

_Sunday, 16th June._

I went to the English chapel, and heard an excellent, animated,

evangelical discourse, from the Rev. Matthew Camidge, the pastor. His

text was 2 Peter 3d chapter, from —— to ——. It was on the subject of the

long suffering of God with sinners, and the repentance to which this

should naturally lead, etc., etc. The judgment-day will come by surprise

as many temporal judgments do after long suffering.

There is to be a theatrical entertainment this evening in the open air,

at the garden of Nieschouchin, and afterwards a party at Madame

Paschkoff’s. My old Presbyterian notions will prevent me from attending

either. After church I paid some visits to the Skariatines, etc.

The English chapel was consumed in the conflagration of 1812, and has

been rebuilt but a few years since. It contains no organ. They sing

well. The pastor receives about £200, the half of which comes from

England. I was struck with the solemnity of this little congregation in

a strange land. May God be with them! It was the most impressive sermon

I have heard since I left America.

_Monday, 5–17th June._

We visited, in company with Mr. Gretsch, and particularly examined the

interior of the cathedrals of the Annunciation, of the Assumption, and

of St. Michael the Archangel. They are sufficiently described in the

Guide. We also visited the ancient palace of the Patriarchs, and saw

everything that was contained therein. The apartments of his holiness

were very small and simple, though the state rooms must have been

considered magnificent in Russia a century and a half ago. We there saw

the apparatus for making the holy oil, which is distributed throughout

Russia. It is only prepared once in three years. How wise it was in

Peter the Great to abolish the Patriarchate! Few men would have had the

courage to make the attempt. From the ignorance of the Russians and

their proneness to superstition, he must have continued to be as he

formerly was, the rival of the czars themselves.

From thence we went to the Alexander Institution, so called after his

majesty. Whilst the cholera raged in Moscow, many of the children of

poor noble families were deprived of their parents, and thus became

destitute orphans. To relieve their wants and furnish them with an

education, this institution was first established by the present

emperor. Being pleased with its operation, he has made it permanent. The

orphan children of poor nobles from any part of the empire are now

received there, and all their expenses defrayed. The emperor purchased

for the purposes of this institution the house and grounds of a

nobleman, Count Rasoumoffsky, for which he gave 1,200,000 roubles B. A.

The extent of these private establishments of the Russian nobility may

be judged of, from the circumstances that this house and the adjacent

buildings appertaining to it now, accommodate 250 boys and as many

girls, with all the necessary professors and domestics.

Here the former are taught the Russian, French, German and Latin

languages; geometry, geography, drawing, dancing, etc., etc., and the

latter are instructed in all these branches, except Latin and geometry,

and in the other accomplishments which more particularly belong to

females. There are three classes of each.

We heard the first class of the young ladies examined in French and

geography, and then specimens of their drawing, embroidery and other

needle-work were exhibited to us. They acquitted themselves very

creditably. They also played for us on the piano. As a compliment to

myself, they were examined on the geography of the United States. What

struck me with great force, was that the little girls in the second and

third classes recited pieces from the French and German, as well as the

Russian, with apparent facility, and so far as I could judge, with a

perfect accent.

They certainly have the most wonderful talent for acquiring languages of

any people in the world.

We afterwards went through the apartments of the boys and heard them

examined. One of the boys was asked who was the greatest man that

America had produced, and he promptly answered Washington. The thrill of

delight which I experienced at the moment, I shall not undertake to

describe. He hesitated in his answer to the second question, who was the

next, as probably many Americans would; and was then asked who was the

celebrated ambassador of the United States at Paris, to which he replied

Franklin. He first said Ptolemy Philadelphus, but corrected himself

immediately.

The most imposing spectacle I witnessed here was all the girls collected

at dinner. They were all dressed alike, in green frocks and white

aprons, which came over their arms. When we entered, they were all

ranged at their different places and were standing up. Those who were

distinguished, were placed at two small tables in the centre. Previous

to taking their seats, they sang a hymn in Russian as a blessing. Their

performance was excellent. Here the goodness and piety of the female

heart shone out in a striking manner. The little girls exhibited the

warmest and most lively devotion, and frequently crossed themselves with

all that sincerity and ardor of manner which can never be counterfeited

at their age. The dinner was very good. One circumstance is worthy of

remark. Mr. Gretsch made a little address in Russian to one of the

female classes, which Mr. Guerreiro understood. He informed them that I

was the minister of the United States, a great and powerful republic.

That the people there were well educated and well informed; but that

every person had to labor. That their Government was a good one; but no

paternal emperor existed there, who would become the father of orphans

and educate them at his own expense. He concluded by impressing upon

their minds how grateful they ought to be to the emperor, and how much a

monarchical government ought, on this account, to be preferred to a

republic.

The emperor is very fond of this institution, of which he is the

founder. Indeed, in different forms and in different manners nearly all

the children of the Russian nobility of both sexes are educated in

imperial institutions, and in some degree at the expense of the

government. We visited the garden where there was a considerable number

of very little boys and girls too young for any of the classes. It is

the emperor’s delight, they say, to go among them and play with them, to

he down upon the ground and let them cover him, and to toss them about

in all directions. From all I have heard, a great fondness for children

is one of the traits of the emperor’s character. He is quick and warm in

his feelings, and at the moment of irritation would be severe: but his

passion soon subsides, and the empress receives great credit for

correcting this fault in his temper. I am more and more convinced every

day that he could have pursued no other course with safety towards the

Poles than that which he did. The bitterness against them is extreme,

and there is scarcely a monument of antiquities in the Kremlin which

does not relate to battles lost and won between the two nations. Their

mutual enmity is truly hereditary. The emperor advances two hundred

thousand roubles per annum to this institution, and has lately given it

a million of roubles, which is to accumulate for the purpose of forming

a capital for its support. The foundation of a new and extensive

building has already been laid for the better accommodation of the

pupils.

The chamberlain, Tchenchine, is the principal director, and Mr. Davydoff

the chief professor, with both of whom I was much pleased, as well as

with Madame Tchenchine, the wife of the former.

From thence, accompanied by Messrs. Tchenchine and Davydoff, we visited

the Armenian institution, founded in 1806 by the Messieurs Lazareff,

wealthy Armenian noblemen, for the benefit chiefly of native Armenians,

wheresoever they may be scattered. The memoir presented to me by Mr. D.

will sufficiently explain the object of it. There you saw in the form

and in the face of the pupils the Asiatic traits. One of them, a native

of Calcutta, spoke English to me. There are several private institutions

for the education of youth at Moscow, founded by private munificence,

and whether ostentation may have been the moving cause or not, still

they are very valuable to the community. We partook here of an elegant

déjeuner-à-fourchette. There are now forty-five scholars gratis and

twenty-five who pay fifty roubles per month, in the institution, so says

Mr. Davydoff.

We dined to-day with the governor-general, Prince Galitzine, and a

select party. He is a dignified gentleman of the old school, with great

simplicity of manners, and is revered by the people high and low of the

city and province of Moscow. He speaks English tolerably well, and we

had much conversation concerning the United States. He commanded the

cavalry at the battle of Borodino, and represented it, as it has been

always represented, as a most murderous battle on both sides.

We spent the evening at Prince Ourousoff’s. I had almost forgot to

mention that in our visits to the cathedrals and the patriarchal palace

we were accompanied by Mr. Polevoy, the editor of the Moscow

_Telegraph_, at Moscow, who is engaged in writing a history of Russia,

and by another savant, Professor John Snéquireff.

The former gave me several exemplaries of Russian antiquities as a

souvenir.

_Tuesday Morning._

Mr. Gretsch, Mr. Guerreiro and myself set out for the Trostza monastery,

a place famous in Russian history. It is sixty-two versts north of

Moscow. We left by the barrier of Trostza. We found the road covered

with numerous parties of pilgrims on foot, going to pay their devotions

at the shrine of St. Sierge, the founder. The women were, I think,

nearly ten to one for the men. In ancient times the sovereigns of Russia

used to go on foot from Moscow to worship at this shrine; the _pious_

Catharine was, I believe, the last who performed this pilgrimage in this

manner.

The villages and churches along the road are nearly all celebrated in

Russian history. At about seven versts from the principal convent there

is a monastery for nuns dependent upon it. We found the church at this

monastery crowded with pilgrims, crossing themselves; many were on their

knees before the pictures, and the most devout touched the floor with

their foreheads. There is nothing in the Greek liturgy which sanctions

the worship of these pictures. Indeed, images are excluded. It was,

however, impossible to resist the belief that these poor creatures

considered them something more than mere pictures.

When we arrived at Trostza we found that the governor-general had sent

an officer to show me all the antiquities and curiosities of the place;

and had not Mr. Guerreiro told them in my absence that he knew it would

be disagreeable to me, I should have been received by a military guard.

I thus avoided what to me would have been unpleasant.

We were first presented to the Reverend Father Antoine, the

archimandrite or abbot of the monastery. In my life I have never beheld

a more heavenly expression of countenance. It spoke that he was at peace

with heaven and with his fellow-men, and possessed a heart overflowing

with Christian benevolence and charity. He spoke no French nor English,

and my conversation with him was through Mr. Gretsch as interpreter. He

is very intelligent and perfectly modest and unassuming in his manners.

In his appearance he is not more than thirty-five. His long beard was of

a most beautiful chestnut color, and made his appearance venerable

notwithstanding his comparative youth. I shall never forget the

impression which this man made upon me.

He showed us all the antiquities himself; and first we made a circuit on

the ancient wall. It is a mile round and at least twenty-two feet thick,

and its great glory is that the Poles have never been able to pass it.

This he communicated to us with evident satisfaction. It was in ancient

times the strongest fortification in Russia, and was perfectly

impregnable before the use of artillery. An imperial palace formerly

existed within it, not a trace of which now remains.

St. Sierge was a pious and patriotic hermit who, in the reign of Dimitri

Danshoy, retired to this spot, which was then a wilderness. Some well

authenticated facts exist which may well inspire a superstitious people

with great veneration for this spot. Among others of a recent date, when

the plague raged in Moscow during the days of the Empress Catharine,

notwithstanding the gates of the monastery were always open to the

crowds of pilgrims who then frequented the shrine, no case of plague

occurred within the walls. The same may be observed in regard to the

recent cholera.

After the circuit of the walls, we passed through the different

churches. That where the reliques of St. Sierge are deposited was much

crowded. His shrine is very rich. The church was crowded with pilgrims.

The interior of these churches resembles the others we had seen. The

iconostase is the covering ascending from the floor to the summit, which

conceals from public view the place where the sacrament is consecrated.

Upon it are uniformly painted, in several rows, holy pictures of the

Virgin and of the saints. In the ancient churches these are sufficiently

rude and barbarous, but richly ornamented.

In passing from one church to another we saw a square brick wall covered

with boards, but without any inscription, which contains the remains of

Boris Goudounoff and his family. The bodies of the father and the son

were taken by the fury of the people from the cathedral of St. Michael,

where they were deposited with those of the other czars, and were

afterwards brought to Trostza. They were formerly within the walls of a

church; but, it needing repairs, in the time of the madman Paul, he

ordered the walls which extended over these remains to be taken down,

and the limits of this church to be restricted so as to leave them

without a covering. Whilst the good archimandrite was relating this

circumstance, he was evidently much affected by the barbarity of the

action. This was done because Paul believed Goudounoff to be a usurper.

He has been charged with the crime of having caused the murder of the

true Dimitri, the last branch of the family of Rurick. But this is a

most obscure period of Russian history, and their great historian,

Karamsin, leaves the question in doubt. In all other respects he was an

excellent sovereign, and Peter the Great always spoke of him in terms of

the highest respect.

We afterwards visited the sacristy and there saw a great many splendid

sacred robes and vessels. All the sovereigns in succession of the house

of Romanoff have presented their gifts, with the exception of Peter the

Great, and there are several prior to that period. The specimens of

embroidery wrought by the Empresses Elizabeth, Anne and Catharine the

Second are very rich and magnificent. Peter the Great deprived this

monastery of all its disposable wealth for which he gave them receipts,

and Catharine took their lands and their peasants from them. But Peter

built a church there, at least so the archimandrite said, and pointed it

out to us.

The greatest curiosity in the sacristy is the miraculous crystal, or

white stone, in the body of which is clearly defined and represented in

black a monk in his black robes kneeling before a crucifix. It requires

no effort of the imagination to present this spectacle to the eye. It is

clearly and distinctly defined. I examined this stone with great care,

and certainly but with little faith, and yet I am under the impression

that the likeness of the monk and the crucifix are contained in the very

body of the crystal itself, and are not artificial...... Nature, amid

the infinite variety of her productions, has given birth to this curious

piece of workmanship. The Father Antoine, in a solemn and impressive

manner, presented each of us with a consecrated picture of St. Sierge.

The Father Antoine then accompanied us to that portion of the buildings

destined for the students of divinity, of which there are 100 at

Trostza, and the same number of monks. There we were presented to the

archimandrites; Polycarpe, rector of the ecclesiastical academy, a fat

and jolly-looking monk, who laced his tea strong with cherry brandy and

took his wine kindly; to Peter, ancient archimandrite of the Russian

mission at Peking, who has a long white beard and venerable appearance,

and read Chinese aloud for our amusement; to Neophyte, formerly

substitute of Peter at Peking; and to the monk Tsidore, librarian of the

ecclesiastical academy. Their wine and their tea were both excellent,

and we spent an hour or two very pleasantly with them. There is a room

in these apartments, the ceiling of which contains paintings of the

different exploits of Peter the Great; a tribute of his daughter, the

Empress Elizabeth. Upon taking leave, Polycarpe presented me several

treatises in Russ as a keepsake. Upon taking leave of Antoine, I

submitted to be kissed by him according to the Russian fashion, first on

the right cheek, then on the left, and then on the mouth. This was my

first regular experiment of the kind.

_Wednesday._

We dined at Mr. Cavenaugh’s with a party of English. Among others I met

Mr. Camidge there. His appearance, manners and conversation in private

society did not answer the expectations I had formed of him from his

preaching.

_Thursday._

On the 20th of June we left Moscow at eight in the evening, and arrived

at St. Petersburg on Monday, the 24th, at 2 P. M., having slept two

nights on the road. At Vouischnije Volotschok we saw the sluice

connecting the Tivortza with the Atsta. It can only be used by vessels

going towards St. Petersburg.

The following letter to one of his Pennsylvania friends was written

immediately after his return to St. Petersburg.

[MR. BUCHANAN TO G. LEIPER, ESQ.]

ST. PETERSBURG, July 3, 1833.

MY GOOD FRIEND:—

It was with no ordinary pleasure that I received a letter by Mr. Clay

with your well-known superscription. You make a strong mark, and your

writing would be known among a thousand. I now have the joyful

anticipation of being ere long once more among you. A land reposing

under the calm of despotism is not the country for me. An American of

proper feelings who visits any portion of Europe, must thank his God

that his lot has been cast in the United States. For my own part, I feel

that I am a much greater Republican than ever.

I hope with the blessing of Heaven to be able to leave St. Petersburg in

perfect consistency with the interests of my country some time during

the next month. I shall then spend a few weeks in seeing other parts of

Europe, and embark for home the last of October or beginning of

November.

I have recently returned from a short excursion to Moscow; the city

which rolled back the tide of victory upon Napoleon. St. Petersburg is a

cosmopolite city; but at Moscow you see Russia. It is a most picturesque

and beautiful city. Its numerous churches surmounted by cupolas of every

form and of every color give it a romantic and an Asiatic appearance.

Many of these are gilt, and when the rays of the sun are reflected from

them, the eye is dazzled with the richness and splendor of the

spectacle. From Moscow I made a pilgrimage to the shrine of St. Sierge,

a distance of forty miles. Going and returning I suppose we saw ten

thousand pilgrims upon the way. They were chiefly of the fair sex, and

nearly all on foot. This shrine is at the Monastery of the Trinity, a

place famous in Russian history, having been at the same time a convent,

a palace, and a fortification. Here the family of the czars have often

taken refuge. In passing round on the top of the walls with the abbot

(which is more than a mile in circumference), he told me in a tone of

triumph and national antipathy that these walls had never been taken by

the Poles; on taking leave he presented me with a consecrated picture of

St. Sierge, and from him I submitted to the operation of being kissed,

first on the right cheek, then on the left, and finally plump on the

mouth. This is the general custom of the country; but it was my first

experiment of the kind. The pious Catharine, although she seized the

peasants and the broad acres of this monastery, made a pilgrimage on

foot from Moscow to the shrine of St. Sierge. But enough of this

bagatelle.

On Saturday last, the 29th ultimo, we had news from New York via London

up till the 1st, a wonderfully short passage. We then heard of the death

of Randolph, and of the appointment of Mr. Duane as Secretary of the

Treasury. I have no doubt the latter will make a good officer, and he

shows great courage in undertaking the Treasury at the present moment.

My best wishes attend him.

I think it more than probable that my political life is drawing to a

close, and I confess I look upon the prospect without regret. Office is

not necessary for my happiness. I can enjoy myself with the blessing of

God, under my own vine and my own fig tree. Whoever embarks on the

stormy ocean of politics must calculate to make a shipwreck of

contentment and tranquility. I have served the old hero faithfully and

zealously, and he has done more for me than I could have expected. But I

hope ere long to talk over my travels and my ups and downs along with

Edwards and yourself and a few other friends in the good old county of

Delaware. By the bye, I have a crow to pick with Edwards. I wrote to him

and he has never answered my letter.

I am obliged to write at full gallop. _Safe_ opportunities are so rare,

and when they occur, so much of my time is taken up in writing

despatches, that I have but little left for my private friends.

Remember me kindly to Edwards and his charming wife, to Dick, the

doctor, your brothers, Kane, Lescine, Judge Engle, and my other friends.

Please to present my most respectful compliments to Mrs. Leiper, and

believe me, in whatever land my lot may be cast, to be always your

friend,

JAMES BUCHANAN.

The following brief account of one of the national fêtes is recorded

soon after his return to St. Petersburg:

THE FETE AT PETERHOFF, SATURDAY, JULY 1–13, 1833.

The English palace was provided for the reception of the Diplomatic

Corps, where we lived with Count Daschkaw, the grand master of

ceremonies, Count Matuscervie, and some masters of the court. Everything

was provided for us in handsome style, for which, according to custom, I

paid the court servants two hundred roubles at my departure.

In the morning we went to visit the gardens upon singular vehicles on

four wheels and drawn by two splendid horses. I can describe it no

better than by imagining a double sofa with a single back, on which ten

of us could sit back to back comfortably, five on each side. The

foot-board was within about a foot of the ground.

The water-works are the chief object of attraction. The water is

conveyed in a canal for the distance of about thirty versts to the

palace of Peterhoff, which is situate at the summit and on the brink of

the second bank of the Gulf of Finland. From it there is a steep descent

of about thirty feet to the extensive plain on the southern shore of the

Gulf, which is covered by the immense garden. It is this descent which

has enabled them to present so many varieties of water-works. In the

gardens above, on a level with the palace (the English garden), the

water is tastefully distributed into several lakes, etc.

The water falls in several broad sheets over different steps immediately

in front of the palace. One range of these is gilt, and in a clear day

must present a splendid spectacle. They place candles under the shutes

of the water and thus have an illumination under the water, which did

not, however, produce the effect I expected.

There are many long walks in the gardens, I should say more than a verst

in length, at the intersection of which are little lakes, and in the

centre of them jet d’eaus.

On the sides of these walks, and all around the little lakes, were

frame-works to a considerable elevation, destined for the candles.

We rode all through these different walks. In front of one of the lakes

stands the little palace of Marly, built by Peter the Great. Everything

is preserved there just as he left it; and it was curious to observe the

progress of luxury in comparing his clothing and accommodations with

those of the imperial family in the present day. There is a carp which

has been in the lake for a century, with a collar round its neck. It,

with others, comes to the edge of the water at the sound of a bell,

every morning, to receive its breakfast.

We went over to the ball about eight in the evening, where the emperor

and empress and the rest of us polonaised, and all things were conducted

as on the 1st January, only the crowd was not so great. After supper,

about half-past eleven, the emperor, empress, Prince Albert of Prussia,

and other members of the I. F., mounted one of these vehicles. They were

followed in others by the members of the court of D. C., and thus we

slowly promenaded through all these walks, the sides of which were

covered by immense crowds of spectators. The effect of the illumination

was brilliant. The Grand Duke Michel was on horseback, and great

precautions were evidently taken, on account of the Polish conspiracy.

About half-past one we ended. The distance to Peterhoff 26 versts. Mr.

Lander and Captain Ranlett, Americans, were there in the ball room, in

dominos, etc., etc.

[TO THE HON. E. LIVINGSTON, SECRETARY OF STATE.]

AMERICAN LEGATION, }

ST. PETERSBURG, July 3, 1833, N. S. }

SIR:—

On the 28th ultimo I had an interview with Count Nesselrode on the

subject of the application which I made on the 5–17 May, in behalf of

Messrs. Shaw & Co., of Boston. The question has not yet been decided.

After the conversation upon this subject, the count informed me that

Baron Krudener, in his last despatch, had acknowledged the receipt of

the emperor’s ratification of the treaty, and on the first instant I

received a note from him communicating the intelligence that the

ratifications had been exchanged at Washington on the 11th of May. At

this interview I had hoped he would say something concerning the

proposed treaty on neutral rights, and gave the conversation such a turn

as would naturally lead to the subject.

I enquired when the emperor would leave St. Petersburg. He answered that

his majesty would not set out upon his journey into the interior until

after the commencement of August. I then replied that before his

departure, I should solicit my audience of leave, as I intended to

return to the United States during the approaching autumn.

He expressed his regret at my determination and their satisfaction with

my conduct as a minister; but made no allusion whatever, either to the

treaty or to my note of the 18–30 of May. I felt that it would not be

becoming for me again to press this subject upon his attention, and thus

we parted.

Perhaps it might have been better under the circumstances not to have

attempted a renewal of the negotiation at the present moment.

This government has, for some time, been in possession of secret

information which has given them much concern.

The impression is that it was first communicated to the emperor by Louis

Philippe. A number of Poles at Paris, driven to desperation by their

sufferings, have solemnly sworn before God, and pledged themselves to

each other, to assassinate the emperor, at any personal peril.

The first intimation which the public had of the existence of the

conspiracy was the publication on the 8–20 June, in the St. Petersburg

_Journal_, of an address presented to the emperor at Helsingfors, during

his late visit to Finland; the subject was again referred to in the

succeeding number of the 15–27 of the same month. I herewith transmit

you both these numbers.

From the desperation of the Poles, and their determined character, this

information has excited considerable alarm in St. Petersburg. The people

here, whilst they admire and respect the emperor as the author of their

security and prosperity, look with fearful apprehension to the future,

in the event of his assassination.

The heir apparent is yet a minor, and although he possesses a most

amiable disposition, it is believed he is deficient both in talent and

strength of character. The Grand Duke Michel, who would become regent,

is as universally disliked as the emperor is esteemed. Indeed, in such

an event, many of the foreigners in St. Petersburg, knowing the deadly

hostility felt against them by the lower orders of Russians, would

entertain serious apprehensions for their lives and their property. Such

is the miserable condition of despotism; and such is the feeling here,

at the very moment when this government, more by its superior policy

than its power, has acquired a commanding influence throughout Europe.

Still greater precautions now exist than did formerly, in regard to the

admission of strangers into the country. The emperor no longer appears

in the streets like a private citizen. It is said that he is always

surrounded by guards. But from what I have heard, he rather submits to

these regulations of his ministers than approves of them himself. He is

a bold and fearless man, and manifests no apprehension whatever. If the

Poles have determined to play the part of Scaevola, he at least will not

enact that of Porsenna.

Three of the conspirators have been seized in Russia. After all I cannot

feel that there is much danger. I send you the _Journal_ of yesterday,

containing our latest news from Constantinople.

This despatch will be carried to London by Mr. Gibson, our consul. He

has been ill for some time, and his disease is, I fear, now approaching

its crisis. He is very feeble, has a bad cough, and throws up much

blood. His physician informed him that his only hope was to leave St.

Petersburg, and that immediately. Mr. Clay will perform his duties

during his absence, and we are both happy to render all the services in

our power to so worthy a man and so good an officer.

After having written the foregoing, I had the pleasure of receiving your

Despatch No. 11, dated on the 30th April. It has been long on the

passage. By the Hamburg _Reporter_ received on the 29th ultimo, we had

New York dates, via London, up till the first of that month.

On the 19th of July, Mr. Buchanan received the melancholy news that his

mother had died in the previous May.

[TO REV. EDWARD Y. BUCHANAN.]

ST. PETERSBURG, July 20, 1833.

MY DEAR BROTHER:—

I received your kind letters, of the 7th and 17th May, on yesterday

afternoon; the latter communicating the melancholy intelligence of

mother’s death.[37] The news was a severe and unexpected blow. I had

hoped, by the blessing of God, to see her once more on this side of

eternity. Indeed, this desire was one of the chief reasons which made me

so reluctant to spend another winter in Russia.

But it has been the will of the Almighty to take her to Himself, and we

must bow in humble reverence. I received at the same time a letter from

Mr. Henry, which gave me the consolatory assurance that she had died the

death of a Christian, and that her latter end was peace.

It is my present intention to leave St. Petersburg on the 7th August,

and I feel almost confident, with the blessing of Heaven, that I shall

be able with propriety, to bring all the business of my mission to a

close before that day.

My present purpose is to go by the steamboat to Lubeck, and thence by

Hamburg, Amsterdam, the Hague, and Brussels to Paris, where I shall

probably spend a fortnight. I shall then proceed to London, Edinburgh,

Glasgow, Belfast and Dublin, from which city I intend to cross over to

Liverpool, and sail for New York by the packet of the 24th October. It

is my intention, if possible, to see Romilton and Derry. I hope to reach

the United States in the beginning of December.

I have recently returned from a very agreeable excursion to Moscow; but

I must defer a description of this city, the ancient capital of the

czars, until we meet again. Whilst there, I visited the celebrated

monastery of Iwitza, at the distance of forty miles. In the estimation

of the Russians, it is a very holy place. It was anciently a strong

fortress, which contained a palace as well as a convent, and is much

connected with the history of Russia. The sovereigns formerly made

pilgrimages on foot from Moscow to the shrine of St. Sierge, at this

monastery. The Empress Catharine the Second, was the last who performed

this act of devotion. Going and returning there, I am confident we met

at the least 10,000 pilgrims on foot. They appeared to be of a low order

of people, and the great majority were females.

I have but little time before the departure of the boat, and must close.

Remember me affectionately to my sister, I don’t know her Christian

name, to the Doctor and Maria. I am glad to hear that the latter are so

comfortably situated, and hope you may all live together in Christian

peace and in prosperity. Remember me kindly to Judge and Mrs. Shippen,

Mr. and Mrs. Barlow, and believe me to be ever your affectionate

brother,

JAMES BUCHANAN.

P. S.—I wrote to our dear mother on the 3d instant.

[TO THE SECRETARY OF STATE.]

LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES,

ST. PETERSBURG, July 31, N. S. 1833.

On Friday last, the 28th instant, I had an interview with Count

Nesselrode, for the purpose of making the necessary arrangements

previous to my departure from this country.

After the usual salutations, he introduced the subject of the commercial

treaty, which is one of his favorite topics. The opposition made to it

in the imperial council, and the difficulties which he there encountered

and overcame, seem to have inspired him with a feeling of paternity

towards this treaty. After some general conversation, relating chiefly

to its favorable reception in the United States, I changed the subject,

and remarked, that in our last interview I had entirely forgotten to

mention that his explanation in regard to Baron Sacken’s note was

entirely satisfactory to the President. It might be proper to observe,

however, that Mr. Livingston differed materially from the baron in

relation to some of the facts attending this unpleasant transaction, and

it had, at first, been my intention to bring these points of difference

specially under the notice of his excellency; but after reflection, I

had determined that it was best upon the whole not to revive the

subject. He immediately replied it was wholly unnecessary; he wished the

whole subject to be buried in oblivion and there remain as if it had

never existed. He expressed his pleasure in the strongest terms that the

President was satisfied with the explanation, and then laughingly

observed that Baron Sacken and Mr. Livingston were now both _hors du

combat_: the one was no longer chargé nor the other Secretary of State.

I felt the less inclined to enter into any detail upon this subject, as

Mr. Livingston admits that Baron Sacken did show him the offensive note

at New York, and _that he did not make any objections to its style_,

though he is convinced this took place after the note had been sent to

Mr. Brent and not before, as the baron had informed Count Nesselrode.

When I returned home, I discovered that the count, before our interview,

must have had in his possession a copy of Mr. Livingston’s Despatch No.

11, giving his own explanation of the whole transaction. During my

absence, the post-office had sent me the duplicate of that despatch

which, like all the communications I have ever received through the same

channel, had been evidently opened. How it got there, I know not,

because it had been forwarded to this city by the ship Birmingham from

New York _via Charleston_.

After this subject was disposed of, I told the count that as all our

official intercourse had been of the most frank and friendly character,

I felt it to be my duty to explain to him the reasons which would induce

me to leave Russia sooner than I had at first intended. A short time

before the departure of Mr. Clay with the treaty last winter, I had

received information of my brother’s death and of the declining health

of my mother and eldest sister. These circumstances had naturally

produced a desire to return home, and had besides imposed upon me new

and urgent duties towards my family. In a private letter which I

addressed to the President by Mr. Clay, I suggested that these

considerations might induce me to ask for permission to leave St.

Petersburg sooner than I had intended; and upon his return in May last,

I had received my letter of recall with the discretionary power of

presenting it when I might think proper. The recent melancholy

intelligence of my mother’s death had increased my anxiety, and made the

reasons for my departure still more urgent.

He expressed his sorrow that I had been so unfortunate as to have lost

my mother and my brother since my arrival in St. Petersburg, and his

regret that these circumstances should have rendered my departure

necessary.

I told him I had not in the beginning intended to remain longer than two

years,—I was no diplomat, and had never any desire to pursue this

career. That I should now return to private life; but in whatever

circumstances I might hereafter be placed, it would always afford me

great pleasure to exert any humble influence I might possess in

cementing the bonds of friendship which now so happily united the two

countries.

He complimented me by saying, I had shown myself to be both an able and

a successful diplomat, and he could assure me I had contributed much,

since my arrival in this country, to promote kindly feelings between the

two governments. He hoped I would carry with me agreeable souvenirs of

my residence in St. Petersburg, and that my influence at home might be

used in perpetuating the good understanding which now so happily

existed.

I had taken with me a copy of my letter of recall and of the concluding

paragraph of Despatch No. 9, and upon presenting them, I read the latter

to the count, containing an assurance of the high consideration with

which the personal character of the emperor had inspired the President,

and of the wishes he formed for his happiness and the prosperity of his

empire. To this I added that such an assurance, proceeding from the

source it did, was in itself the strongest evidence of its own

sincerity......

JAMES BUCHANAN.

All things being arranged for his departure, Mr. Buchanan had his

audience of leave of the emperor on the 5th of August, of which he gave

a striking account to the Secretary of State in the following despatch

written two days afterward:

[TO THE HON. LOUIS McLANE, SECRETARY OF STATE.]

ST. PETERSBURG, August 7, 1833, N. S.

SIR:—

On Monday last, the 5th instant, I had my audience of leave of the

emperor, at the Palace of Peterhoff, twenty-six versts distant from this

city. The conduct and conversation of his majesty throughout the

interview were highly gratifying to myself; because they convinced me

that I had conciliated his favorable opinion. This ought to be, next to

the honest and independent discharge of his duty, the first object of a

minister to Russia. Without it, he can never effectually serve his

country.

Towards the conclusion of this interview, you will perceive that the

emperor appeared to lay aside his official dignity and conversed frankly

and with great feeling upon subjects which I could never have imagined

he would introduce.

When I first entered he said: “What is the reason you are going to leave

us? I am very sorry for it. You have given us great satisfaction whilst

you have been amongst us.” After explaining to him the reason for my

departure, he expressed his sympathy for me on account of the recent

loss of my mother, and made some inquiries in relation to my family

which I need not repeat. I then observed that, at the first, I had not

intended to remain longer than two years. I was no diplomat, having

never been engaged in that service before, and it was probable I should

never again represent my country abroad. He said he liked me the better

for it. He was no diplomat himself; his policy was always frank and

open, and those who believed otherwise had greatly mistaken his

character.

I then presented to him my letter of recall, and told him I had been

instructed to assure him on this occasion of the continued desire felt

by the President to foster the good understanding which now so happily

subsisted between the two nations; and to express the high consideration

with which his majesty’s personal character had inspired the President,

and the wishes which he cherished for his happiness and the prosperity

of his empire.

He said it was very gratifying to his feelings to receive such an

assurance from General Jackson. He had shown himself to be a man both of

integrity and firmness, and he valued his good opinion very highly. He

felt a great respect for the people of the United States. They were a

true and loyal people, and he should always endeavor to promote the most

friendly relations with our country.

I then added, to that of General Jackson, my own humble testimonial of

regard for his personal character, and the gratitude which I felt for

his uniform kindness towards myself upon all occasions when I had the

honor of meeting him. He replied that he felt much indebted to me for my

good opinion, and trusted I should never have occasion to change it. He

hoped I would remember him with kindness when I returned to my own

country. He entertained a high personal regard for myself; and it was a

source of peculiar pleasure to him, that it had fallen to my lot to

conclude the commercial treaty between the two countries. He was glad

this treaty had given satisfaction in the United States, and he believed

it would serve to strengthen the attachment between two nations who

ought always to be friends.

I observed it was one of the most agreeable occurrences of my life, to

have been instrumental in concluding this treaty. I had no doubt it

would be mutually beneficial to both countries. That wherever I was and

whatever might be my lot, I should never cease to cherish the most

ardent wishes for his happiness, and to use my humble influence in

cementing the friendship between the two nations. This had been my

constant object throughout the period of my mission. He said I had been

eminently successful, and again assured me that my conduct had given him

great satisfaction.

He then alluded, with considerable feeling, to the late debate in the

House of Commons concerning Polish affairs; he observed that he was the

representative of a great and powerful nation. This station imposed upon

him many and arduous duties. He had acted in his public character, and

upon views of public policy. But instead of considering the subject in

this light, they seemed to have been instigated by a desire to abuse him

personally. He could appeal to God and his own conscience for the purity

and correctness of his conduct; and whilst that was the case, he should

have peace within his own bosom, and would not regard the opinion of the

world. This was a delicate subject. I replied that I had read the debate

with considerable surprise. The distance at which my rank placed me from

his majesty had enabled me to know but comparatively little of his

personal character from my own observation; but judging from that

knowledge, as well as from the information I had been able to collect,

since my arrival in St. Petersburg, I entertained not a doubt he had

been treated with great injustice. Indeed, it was impossible for any

person who knew him, to believe that the representation made in that

debate could be true.

And here permit me to declare that this is my honest conviction. I yield

to no man in abhorrence for the different partitions of Poland, and in a

desire to see the independence of that brave and gallant people

re-established; but truth compels me to say that the cruelties of the

Imperial Government towards them have been greatly exaggerated. It is

even notorious here that in several instances the sons of Polish

patriots who died fighting for national independence are receiving their

education at the expense of the emperor, and are treated by him with

distinguished kindness. The exaggerated impressions which have been

spread throughout the world upon this subject arise, in a great degree,

from the want of anything like a free press in Russia. From this cause,

the representations of the injured party pass every where current,

almost without contradiction. Still, it cannot be denied that whenever

Russian officers are entrusted with power over Poles, it will most

probably be abused. This arises from the ancient and malignant personal

hatred existing between the two races.

The emperor afterwards observed that the English nation had, in his

opinion, been acting very unwisely. They had got tired of a constitution

under which they had risen to a high degree of greatness, and which had

secured them many blessings, and he feared they were now about to

prostrate their most valuable institutions. He then asked me what route

I intended to take on my return home. I told him I should pass through

Hamburg, Amsterdam, the Hague and Brussels to Paris, where I expected to

spend a few weeks. From thence I should pass over to London, and finally

embark from Liverpool for the United States. I said I had no particular

desire to visit Paris; on the contrary, I should rather spend what time

I had to spare in seeing a part of England, Scotland and Ireland; but it

would be considered strange for an American to return from Europe

without seeing Paris, the centre of so many attractions. This gave him

occasion to speak of France. He said I was quite right in my intention

to visit Paris. The French were a singular people. They were so fickle

in their character, and had such a restless desire to disturb the peace

of the world that they were always dangerous. They had tried every form

of government and could not rest satisfied with any.

French emissaries were now endeavoring every where to excite

disturbances and destroy the peace all over Europe.

I observed we had always pursued a different course in America. We were

no propagandists. Perfectly satisfied with our institutions, we left to

every other nation the task of managing their own concerns in their own

manner. This had been the uniform policy of our Government since its

origin.

He replied that he knew the character of our nation well, and repeated

they were a true and loyal people: He had the greatest confidence in

them. His own policy was the same as ours. He was no propagandist

himself. All he desired was peace. He never interfered with the concerns

of other nations when it could possibly be avoided. He desired peace

above all things for Russia. But he said it seemed as if there were at

present an evil spirit abroad throughout the world. He appeared to be

particularly the object of its malevolence. (Evidently alluding to the

Polish conspiracy.) He was in the hands of the Almighty, and would

endeavor to do his duty fearlessly and honestly in the station where

Providence had placed him, and in humble submission would leave the

event to His will. Here he was evidently affected.

He then bade me adieu, and embraced and saluted me according to the

Russian custom, a ceremony for which I was wholly unprepared, and which

I could not have anticipated. Whilst we were taking leave, he told me to

tell General Jackson to send him another minister exactly like myself.

He wished for no better.

Upon leaving his presence I was sensibly impressed with the vanity of

human greatness. The circumstances brought forcibly to memory the

closing scene of the life of the Emperor Alexander. Throughout his last

illness he refused to take medicine, and thus suffered his disease,

which was not at the first considered dangerous, to become mortal. When

Sir James Wylie, his physician, told him that unless he would submit to

medical treatment his disease must prove fatal, the Emperor Alexander

regarded him earnestly, and exclaimed in the most solemn manner, “and

why should I desire to live?” He continued to reject all remedies, and

his death was the consequence. On the truth of this anecdote you may

rely. There was no foundation for the report that he had been poisoned.

At the first, I had determined to suppress such parts of this

conversation as were evidently confidential, together with the kind

things which the emperor said to me personally; but I afterwards

concluded that it was my duty under my instructions to report the whole.

This is done, under a full conviction that it will never meet the public

eye.

I had on the same day my audience of leave of the empress, who was very

gracious, but what passed upon this occasion is not properly the subject

for a despatch.

I took leave of Count Nesselrode this morning, and presented Mr. Clay as

chargé-d’affaires. Time presses, and I shall leave him in his first

despatch to give you a particular account of this interview. It was

entirely satisfactory.

Thus has my mission terminated; and I cannot be mistaken when I say that

these people now evince a much better feeling both towards our

Government and the head of it than they did on my arrival. I have taken

great pains, upon all proper occasions, to make the character and

conduct of General Jackson known. Nothing more was necessary to make the

man who enjoys the highest rank in our country stand also the first in

their esteem.