There was one member of Mr. Buchanan’s family who was decidedly opposed

to his acceptance of this mission. This was his mother, then at the age

of 65. It would be interesting to know what was the special reason which

led this excellent and intelligent lady to feel as she did about this

appointment. Whether it was anything more than a presentiment that she

should never see him again after he had crossed the ocean, or whether

she thought that it would not be wise for him to venture in a new path

of public life, can only be inferred from the following letter, which

she wrote to him after his decision had been made:

[MRS. BUCHANAN TO HER SON JAMES.]

October 21 [1831].

MR DEAR SON:—

With Harriet’s permission, I write you a few lines in her letter. I feel

deep solicitude respecting your mission to Russia, and perhaps I am too

late in laying [before you] my objections, which, in my estimation, are

formidable. Would it not be practicable, even now, to decline its

acceptance? Your political career has been of that description which

ought to gratify your ambition; and as to pecuniary matters, they are no

object to you. If you can, consistently with the character of a

gentleman and a man of honor, decline, how great a gratification it

would be to me. May God of His infinite goodness, dispose of us in

whatever way may promote His glory and secure our everlasting felicity,

is the prayer of your affectionate

MOTHER.

P. S.—At what time do you intend paying us that visit, previous to your

departure from the country which gave you birth, and I expect, to me,

the last visit? Do not disappoint me, but certainly come.

There is no record of this visit, which was indeed the last, but which

was undoubtedly made. One of the strongest reasons that weighed with Mr.

Buchanan against his acceptance of this mission was his mother’s

advanced age, and the probability that he might never see her again. In

the latter part of August and the early part of September, he was absent

from Lancaster on a journey to the East, on account of his health. On

his return, he wrote a private letter to General Jackson; part of which,

however, is wanting in the copy before me:

[MR. BUCHANAN TO GENERAL JACKSON.]

LANCASTER, September 10, 1831.

DEAR GENERAL:—

Having had the bilious fever severely for the last three autumns, I was

advised by my physicians to go to the North this summer, as the best

means of preventing its recurrence. Accordingly, I have been wandering

about among the New Yorkers and the Yankees for several weeks past. I

reached home but last night. Whilst I was at Boston, the anti-masonic

letter of Mr. Adams made its appearance. This folly, although it caps

the climax, is in perfect character with the history of his conduct. It

is a melancholy spectacle to see a man who has held the first office

acting as he has done. It is now believed seriously, even by his former

friends, that he is courting the anti-masonic nomination. He and Rush

are a _par nobile fratrum_. I was happy to find everywhere that the

little specks which appeared on the political horizon—about the time you

changed your Cabinet—have been entirely dissipated. It could not have

been otherwise. In the opinion of your friends, the present Cabinet is

just such a one as it ought to be. In this State, your strength has

alarmed those who evidently wished to abandon you, and they are now the

loudest in your support. It not being in their power to affect you, they

are pushing another purpose with all their might. They are strenuously

opposed to a national convention to nominate a Vice-President; and

through the inadvertence of our friends who are without suspicion, it

appears to be settled that a State convention, which will meet to

nominate a Governor on the 4th of March next, will also select a

candidate for the Vice-Presidency. This nomination ought to be made by a

Jackson convention on the 8th of January. The consequence will be that

the State administration—on account of its extensive patronage and the

interest felt by all the State office-holders in sending their

particular friends to the convention—will probably be able to control

the nomination. George M. Dallas is unquestionably the candidate of the

State administration, and of all those who are the friends of Mr. Ingham

and Calhoun. Now I have no wish to be a candidate for the

Vice-Presidency; on the contrary, my nomination was put up without my

consent, and it is my intention to decline, but I desire to do it——

[The residue of the original letter is lost.]

Although Mr. Buchanan had accepted the offer of the Russian Mission, his

nomination could not be submitted to the Senate until after that body

had assembled in December, 1831. It was acted upon in the Senate in the

early part of January, 1832, and from the following letter from Mr.

Livingston, the Secretary of State, it appears that the nomination was

confirmed by an unanimous or nearly unanimous vote:

[LIVINGSTON TO BUCHANAN.]

(Private and unofficial.) WASHINGTON, Jan. 12, 1832.

MY DEAR SIR:—

I pray you to receive my congratulations on your appointment and the

unanimity with which your nomination is understood to have been

confirmed by the Senate—a favor which it is believed will not be

conferred upon all of us. Allow me also to ask at what time you can

arrange your affairs for a departure. Have you designated any one to

serve as your Secretary of Legation? You know that your wishes will be

consulted on the occasion. Should you not desire that Mr. Clay should be

retained in that situation, I could mention a gentleman who would be

highly useful to you. He speaks most of the modern languages, has

travelled in Europe and made good use of his travels; he is now employed

in my Department and I should part with him with very great regret, but

being sincerely attached to him I consider his advancement, not my

interest or convenience, in this application; for he, Dr. Greenhow,

enjoys my fullest confidence and you will, if you take him, find him

every way worthy of yours, and well calculated by his manners,

deportment and knowledge of the world to aid you in the lighter but very

necessary duties of your station, as well as to perform those of a more

important kind with which you may entrust him.

Two or three apples of discord have, as you will perceive by the papers,

been thrown in both houses—each of them sufficient to create a warfare

that will last during a session.

I am, my dear Sir, with high regard,

Your most obedient servant,

EDW. LIVINGSTON.

With what feelings Mr. Buchanan left his home in Lancaster and proceeded

to Washington, and thence to New York to take passage for Liverpool, may

be gathered from the following portions of his diary:

_March 21, 1832._

I left Lancaster in the stage early in the morning for Washington and

arrived in Baltimore the same evening. Although my feelings are not very

easily excited, yet my impressions on this day were solemn and sad. I

was leaving a city where I had spent the best years of my life, where I

had been uniformly a popular favorite, and, above all, where I had many

good and true friends who had never abandoned me, under the most trying

circumstances. Among these people I had acquired a competence for a man

of moderate wishes, and I think I may say without vanity my professional

and personal character stood very high. I was about to embark in a new

pursuit, and one in which my heart never was; to leave the most free and

happy country on earth for a despotism more severe than any [other]

which exists in Europe. These gloomy reflections often came athwart my

mind. They were succeeded, however, by a sense of reliance on that good

Providence which hitherto had blessed and sustained me, and by a

conviction that I was about to go upon an important mission in which I

might be made the instrument in His hands of rendering important

services to my country.

_Sunday, April 8th._

I set sail from New York for Liverpool on board the “Silas Richards,”

Captain Henry Holdridge, accompanied by Lieutenant John W. Barry, of the

U. S. army, as private secretary, and Edward Landrick, a mulatto

servant. I suffered from sea-sickness during nearly the whole voyage.

Our fellow-passengers were kind and agreeable. Dr. Hosack of New York

gave Charles Archibald, Esq., the son of the Attorney-General of Nova

Scotia, a letter of introduction to me, which he delivered on

ship-board. I found him to be an amiable and intelligent young

gentleman, and enjoyed much pleasure in his society. There was a Mr.

Walter—an Englishman—from London, on board, a man of general

information, who was always ready and always willing to defend all the

institutions of his own country, whether good or bad. He would have been

a very agreeable companion, had he been willing to converse instead of

making speeches. Notwithstanding, he was warm-hearted and kind, and the

impression he made upon me was quite favorable. In addition to these

passengers, we had a Mr. Clapham from Leeds, Mr. Stuart from Pittsburg,

Mr. and Mrs. McGee and Mr. Moller of New York, Mr. McBride of Dublin,

Mr. Morris of Brockville, U. C., and his sister-in-law, Mrs. Morris,

from —— in the same province, Mr. Osmond, a preacher of the Society of

Friends, from Indiana, going to London to attend the yearly meeting,

Mrs. and Miss Taylor of New York.

The captain was an excellent seaman, a gentleman in his manners, and

possessed much more information than could have been expected from one

in his profession who had crossed the Atlantic eighty-eight times. We

saw Cape Clear, the southwestern point of Ireland on Sunday, the 22d;

but were detained by head winds for several days on that coast. Several

of us had determined to go on board a fishing boat and land at Cork, and

proceed from thence to Dublin, but were prevented by adverse winds from

approaching the shore. We arrived in Liverpool on Thursday, the 3d May,

about 12 o’clock (noon), after a passage of 25 days. When the pilot came

on board, he informed us that Liverpool was clear of cholera, but that

it was raging both in Cork and Dublin. We took lodgings at the Adelphi

Hotel. The passengers on this day gave Captain Holdridge a dinner at

“The Star and Garter,” at which I presided. Mr. Brown and Mr. Ogden, our

consul, were present as guests.

_Friday, May 4th._

Mr. Brown of Liverpool took me about in his carriage and showed me the

town of Liverpool. The appearance of the people, their manners and their

language are so similar to those of New York that I could scarcely

realize I was in England. The brick of which the houses are built when

new have a dirty yellow appearance and the coal dust soon gives them a

darker hue. This imparts a gloomy appearance to the town and deprives it

of that light and cheerful hue which we experience in Philadelphia and

New York. It is a place of great wealth and vast commerce, although the

approach to it is tedious and difficult and altogether impracticable at

low tide. The Mersey is but a small river compared with those in

America. Its docks are admirable and very extensive, covering a space

actually under water of between eighty and ninety English acres. The

cemetery is well worthy of observation. Mr. Barry and myself dined with

Mr. Brown at his country house about three miles from Liverpool. It is

beautifully situated, the grounds around it highly improved, and both

its external and internal appearance prove the wealth and the taste of

its opulent and hospitable owner.[29] Francis B. Ogden, Esq., the

American consul, and several other gentlemen were of the party. We spent

a very pleasant afternoon and evening.

Mr. Ogden has wandered much over the world. He is an agreeable and

warm-hearted fellow and something, I should suppose, of what we call “a

gimcrack” in America. He has given me a cipher of his own invention

which he says is the best in the world—and that it may be continually

changed, so that my secretary may decipher one letter and yet know

nothing about any other. During our stay at Liverpool we received many

attentions. We were particularly indebted to Mr. Crary and Mr. Carnes,

for whom I had letters of introduction from my friend John S. Crary of

New York. I could not help observing at this place what a strong

impression the successful operations of our Government had produced on

the minds of Englishmen. Our national character now stands high,

notwithstanding the efforts which have been made to traduce it.

_Saturday, 5th._

Left Liverpool on the railroad, and arrived at Manchester—a distance of

thirty miles—in one hour and twenty-five minutes. There are two tunnels,

one of about 2200 yards, under the city, to communicate with the vessels

at the docks, the other about 200 yards, passing under a hill in the

suburbs.

The following letter to his youngest brother, lately the Rector of

Oxford Church, Philadelphia, gives his first impressions of England:

[MR. BUCHANAN TO HIS BROTHER EDWARD.]

LONDON, May 12, 1832.

MY DEAR BROTHER:—

We left Liverpool on Saturday morning last and arrived in this city

on Tuesday. On our way, after passing over the railroad to

Manchester, we visited Birmingham, Kenilworth Castle, Warwick

Castle, Stratford-upon-Avon, Blenheim and Oxford. Every portion of

the country that we have seen is in the highest state of

cultivation, and its appearance at this season of the year is

delightful. One thing, however, which must strike every American

traveller, is the mercenary spirit of all that class of people with

whom he comes in contact on the road. No person performs any office

for you, no matter how slight, without expecting to be paid. Indeed

travelling and living here are very extravagant, and not the

slightest part of the trouble and expense are the perquisites which

it is expected you will give to servants of all kinds, post-boys,

coachmen, etc.

I have visited the cathedrals of Oxford and Westminster Abbey—two of the

finest specimens of Gothic architecture in England. I have not time to

give you a description of either. They are gloomy, venerable piles, and

give birth to many solemn associations. They recall past ages to your

view, and raise the mighty dead of former generations to be your

companions. As places of worship, however, they must be very damp and

uncomfortable. In Ireland the people have ceased to pay tithes. They

submit to have their articles seized, but the proctors can find no

purchasers for such articles at any price. The consequence has been that

nearly all payments have ceased. This country is at present in a very

distracted state. Never since the days of Charles I. has there been such

an excitement among the mass of the people. What will be the event, God

only knows. The king [William IV.], who this day week was one of the

most popular monarchs who ever sat upon any throne, is now detested or

rather despised by the people. His refusal to create the number of peers

necessary to carry the Reform Bill, and his alleged hypocrisy throughout

the whole proceeding, have occasioned this change in public sentiment. I

should not be astonished at a revolution; but yet I hope and trust that

the people may obtain their just rights without resorting to such a

dreadful alternative. The Church is not popular. Its rich livings are

conferred upon the younger branches of noble houses more with a view of

making a provision for their temporal wants than of providing for the

spiritual welfare of the people committed to their charge. The best

course is pursued in our own country, where men choose the ministry from

conscientious motives, and the people provide for them voluntarily. The

present system of tithes cannot continue much longer in this country

without some modification, unless there should be a much stronger

government than exists at present. Indeed, from everything I have seen,

although this is a country of vast wealth and resources, and of very

advanced civilization, I thank my God that I was born an American rather

than an Englishman.

I expect, God willing, to leave this place for St. Petersburg on Friday

next, the day of the sailing of the steam packet, and I hope to reach

the end of my journey on or about the first of June. I am anxious once

more to feel settled. From all the information I can receive the

diplomatic circle of St. Petersburg is a very agreeable one, and the

Emperor and Court entertain the most friendly feelings towards our

country. Prince Lieven, the Russian ambassador to this country, has been

very polite to me. Although I do not anticipate much happiness during my

continuance abroad, yet I have no doubt, with the blessing of

Providence, I shall be content. You need not expect to hear from me

again until I shall reach St. Petersburg. Please to send this letter to

mother, and drop a few lines to Maria. Write to me often. I feel very

anxious to hear from George. I trust in Heaven that he may be restored

to health. You will perceive by the papers that the cholera has almost

entirely disappeared from this city; indeed, it never was very

formidable here. I was at Covent Garden Theatre on Thursday evening, and

saw Young’s Tragedy of Revenge performed. Mr. Young, the most celebrated

tragedian of England, performed the part of Zanga. It was a most

masterly performance, and excited the deepest interest. Although I have

always admired that play, I never felt all its force and beauty until

that night. Give my love to mother, Jane, Harriet, George, Mr. Lane and

all the family, and believe me ever to be

Your affectionate brother,

JAMES BUCHANAN.

12:30, _Monday, May 14th_.

The Duke of Wellington is Premier; the members of his Cabinet not yet

known.

Mr. Buchanan went from London to Hamburg by a packet, and thence made

the overland journey to St. Petersburg. I find only the following traces

of his travel:

_Tuesday, May 22d_ [1832].

The appearance of Hamburg is calculated to make a favorable impression.

It is situated on the northern bank of the Elbe, the river here running

a little to the north of west. The old part of the town along and near

to the river has a very antiquated appearance. Most of the houses are

built with their ends fronting on the street, and they are composed of

wooden frame-work, the interstices being filled up with brick. In this

respect they resemble the ancient houses of Lancaster. Many of these

houses are three stories, and some of them more in height up to the

square—the gable end, and above it, contains one and two and three

stories with windows on the street until it comes to a point ornamented

with various figures.

The new part of the city is beautiful. In the northern part of it there

is a small lake, called the “Binnen Alster,” nearly square, and about a

quarter of a mile on each side. Around this lake, except on the northern

side, there are ranges of very fine houses built in the modern style, at

a considerable distance from it, so as to leave room not only for the

street, but for spacious walks shaded by trees, with benches placed at

convenient distances. Still further to the north there is a larger lake

communicating with the former called the “Grosse Alster.” All around

this lake and along the small stream which feeds it there are shaded

walks, public gardens and grass plots laid out with much taste, and kept

in perfect repair. The graveyard in the midst of them shows that man’s

long home may be made a subject of attraction for the living; and my own

feelings taught me that those who are led to the place appointed for all

living, from curiosity, may leave it under solemn and useful

impressions.

I called this morning upon John Cuthbert, Esq., our consul, and left at

the house of Mr. Gossler, a senator of Hamburg, a letter of

introduction, with my card, which I had received from his brother at New

York. Mr. Cuthbert called with me on Monsieur Bacheracht, the

consul-general from Russia, who was sick in bed, and I left at his house

the letter from Prince Lieven. We also called on Mr. Parish, but did not

see him.

This is one of the ancient free cities of Germany. It is governed by a

Senate, consisting of twenty-four members, composed of lawyers and

merchants, each one-half. The Senate fills up its own vacancies as they

occur. It also elects four of its own members burgesses, in whom the

executive authority is vested. The deliberations of the Senate are in

secret. The duties on goods imported are but one-half per cent. _ad

valorem_, and the other taxes upon the people are very light. They

appear to be contented and happy, and I have yet seen but one beggar on

the streets. Indeed their language and appearance strongly reminded me

of Lancaster. The Senate also elects four Syndicks, but not of their own

body.

According to their laws no foreigner can be a resident merchant here,

unless he goes through the forms and submits to the expense and

inconvenience of becoming a burgher. Mr. Cuthbert claimed for an

American naturalized citizen this privilege under our treaty with

Hamburg, without becoming a burgher, and after some correspondence on

the subject it was granted. This is a privilege which the English have

never yet obtained. I advised Mr. Cuthbert to send the correspondence to

the Secretary of State.

The outlet of the lakes into the river furnishes a water-power

sufficient to turn several mills, and water for a canal which is very

useful in connecting the river with the upper part of the city. It is

strange that not a single dock has been erected on the river by this

ancient city.

The constitution of Hamburg, although far from being free in the just

acceptation of the term, has secured to the citizens enviable

advantages, compared with many of the other states of Germany.

We dine with Mr. Gossler to-morrow.

(Here follows a minute account of the coins in common use in Hamburg.)

_May 23d._

We dined with Mr. Gossler, the son, in the country; his father, to whom

we had the letter, being now in England. Our host had resided in Boston,

and about three years ago married Miss Bray of that city. She is related

to the Elliott family, and is a sprightly, pleasant woman, who talks

very well. Besides our host and hostess, the company consisted of Mr.

William Gossler, their uncle, an old bachelor; Mr. Charles H. Carnegy, a

young Scotchman who came in the packet with us from London; Mr.

Wainwright, from Boston, also our fellow-passenger; Mr. Barry, and

myself. We spent a very agreeable afternoon and evening. We received an

invitation from Mr. Richard Parish to dine with him on Sunday at his

country place, which we were obliged to decline, intending to leave for

Lubeck on Saturday.

_Thursday, May 24th._

In the morning, we visited Altona, a Danish town in Holstein adjoining

Hamburg, and below it on the river. Its appearance is similar to that of

the old part of Hamburg, though it contains some fine modern houses. The

public walks are also pleasant here. The population is said to be

25,000. In the afternoon, we ascended the steeple of St. Michael’s, and

had a fine view of the city. It is 480 feet in height. The church is a

fine building. I observed in it an altar, at some distance from the

pulpit, with an image above it of our Saviour on the cross. This in a

Lutheran Church was new to me.

Before I enter upon the business of the mission, some of the private

letters which Mr. Buchanan wrote to his friends at home, during the

summer of 1832, will be found to contain matters of interest. Whatever

other accomplishments he possessed or wanted, he certainly wrote very

agreeable letters. One of the first persons to whom he wrote, after his

arrival at St. Petersburg, was General Jackson.

[MR. BUCHANAN TO GENERAL JACKSON.]

ST. PETERSBURG, June 22, 1832.

DEAR GENERAL:—

You will, ere this reaches you, have heard of my arrival in this

capital, through the Department of State. Certainly it is not the place

I should select for my residence, though it may be justly termed a city

of palaces. The climate is healthy, but very cold. Indeed it can

scarcely be said that summer has yet commenced. Their winter continues

about seven months. At this season there is literally no night. I feel

confident I could read common print at 12 P. M. I use no candles. The

Americans and English here say they suffer more from the heat than from

the cold during winter. All the houses have double casements, double

windows, and very thick walls, and they are heated by stoves to a high

degree of temperature. The Russians still wear their cloaks in the

streets. The great objection which an American must feel to a residence

in this country does not arise from the climate, though that is bad

enough; it is because here there is no freedom of the Press, no public

opinion, and but little political conversation, and that very much

guarded. In short, we live in the calm of despotism. And what makes this

situation much more unpleasant to me is, that from some cause or other,

I know not yet what, this mission seldom receives any letters or

newspapers from the United States. I beg that you would take up this

subject yourself, and then it will be attended to. But this by the way.

It must be admitted, however, if we can believe the concurrent opinion

of all the foreigners resident here with whom I have conversed, that the

Emperor Nicholas is one of the best of despots. As a man of excellent

private character, as a husband, a father, a brother, and a friend, his

life presents a fit example for all his subjects. _But still he is a

despot._ But little occurred on my presentation to his Majesty worthy of

repetition, except what is contained in the despatch. He told me he had

one American in his service as his aide—that was Mr. Munroe; that he was

not then in St. Petersburg, having gone on board one of the ships in the

fleet for the purpose of making a campaign (for exercise and

instruction, I presume), and that he intended to be transferred from the

military to the naval service.

The empress talked very freely. She spoke on several subjects, and with

great rapidity. Amongst other things she observed we were wise in

America not to involve ourselves in the foolish troubles of Europe; but

she added that we had troubles enough among ourselves at home, and

alluded to our difficulties with some of the Southern States. I

endeavored in a few words to explain this subject to her; but she still

persisted in expressing the same opinion, and, of course, I would not

argue the point. The truth is, that the people of Europe, and more

especially those of this country, cannot be made to understand the

operations of our Government. Upon hearing of any severe conflicts of

opinion in the United States, they believe what they wish, that a

revolution may be the consequence. God forbid that the Union should be

in any danger! If unfortunate events should occur tending to destroy the

influence of our example, constitutional liberty throughout the rest of

the world would receive a blow from which it might never recover. In

making these remarks, I do not mean to state that the Russian government

are unfriendly to the people of the United States; on the contrary, I

believe they prefer us decidedly either to the English or French; but

yet they must attribute to our example the existence of those liberal

principles in Europe which give them so much trouble. Upon the whole, my

interview with the empress was quite agreeable.

There are three ambassadors at this court: Lord Heytesbury, the English;

the Marshal Duke of Treviso (Mortier), the French; and Count Figlemont,

the Austrian; and a number of ministers plenipotentiary of my own grade.

In point of rank I am at the tail of the list, and I should be very

sorry to suppose I would ever reach the head. The rule upon this

subject, however, is wholly unexceptionable: the minister who has been

longest here ranks the highest in his own grade. The Diplomatic Corps

have received me very kindly. This I may attribute to the high character

my country is everywhere acquiring. Your foreign policy has had no small

influence on public opinion throughout Europe. It is supposed Marshal

Mortier is not very agreeable to this government: he is the officer who

blew up the Kremlin.

I have taken a comfortable and well-furnished house in a beautiful

situation fronting on the Neva, to which I expect to remove next week.

My family will consist of Mr. J. Randolph Clay [Secretary of the

Legation], whom I have invited to live with me, Lieutenant Barry

[private secretary], and myself. My expenses will be great, but I shall

endeavor to keep them within my outfit and salary.

From an examination of the correspondence between Mr. Clay and the

Department I fear I shall have difficulties in the settlement of my

accounts. It was not possible for him with the most rigid economy to

exist as chargé d’affaires upon his salary, had he received all to which

he was entitled, and yet he has received but about $1880 per annum. So

far as I can understand the subject, the difficulty has arisen solely

from the circumstance that we are authorized to draw on Amsterdam, and

not on London. Surely this circumstance cannot change the amount of

salary to which a minister is entitled by law, nor ought Mr. Clay to

receive less at a more expensive court than Mr. Vail receives in

England. Mr. Livingston told me it would make no difference to me

whether I drew on Amsterdam or London, and this may eventually be the

case; but I am very anxious to avoid the difficulty of having a

troublesome account to settle with the Department. I should esteem it,

therefore, a particular favor, if it be just, that you would authorize

me to draw on London. Every difficulty on this subject would be removed,

if we were allowed five rubles here for a dollar, which is the manner in

which our consul settles his accounts; and I should suppose, from a

communication received by Mr. Clay from my friend Mr. Pleasonton, that

he now believes this to be correct. Pardon me for thus troubling you

with my own affairs......

[MR. BUCHANAN TO HIS BROTHER EDWARD.]

ST. PETERSBURG, July 15–27, 1832.

MY DEAR BROTHER:—

I received yours of the 4th of June on the 19th inst. It contains

melancholy information. I trust each one of us may be able to say in

relation to ourselves “God’s will be done!” I fear there is but little

hope for poor George. May his latter end be peace! God grant that he may

recover! ——’s marriage must have been a gloomy ceremony. I hope,

however, that joy may succeed to gloom, and that her marriage may be

happy. I fear that her husband’s health is not good. I would thank you

to make it a point to wish them happiness in my name. May they be united

in spirit here and be heirs of glory hereafter!

From some unaccountable neglect either at the Department of State or the

Legation in London, I have received no newspapers from the United States

since my arrival in this city except those which came in the vessels

with your two letters of the 3d of May and 4th of June; and these

letters are all I have received from our country except one from Mr.

Reynolds of Lancaster. I have thus been entirely deprived of the

pleasure of hearing anything from my relations but what you have

communicated. I shall endeavor to correct this evil; but in the meantime

it would be better to send letters intended for me to Mr. Crary or some

other friend in New York who would enclose them to our chargé in London

(Mr. Vail). I presume no ship will leave America for St. Petersburg

after you shall have received this letter until early in the next

spring. I hope my friends in New York will not neglect to send me

newspapers by every such opportunity.

I cannot complain of my situation here, though it is not very agreeable.

The press is under so strict a censorship that nothing is published

except what the government pleases. Every avenue through which liberal

opinions might enter this empire is carefully closed; and in fact but

few even of the higher classes of society know much of our country or

its institutions. An American minister, therefore, to this court enjoys

but few of the advantages he would derive from the character of his

country either in England or France. Notwithstanding, I have been

treated very civilly, particularly by the Diplomatic Corps and the

English, who are numerous here. We have an Episcopal church, of which a

Mr. Law is the rector. He is said to be a good man, and is a tolerably

good preacher; I have heard him twice. The service of the _English_

Church is very long; I think the retrenchments made in it by the Church

in the United States have been very judicious. There is also a Methodist

church here, which I have not visited.

The higher classes among the Russians in St. Petersburg have, I fear,

but little religion; and the common people are very ignorant and

superstitious. Although the Greek differs from the Latin Church in

regard to _the use of images_, yet they cross themselves here, with much

apparent devotion, before consecrated _pictures_, which are put up

everywhere throughout the city; and in passing the churches. Among this

class there is no honesty; they will always cheat you if they can. To

this rule I have not met with a single exception. Although I am far from

believing that a Puritanical observance of Sunday is required of us, yet

I confess I have been shocked with its profanation in this country. The

emperor and empress, who are models of correct moral deportment in other

respects, give their balls and grand fêtes on Sunday evening; and I am

confident it has never entered their thoughts that in this respect they

were acting incorrectly.

My domestic arrangements are very comfortable. My house is excellent and

very well furnished. It has the benefit of a fine view of the Neva, and

a southern exposure, which in this land of frost and snow is a great

advantage. We have not yet had one day which could be called summer. The

weather has been cool, and indeed the season has been more remarkable

than any which the oldest inhabitants have ever experienced. In common

seasons they have about six weeks of very warm weather. It is healthy

and my health is good.

Mr. Clay and Mr. Barry are very agreeable young gentlemen. The latter

desires to be remembered to you. The mulatto man I brought with me from

the United States is a valuable servant. I know not what I should do

without him.

Give my kindest love to George. I have written to him since my arrival

here. Give my love to mother, Jane, Maria, Harriet and all the family. I

have not yet written to Maria; I shall do so soon. Should you be in New

York on the receipt of this, remember me to my friends there. Praying to

God that we may meet again in health and prosperity in our native land,

I remain

Your affectionate brother,

JAMES BUCHANAN.

[MR. BUCHANAN TO JOHN B. STERIGERE.]

ST. PETERSBURG, August 2, N. S. 1832.

MY DEAR SIR:—

Here I am, pleasantly situated in my own house, which commands a

delightful view of the Neva and all the vessels which enter this port.

The city is magnificent and beautiful. The buildings, both public and

private, have been constructed upon a grand scale; but the people are

ignorant and barbarous. With the exception of the merchants and a few

others in the commercial cities, there is no intermediate rank between

the nobleman and the slave. The serfs, however, are not unkindly

treated. They are attached to the soil, and in general are not bound to

labor for their masters more than three days in the week. Besides they

are furnished with land which they cultivate for themselves. No one can

be here for a month without being fully convinced that these people are

wholly unfit to take any share in the government, and it is doubtless

the policy of the emperor and nobles to keep them in this state of

ignorance. Throughout Germany the people have generally received the

rudiments of education and are fit for free institutions; but here

despotism must yet prevail for a long time. How happy ought we to be in

America! Would that we knew our own happiness! Coming abroad can teach

an American no other lesson but to love his country, its institutions

and its laws better, much better than he did before.

The emperor and the empress in their domestic relations are worthy of

all praise. In this respect their example is excellent, and I am

inclined to believe it has had a favorable effect upon the conduct of

their nobles. Still that is far from being of the best character.

From my own observation and experience since I left home, I do not think

a wise American ought to desire a foreign mission. For my own part I

should greatly prefer a seat in the Senate to any mission which the

Government could confer upon me. I trust, however, that I shall be

instrumental during my sojourn here in benefiting my country. If my

labors in accomplishing the objects of my mission were closed I should

be very desirous of returning home; but I shall remain as long as duty

requires, and endeavor to be content.

There has been great neglect in the Department of State or somewhere

else in forwarding my letters and newspapers. I have not yet received a

single newspaper, except a few which were sent me by some friends direct

from New York, and the two or three letters that have reached me refer

me to the papers for political news. This being the case, I charge you

by our mutual friendship to write to me often and give me all the news.

Please to send your letters to Campbell P. White or some other friend in

New York, not to the Department of State; and direct them to the care of

Aaron Vail, Esquire, our chargé in London. Perhaps it might be better to

enclose them to him. He is a very good fellow and will be attentive in

forwarding them. I was much pleased with him in London.

It seems Van Buren has been nominated by the Baltimore Convention;[30]

but Pennsylvania has not yet yielded her pretensions in favor of Mr.

Wilkins. I fervently hope that such a course will be pursued by our

State as not to endanger its vote in favor of General Jackson.

I have been well treated since my arrival by the Diplomatic Corps

generally; but particularly so by Lord Heytesbury the English, and the

Duke of Treviso the French ambassador, and by the Swedish and Hanoverian

ministers. So far as regards my personal feelings I am very sorry that

Lord H. has been replaced by Lord Durham. The latter does not promise to

be so popular as the former. I have not yet learned to submit patiently

to the drudgery of etiquette. It is the most formal court in Europe and

_one must conform to its rules. Foreign ministers must drive a carriage

and four with a postilion_, and have a servant behind decked out in a

more queer dress than our militia generals. This servant is called a

“chasseur” and has in his chapeau a plume of feathers. To this plume, as

it passes, the detachment of soldiers present arms, and individual

soldiers take off their hats. How absurd all this appears to a

republican! It was with some degree of apprehension that I took a house

on the north side of the river, although by far the best I could find;

because no foreign minister had resided on this side before; but it has

succeeded, and since I have set the example I have no doubt it will be

followed by others, as it has many advantages over the opposite shore.

Let me hear how you are succeeding at the law. Be not discouraged.

Persevere and with the blessing of Heaven your success is certain.

Remember me kindly to Mr. Paulding, Mr. Patterson, and all my other

friends whom you may chance to meet. If you all think as often of me as

I do of you, I shall be freshly remembered.

Ever your sincere friend,

JAMES BUCHANAN.

[MR. BUCHANAN TO HIS BROTHER EDWARD.]

ST. PETERSBURG, September 1–13, 1832.

DEAR BROTHER:—

I received your very agreeable letter of the 15th July on the 4th

September. I was very anxious indeed to hear from poor George, and

regret to learn that which I have for some time apprehended, that we can

indulge but little hope of his final recovery. Still it is a great

satisfaction to know that he does not feel alarmed at the prospect of

death. I trust his philosophy may be of the genuine Christian character

and that he may have disarmed death of its sting by saving faith in the

Redeemer of mankind. Still hope will linger and is unwilling to abandon

us when so near and dear a relative is the object.

I congratulate you upon your admission to the ministry and trust that

you may be an instrument in doing much good to your fellow-men......

The last advices from America have brought us most distressing news

concerning the progress of the cholera. We have heard that it was

subsiding in New York, but that it was making great ravages in

Philadelphia. God grant that it may not have extended into the interior

of Pennsylvania. I am now very anxious for news from America and expect

it by the next steamboat in a few days. There have been a few cases of

cholera in St. Petersburg during the present season. As the newspapers

here publish nothing upon the subject and there are no reports from the

police made public there has been scarcely any alarm. Indeed I suppose

that a large majority of the people know nothing of its existence. Dr.

Le Fevre, the physician of the British Embassy, told me to-day that in

the course of his practice, which is very extensive, he had met no case

for the last two weeks. Those places in Europe which have suffered from

the disease one year, generally have experienced a slight return of it

the next.

I think this climate will be favorable to my health, at least in regard

to the bilious complaints with which of late years I have been so much

afflicted. My life glides on smoothly here. The place is becoming more

agreeable to me as my acquaintance extends; yet I still feel like a

stranger in a strange land. I have so far mastered the French language

as to be able to read and understand it without much difficulty. It will

be some time, however, before I shall speak it fluently.

The Diplomatic Corps yesterday attended a Te Deum at the Church of St.

Alexander Nevsky. It was the day of that saint, who is the greatest in

the Russian calendar. The service was very magnificent and imposing;

though the tones of an organ would have made it grander. These are not

used in the Greek churches. The emperor was there and appeared to be

very devout. He often crossed himself, and in one part of the ceremony

kissed the hand of the archbishop. Think of the proudest and most

powerful potentate on earth still continuing to do so much reverence to

the clergy! Among other miracles, this saint, it is said, rode up the

Neva on a grindstone. After the service had concluded in the church, we

were present at the erection of a granite column to the memory of the

late Emperor Alexander—the largest and heaviest which has ever been

erected, it is said, in ancient or modern times. There were 2000 men and

an immense quantity of machinery employed.

I say again, rely upon the divine blessing and your own judgment in all

things, and I shall be content; but let it be taken coolly and not under

the influence of the idle talk of others. Settle in no place merely for

the sake of a settlement. You shall not be at any loss for money. Give

my love to mother and all the family, and believe me to be

Ever your affectionate brother,

JAMES BUCHANAN.

[MR. BUCHANAN TO GENERAL JACKSON.]

ST. PETERSBURG, October 1–13, 1832.

DEAR GENERAL:—

I avail myself of the present opportunity of writing to you with the

more eagerness, as I know not when I shall again enjoy that pleasure.

The last steamboat for the season will leave here in about a fortnight,

and after that period no safe opportunity may soon offer. To put my

letters in the post-office here would be most certainly to expose them

to the Russian government; indeed they scarcely think it necessary to do

up the seals decently of those which I receive.

Both the emperor and Count Nesselrode have returned to the capital. I

may therefore expect a final answer to our propositions in a few days. I

dined with the count yesterday, who treated me with marked attention. I

suppose he thought it incumbent on him to do so, as it was the first

time he had invited me. The dinner was given to the French ambassador,

the Duke of Treviso, who leaves here to-day in the steamboat on leave of

absence. Whether he will ever return is, I think, doubtful. I do not

express this opinion, because I believe there is danger of immediate

hostilities between the two countries; on the contrary, I am satisfied

they will remain at peace whilst Louis Philippe shall continue on the

throne and pursue his present course of policy. How long the present

state of things may last in France is the question. I think you may rest

satisfied that Russia will not go to war for the King of Holland. She

will suffer France and England to carry into effect the decrees of the

London conference against him. This, however, will cause much irritation

here and in Prussia. Indeed, from my intercourse with the Russian

nobility, I believe a war with France to preserve Belgium for the King

of Holland would be highly popular. The emperor, however, has, I am

almost confident, determined it shall not be for the present. This is

wise, for I am persuaded that Russia has not yet sufficiently recovered

from the four wars which she has sustained since the accession of the

present emperor, to enable her to be as formidable and efficient as the

world believes her. As long, therefore, as things remain as they are in

France, there will not be war. An attempt on her part to interfere

forcibly with either Germany or Poland would instantly change the aspect

of affairs.

News of the death of King Ferdinand of Spain arrived here a few days

ago, but has since been contradicted. In the mean time it produced a

great sensation. It is considered that his death without a son must

necessarily produce a civil war in that ill-fated country, and perhaps

make the rest of Europe parties. His imprudent abolition of the Salique

Law in favor of his daughter, it is thought, will not be submitted to by

Don Carlos, in favor of whose succession the whole of the Apostolical

party will be found ranged. The government here ardently desires the

defeat of Don Pedro. Indeed any change in Europe in favor of liberal

principles would be disagreeable to them, and they even occasionally

publish ill-natured articles concerning the United States. This you will

perceive from the last St. Petersburg _Journal_, a file of which I shall

send by Mr. Mitchell, for whom I have obtained a courier’s passport. The

articles contained in newspapers here have the more meaning, as the

press is under a most rigid censorship. I am well acquainted, however,

with the chief censor, Count Laval, who is one of those noblemen who

have been the most polite to me, and I shall take some opportunity of

conversing with him on this subject.

England is, I think, fast losing her consideration on the Continent. The

present ministry are not believed to possess much ability, at least for

conducting foreign affairs; and they have so many embarrassing domestic

questions on their hands independently of the national debt, that they

cannot without the most urgent necessity involve the country in a war.

They have negotiated and paid for making Belgium a virtual province of

France—Greece of Russia; and, I think, they are in a fair way of losing

their commercial advantages in Portugal by an affected neutrality

between the hopeful brothers of the house of Braganza, for which they

receive no credit, at least in this country. Although Lord Durham was

treated with the most distinguished attention by the emperor, he

received almost none from the nobility; and they indulge in a bitterness

of remark both against him and his country which shows what are their

feelings towards England. Besides, he was an eccentric nobleman, and is

the subject of as many ridiculous stories as my predecessor. I am

sincerely glad that he has in some degree taken the place of the latter

in the gossip of this city. But this is a subject to which I would not

advert in writing to any other person. They have no free press here; but

they make up for the want of it in private scandal in relation to all

subjects on which they can talk with safety. The present British

minister, Mr. Bligh, is a plain, agreeable, and unassuming gentleman,

with whom my relations are of the most friendly character.

Within the last six weeks I have had the good fortune to make the

acquaintance of several noble families of the very highest rank, and I

am beginning to receive many attentions from that class. Their coldness

and jealousy towards strangers generally are fast disappearing in

relation to myself. Some accidental circumstances which it would be

useless to detail have contributed much to this result. I consider this

a fortunate circumstance, as the nobility exercise great influence in

this country. I think in my despatch of the 9th of August last I spoke

rather too harshly of them as a class; and although, with a few

exceptions, I by no means admire them, yet this shows how dangerous it

is to form opinions too hastily. The influence of the example of the

present emperor and empress, in the correctness of their private

deportment, is doing their nobility much good.

Too much care cannot be taken in selecting a minister for this court.

Indeed it would be difficult to find many suitable persons in our

country for this mission. In London and in Paris, our ministers enjoy

the consideration to which they are entitled from the exalted character

of their country; but here the character of the country must depend in a

considerable degree upon that of the minister. The principles of the

American Government, the connection between our greatness and prosperity

as a nation, and the freedom of our institutions, are a sealed book in

regard to the Russians. Their own press dare publish nothing upon the

subject, and all foreign papers, unless those of the most illiberal

character, are prohibited. The higher classes here must in a great

degree receive their information concerning our country from our

minister. This sufficiently points out what ought to be his

qualifications, and I regret my own deficiency in some important

particulars. Great talents are by no means so requisite as an easy

address, insinuating manners, and a perfect knowledge of the French

language. (In the latter I have already made considerable advances.)

Above all he ought to have a genuine American heart, in which I know I

am not deficient, always anxious to seize every favorable opportunity,

and many such occur, of making an impression in favor of his country.

There is one great disadvantage, however, under which a minister here

labors; and that is, the total inadequacy of the salary. These people

are fond of extravagance and show, and have not the least taste for

Republican simplicity and economy. In order that a minister may hold a

high place in their esteem, he must be able to return their civilities.

They judge much by appearances. The want of this reciprocity will be

attributed to the meanness of the minister or that of his country, or

both. Even the representative of his Sardinian Majesty receives $16,000

per annum. Now if I had $100,000 per annum, I would not pursue any

course of conduct in this respect which I should be ashamed to exhibit

to my countrymen; but surely if they were aware that their minister

could not return with Republican simplicity and dignity the civilities

which he cannot avoid receiving without giving offence, they would

consent to an increase of salary. I think $15,000 would be sufficient

for the purpose _without the outfit_. Perhaps it would be better to fix

it at $13,000, with the expense of a furnished house. At all events, I

must give some large dinners.

I make these remarks without feeling the slightest personal interest in

them, because nothing short of your express commands would induce me to

remain here longer than two years from the time of my arrival; and I

trust something may occur to justify my return to my native land within

a shorter period. I feel, however, if I had such a salary I could leave

a much more favorable impression of my country behind me. By the bye, I

do not know yet what I am to receive; if I should have to lose the

exchange between this and Amsterdam at its present rate, my salary will

but little exceed $8,000. If ever a change shall be made the salary of

the minister here ought to be fixed in silver roubles.

I have lately seen much of Mr. Politica, who is still attached to the

Foreign Office. His feelings towards our country appear to be very

friendly. From his conversation, I have reason to anticipate a favorable

issue to our negotiations; but I shall not allow myself to confide much

in unofficial conversations. I have no doubt that they feel it would be

their interest to negotiate with us; and they appreciate highly the

advantages of our trade; yet they entertain such strong prejudices

against commercial treaties, and there are so many wheels within wheels

in the complex system of their policy that it is safest not to expect a

treaty with too much confidence. I have no doubt, should they conclude

one with us, England would insist upon being placed on the same footing.

Besides, Count Cancrene, the Minister of Finance, is understood to be

opposed to all commercial treaties.

I ought to state that I believe the omission to invite Mr. Barry to the

reviews was unintentional, and Count Nesselrode expressed his sorrow to

Baron Krudener for the neglect before the latter left this city.

I shall soon be looking with great anxiety for news concerning our

elections. I read your veto message with very great pleasure. Although

rather inclined to be friendly to the re-charter of the Bank of the

United States, yet I am now free to say, I should vote for no bill for

that purpose liable to the objections of that which passed both Houses

of Congress. I am glad to observe the spirit which seems to animate the

Republican party of Pennsylvania, in relation to this subject. I

entertain no apprehension concerning the result of your election; but I

wish to see you come into office for a second period with that

triumphant majority which you are entitled to receive, both from the

wisdom and success of your foreign and domestic policy. I cannot think

that the unnatural union between the Clay men and the Anti-masons will

reduce your majority; as I believe the mass of both these parties is

honest and cannot approve such a political partnership.

Pardon me for not taking the trouble of correcting and re-writing this

long and rambling letter. I should do so did I not know it was only

intended for friendly eyes. I now receive my newspapers with tolerable

regularity, through the kindness of my friends in Hamburg and Lubeck.

This regulation will cease at the close of the present month, when the

steamboats will be discontinued. Please to present my best respects to

the members of your Cabinet. I have been for some time expecting a

letter from Major Barry. Remember me kindly to your family, and believe

me to be, wherever my lot may be cast,

Your faithful, devoted and grateful friend,

JAMES BUCHANAN.

[MR. BUCHANAN TO HIS BROTHER EDWARD.]

ST. PETERSBURG, October 13th, 1832.

MY DEAR BROTHER:—

I received yours of the 12th August dated Union, Va., on the 2d instant.

It gave me a gloomy picture of the state of poor George’s health and has

deprived me of the last ray of hope in relation to his recovery. Indeed

whilst I am writing this I have too much cause to apprehend that your

next will announce that he has bidden an eternal adieu to this vain and

transitory world. I had conceived the highest hopes of his future

eminence and usefulness. His talents were of the first order, his

manners were popular and his principles were, I believe, perfectly pure.

Alas! that his sun, which rose so brightly and promised such a brilliant

day, should so soon be extinguished. Such seems to have been the

inscrutable decree of an all-wise Providence. May our dear mother and

may we all be enabled to say, “Father, Thy will be done.” I feel the

deepest gratitude towards Dr. Semmes for his kindness. My acquaintance

with him was but slight, but I shall make it a point, should I ever have

an opportunity, of manifesting to him how much I have been penetrated by

his kindness. In the meantime do not fail to make my sentiments known to

him. It is probable that ere long I shall address him a letter returning

him my thanks. You can readily conceive what anxiety I shall feel until

the arrival of your next. I trust it may have pleased Providence to

enable poor George to reach Mercersburg.

My time here is gliding on not unpleasantly. When I reflect upon my past

life and the many merciful dispensations of which I have been the

subject, I cannot be too thankful to the Almighty. This land of

despotism is not the place where an American minister ought to have

expected many friends, particularly as the Russian nobility have but

little disposition to cultivate the acquaintance of strangers; it has

yet so happened that several of the very highest order have shown me

much kindness, and I have some reason to believe I shall be a favorite.

The English merchants, who are numerous, wealthy and respectable, have

been very civil, and the Diplomatic Corps have paid me all the attention

I could desire. Still I shall be happy when the day arrives that I can

with honor leave this elevated station and return to my native land.

The ladies here, as they are almost everywhere, are the best part of

society. Many of them and their children speak English very well, whose

husbands cannot speak a word of that language. There is a Princess

Tscherbatoff here with whom I have become very intimate. She has a

charming family and they have travelled much through Europe. She is a

lady of uncommon intellect, brilliant accomplishments, and yet preserves

great personal attractions. I mention her name for the purpose of

introducing a circumstance somewhat singular. By some means or other she

got hold of the “Pilgrim’s Progress,” and it has evidently produced a

considerable effect upon her feelings. She has read several of the old

English devotional books and likes to converse upon the subject of

religion. It is strange that my first and most intimate acquaintance

with a Russian Princess should have been with one conversant with the

writings of such men as John Bunyan and Isaac Watts. I doubt whether

there is another like her in this respect throughout the Empire. She is

a member of the Greek Church and attached to it; but informs me that she

often goes to hear a Mr. Neal preach, who is, I believe, a kind of

English Methodist. Her religion, and I sincerely believe she possesses

it, does not prevent her from being very gay and entering into the

fashionable amusements of her class. There is no estimating the good

which an able and pious man may be instrumental in performing, not only

in his own generation, but long after he has been gathered to his

fathers.

The weather is now about as cold here as it is in Pennsylvania towards

the close of November. We have already had a slight fall of snow and

several severe frosts. In going out to dinner in the country on the last

day of September, I observed a very large oats field in shock. Very

little of it had been taken in. You may judge of the nature of the

climate from this circumstance, though this season has been remarkably

cold and damp. I can now readily believe, what I have often heard since

my arrival, that I should suffer less from cold in this country than in

my own. They regulate the heat of the houses by a thermometer; and their

stoves are so admirably contrived that they are large and beautiful

ornaments, and consume but very little wood compared with those of our

own country. My health still continues to be good, thank God!

Give my kindest love to my mother—how often do I now think of her with

gratitude and affection! to Jane, Maria, and Harriet, and to poor

George, if he be still living. Remember me to Mr. Lane, affectionately,

and to all the family.

I shall send this letter enclosed to Mr. Lane, with directions that they

may read it if you should not be in Mercersburg. Remember me to Uncle

John, Alexander and his lady, Mr. Reynolds and his lady, and to Mrs.

Martin and Molly Talbot, and believe me to be ever

Your faithful and affectionate brother,

JAMES BUCHANAN.

[MR. BUCHANAN TO MRS. SLAYMAKER.]

ST. PETERSBURG, October 31, 1832.

DEAR MADAM:—

I received your kind and agreeable letter of the 20th August last on the

8th instant. I scarcely know anything the perusal of which could have

afforded me more pleasure. I left no friend in my native land for whose

interest and welfare I have a greater solicitude than for your own. How

could it be otherwise? Your conduct since the lamented death of your

husband, whose memory I shall ever cherish, has been a model of

propriety. The severest critic could not find fault with any part of it,

unless it be that you have too much secluded yourself from society, of

which you are so well calculated to be an agreeable and instructive

member. I have never heretofore expressed these sentiments to you

because you might have considered them the language of flattery. As they

now proceed from “a stranger in a strange land,” I cannot believe you

will doubt their sincerity.

I fear I cannot with truth defend the chastity of the Empress Catharine.

She was a disciple of the school of the French philosophers, and was

therefore wholly destitute of religion—the surest safeguard of female

virtue. Her natural disposition was, however, good, and where her

ambition and her pleasures were not concerned she was an amiable and

kind-hearted woman. The Princess Dalgorouski, one of my most intimate

friends in this city (if I ought to use the term upon so short an

acquaintance), is the granddaughter of the youngest brother of the

Orloffs. She has several times amused me with anecdotes which she had

heard from her grandfather, all tending to prove the goodness of

Catharine’s heart. Among other things, it was not at all uncommon for

her to rise in the morning and light her own fire, rather than disturb

the slumbers of any of her attendants. She took great delight not only

in educating her own grandchildren, but others of the same age about the

court. Her son Paul, however, was always her aversion. When he succeeded

to the throne he acted like a madman, and I have often had to laugh at

the pranks of his tyranny. For example, he issued an edict commanding

all persons, whether male or female, either in the summer or the winter,

upon his approach to alight from their carriages and stand in the street

uncovered before him as he passed. Of course the latter part of the rule

applied to foot passengers. An English merchant, still living in this

city, attempted upon one occasion to make his escape as the Emperor

approached, but he was observed by the keen eye of Paul, and was

immediately sent for to the palace. His defence was that he was

near-sighted; and the Emperor immediately presented him with a pair of

spectacles, and commanded him never to be seen in public without having

them upon his nose. The command was literally obeyed, and the merchant

has ever since worn the spectacles. The anecdote is literally true.

The Emperor Alexander was a mild and amiable man; but his example, until

near the close of his life, was not calculated to restrain the

dissoluteness of manners which prevailed in the days of Catharine.

Circumstances, too tedious to mention in the limits of a hasty letter,

made him at last esteem his wife, the Empress Elizabeth, as she

deserved. In the commencement of his reign, he was a libertine, but he

died a fanatic. It is delightful to hear of the familiar intercourse

which he held with his subjects. He visited many families in this city

as a private gentleman whom etiquette prevented from appearing at court;

and upon such occasions he was as free and familiar, even with the

children, as though he had been of an equal rank. He died disgusted with

his high station, and exclaimed to Doctor Wyley, his physician, who was

remonstrating with him for not using his prescriptions, “I am sick of

this world, why should I desire to live?” Such is the end of human

greatness.

The present emperor is, I think, the finest looking man, take him

altogether, I have ever beheld; besides he is a prince of great energy

and ability. However we may detest his conduct towards the Poles, which

has no doubt been exaggerated in the English and French papers, his

moral conduct, as well as that of the empress, in all their domestic

relations is without a blemish. Their example in this respect has

already had a happy influence on the nobility of this country. On

Saturday last I attended a Te Deum at court, celebrated on the occasion

of the birth of a young grand duke; and the gaieties of the season are

expected to commence as soon as the empress shall recover from her

accouchement. She is remarkably fond of dancing, in which she excels.

My time begins to pass much more pleasantly, or to speak with greater

accuracy, less unpleasantly than it did at first. To be an American

minister is but a slender passport to the kind attentions of the Russian

nobility. They know but little of our country, and probably desire to

know still less, as they are afraid of the contamination of liberty. I

have, therefore, had to make my own way in their society with but little

adventitious aid, and I confess I am sometimes astonished at my own

success. Among the ladies, who, in every portion of the world, are the

best part of society, I have many agreeable acquaintances. A greater

number of them speak the English language than of the gentlemen.

Besides, since my arrival here, I have learned to read and write the

French, and now begin to speak it in cases of necessity.

Besides the nobility there is an agreeable and respectable society here

of wealthy English and German merchants, among whom I have spent many

pleasant hours. Although they are not received at court, many members of

the Diplomatic Corps eat their good dinners, and treat them as they

ought to be treated, with kindness and civility. I hope to visit Moscow

before my return to the United States, and that, too, under favorable

circumstances.

I sincerely rejoiced to hear of the good fortune of our friends of the

Wheatlands. Lydia is a good little girl and deserves to be happy. I was

pleased with the anecdotes you gave me in relation to the match, and the

joy which my good friend Grace displayed upon the occasion. My worst

wish towards them is that they may derive all the happiness from it

which they anticipate. They are an excellent family, with whom I could

wish you to be more intimate. I would be better pleased with them, for

their own sakes, if they were less extravagant; “but take them for all

and all,” I feel the warmest interest in their welfare. I regret to

learn that Aunt Anne, in a state of depressed health and spirits, has

felt herself under the necessity of leaving her comfortable home in

Lancaster, to take charge of her son Henry’s family at the iron works.

It is just such conduct, however, as I should have expected from that

excellent and exemplary woman; she will always sacrifice her own comfort

to a sense of duty, or to the call of humanity. I shall never forget her

kindness towards myself. I beg of you to present her my best love (I

think I may venture to use the expression). Remember me kindly also to

Anny, and to Henry, Stephen and Samuel.

I have always appreciated the friendship of your mother as it deserved,

and have felt proud of her confidence. I trust that your hopes may be

realized, and that it may please Providence yet to permit me to enjoy

many happy hours in her society. She possesses an admirable faculty of

saying much in few words, and there is a point in her character which

gives a peculiar force to her expressions. I know her to be an excellent

mother and an excellent friend, and I warmly reciprocate her kind

feelings. Say to her that I ardently wish her many pleasant days, and

that the circumstances which have heretofore occurred to vex her peace

may not prevent her from enjoying an old age of comfort and happiness.

Remember me also in kindness to all your sisters.

But in what terms shall I speak of Mrs. H.? None of my friends, except

yourself, have mentioned her name in their letters, and I need scarcely

add that I did not even indulge the hope of receiving one from herself.

This I can say of her, and I now speak from actual knowledge, that her

manners and her talents would grace the most powerful and splendid court

in Europe. I fear, however, that such a treasure is not destined to

bless my pilgrimage.

I altogether approve your conduct in taking the Judge’s daughter into

your family. He is a most excellent man, and will know how to appreciate

your kindness. I regret to say I have received no letter from him since

I left the United States. When you see him, please to present him my

kindest remembrance. I heartily rejoice that you did not remove to

Columbia or Marietta.

From my last information from the United States I have reason to hope

that the good city of Lancaster has escaped the cholera. We have had

some of it here during the summer, but not so much as to produce any

serious alarm. I believe it has almost, if not altogether, disappeared.

Mr. Clay, my Secretary of Legation, has been very anxious to visit home

during the approaching winter, and I have given him leave to go by the

last steamboat for the season, which will leave this to-morrow, Mr.

Barry having agreed to officiate in his stead during his absence. He

will be the bearer of despatches, and intends to visit Lancaster. I hope

you will favor me with a long letter by him, and give me all the little

news of the town; for you have often said I was a great gossip. I shall

keep this letter open until I can ascertain whether I shall have time to

write to Mr. Reynolds, so that if not I may add a postscript intended

for him. The truth is that at present I am very much occupied. A tyro in

diplomacy, I am compelled to encounter the most adroit and skilful

politicians in the world, with no other weapons except a little

practical common sense, knowledge and downright honesty. Should I fail,

and I by no means despair of success, I wish to convince my government

that I have done my duty. It is probable that Mr. Clay will take no

private letters from me to the United States, except for my mother and

yourself. I need scarcely add that I have not time to write this over,

and give it such a polish as an answer to your letter deserves. When you

write, which I hope will be often, please to say nothing of Russia in

your letters but what may be favorable, as the post office here is not

too secure. This caution, however, does not apply to that one with which

I hope you will gratify me by Mr. Clay. Please to remember me kindly to

the whole family at the Wheatlands, to Mr. and Mrs. Reynolds and Miss

Lydia and Dr. Semple—to my old friend Miss Mary Carpenter, and to all

others bearing that character whom you may meet.

Wishing you Heaven’s best blessing, I remain,

Ever your faithful and devoted friend,

JAMES BUCHANAN.

P. S. Please to remember me to Mr. Amos Slaymaker and Henry and his

wife. I hope Mr. Dickenson may, ere this reaches you, be restored to his

flock, and have a son and heir to bless his marriage bed.

I shall not have time to write to Mr. Reynolds. Please to deliver him

the enclosed, and tell him that I have no journal later than the 10th

August, although my other papers have arrived up till the middle of

September. You may also say to him, _but to him alone_ and caution him

not to repeat it, that the prospects of success in my mission, after

many difficulties, now begin to appear bright. I have received no letter

from him lately. Mr. Clay will not leave this for a fortnight yet, and I

shall send this letter by another opportunity to London.

As the reader has already learned, Mr. Buchanan had two very promising

younger brothers, one of whom died five years before he went abroad, and

the other was living and in apparently good health when he left the

country. The elder of these two, William Speer Buchanan, died at

Chambersburg in his 22d year, on the nineteenth of December, 1827, a few

months after his admission to the bar. He had graduated at Princeton in

1822, and studied his profession at Chambersburg and at the law school

in Litchfield, Connecticut. His father died while he was still at

Princeton: and a letter from his mother to his brother James, written in

1821, which lies before me, gives indications of his early

character.[31]

William Buchanan did not, like his next youngest brother, live to show

what he might have become. This other, and perhaps more brilliant member

of the family, George W. Buchanan, graduated at Dickinson college in

Carlisle, in 1826, at the age of eighteen, with the highest honors of

his class. Being nearly twenty years younger than James, the latter,

after the death of their father, took a parental interest in promoting

his prospects, and guiding his professional education, he studied law in

Chambersburg and Pittsburgh, and being admitted to the bar in Pittsburgh

in 1828, he began to practise there. In the autumn of 1830, as the

reader has seen, he was, doubtless on his brother’s request, appointed

by President Jackson United States District Attorney for the Western

District of Pennsylvania. Probably no man ever received a similar

appointment at so early an age; he was only two and twenty; but his

letters, some of which have been quoted, show great maturity of

character; and as his application for the appointment must have been

supported by the influence of other persons as well as by that of his

brother, it is safe to assume that the office was intrusted to fit

hands. He was already acquiring a lucrative private practice, when, in

the summer of 1832, his health began to fail. He died in November of

that year, and the following letter of Mr. Buchanan to his brother

Edward relates to the sad termination of his illness:

ST. PETERSBURG, Jan. 9th, N. S. 1832.

MY DEAR BROTHER:—

I have received your three letters of the 10th and 26th September and of

the 12th November: the first on the 21st October, the second not till

the 2d instant, and the last on the 28th December. You will thus

perceive that the one announcing the death of poor George had a very

long passage, having got out of the usual line and lain at Paris a

considerable time. I had heard of this melancholy event long before its

arrival. How consoling it is to reflect that he had made his peace with

Heaven before he departed from earth. All men desire to die the death of

the righteous; but a large portion of the human race are unwilling to

lead their life. I can say sincerely for myself that I desire to be a

Christian, and I think I could withdraw from the vanities and follies of

the world without suffering many pangs. I have thought much upon the

subject since my arrival in this strange land, and sometimes almost

persuade myself that I am a Christian; but I am often haunted by the

spirit of scepticism and doubt. My true feeling upon many occasions is:

“Lord, I would believe; help Thou mine unbelief.” Yet I am far from

being an unbeliever.

Ere this reaches you, you will probably have heard of the conclusion of

the commercial treaty, which was the principal object of my mission. My

success under all the circumstances seems to have been almost

providential. I have had many difficulties to contend with and much

serious opposition to encounter; but through the blessing of Providence

I have been made the instrument of accomplishing a work in which all my

predecessors had failed. I trust it will receive the approbation and

promote the interests of my country.

I entertain some faint hopes that I may be permitted to leave St.

Petersburg by the last steamboat of the next season; though it is

probable I shall be obliged to remain another winter. Nothing, however,

shall detain me longer than two years from the time of my arrival,

except an urgent sense of public duty or the request of General Jackson,

neither of which I anticipate. My anxiety to return home is increased by

the present state of health of mother and Jane. It is not in any degree

occasioned by want of kindness on the part of the people here. On the

contrary, I am everywhere received in the most polite and friendly

manner, and have good reason to believe I am rather a favorite, even

with the emperor and empress themselves.

I shall undertake to advise you strongly not to remain in Allegheny

Town. A letter which I have received from Dr. Yates confirms me in this

opinion. I am glad to find this seems to be your own determination.

There are but two brothers of us and you ought to use every precaution

to preserve your health consistent with your duty......

My health is good, thank God, and I trust it may so continue with His

blessing until we shall all once more meet again. With much love to

mother and the rest of the family, I remain

Your affectionate brother,

JAMES BUCHANAN.

-----

Footnote 26:

Colonel Benton, writing to Mr. Randolph on the 26th of May, said:

“Your nomination came up this morning, and was acted upon with great

promptness. Tyler called it, but before it was called it was

understood that the opposition would support it unanimously. This they

did with some degree of _empressement_. Several voices from their side

called for the question as soon as Tyler sat down, among them

Louisiana Johnston, and Webster, were most audible. There were no yeas

and nays, and nothing said by any person but Tyler, and only a few

words by him, and those of course complimentary; the opposition

evidently wishing to be observed as supporting it. Everybody is asking

me whether you will accept. I tell them what surprises many, but not

those who know you, that not a word between you and me had ever passed

on such a subject.”

Footnote 27:

In this debate, it was charged that the President’s Message was

written by Mr. Van Buren, the Secretary of State, and that General

Jackson was incapable of writing his official papers. It is very

probably true that he did not write some of them. His Proclamation

against the Nullifiers is generally assumed to have been written by

Edward Livingston. But that General Jackson was capable of writing

well, there can be no doubt. I remember, however, that in my youth,

during his Presidency, it was generally believed in New England among

his political opponents that he was an entirely illiterate man, who

could not write an English sentence grammatically, or spell correctly.

This belief was too much encouraged by persons who knew better; and it

was not until many years afterwards that I learned how unfounded it

was. There now lie before me autograph letters of General Jackson,

written wholly with his own hand, and written and punctuated with

entire correctness, and with no small power of expression. Some of

them have been already quoted. These have been, and others will be,

printed without the slightest correction. The handwriting is sometimes

rather better, for example, than Mr. Webster’s. There is not a single

erasure in any one of the letters, and but one very trifling

interlineation. The spelling is perfectly correct through-out. General

Jackson wrote better English than Washington: and as to King George

III, the General was an Addison, in comparison with his majesty.

When General Jackson visited New England as President, in the summer

of 1833, the Degree of LL.D. was conferred upon him by Harvard

College. This was much ridiculed at the time, in that neighborhood, on

account of his supposed illiteracy.

Footnote 28:

Mr. Livingston became Secretary of State in May, 1831, in the place of

Mr. Van Buren, who resigned in order to be made Minister to England, a

post to which he was nominated by the President, but he was not

confirmed by the Senate.

Footnote 29:

Mr. afterwards Sir William Brown, an eminent banker of extensive

American connections.

Footnote 30:

As Vice-President.

Footnote 31:

[MRS. BUCHANAN TO HER SON JAMES.]

July 3d, 1821.

MY DEAR JAMES:— ... A letter from William came to hand on the 11th of

June, in which he expressed considerable anxiety to return home, that

he might once again see his father and receive his last benediction;

but upon receiving the melancholy information of his death, his desire

of coming home is subsided. I am highly gratified by the reception

from him of a letter of the 18th, in which is exhibited a resignation

to and acquiescence in the will of Providence, together with

appropriate sentiments on that melancholy occasion, far beyond his

years. For this I bless the Giver of every good and perfect gift.

Hoping you may be ever the care of an indulgent Providence, and all

your conduct regulated by His unerring wisdom, I subscribe myself your

affectionate

MOTHER.

-----

CHAPTER VIII.

1832–1833.

NEGOTIATION OF TREATIES—COUNT NESSELRODE—HIS CHARACTERISTIC MANAGEMENT

OF OPPOSING COLLEAGUES—THE EMPEROR NICHOLAS—HIS SUDDEN ANNOUNCEMENT

OF HIS CONSENT TO A COMMERCIAL TREATY—WHY NO TREATY CONCERNING

MARITIME RIGHTS WAS MADE—RUSSIAN COMPLAINTS ABOUT THE AMERICAN

PRESS—BARON SACKEN’S IMPRUDENT NOTE—BUCHANAN SKILFULLY EXONERATES

HIS GOVERNMENT—SENSITIVENESS OF THE EMPEROR ON THE SUBJECT OF

POLAND.

The serious business of negotiation began soon after Mr. Buchanan’s

arrival in St. Petersburg. He was charged with the duty of proposing a

commercial treaty with Russia, and also a treaty respecting maritime

rights. It would be impossible to attempt to carry my readers through

the maze of notes, protocols, and despatches which resulted in the

successful accomplishment of the main object of this mission. A brief

account of the principal persons concerned in the negotiation, and a

narrative of its general course, together with a few of its most

striking incidents, will perhaps be interesting.

At the head of the Russian chancery at this time was Count Nesselrode,

the great minister, who, in 1814, as the plenipotentiary of the Emperor

Alexander, signed the treaty between the Allied Powers and Napoleon,

which wrested from the latter the empire of France and the kingdom of

Italy, and confined his dominion to the island of Elba. Nesselrode, too,

in the same capacity, along with Lord Castelreagh and Prince Talleyrand,

concluded the second treaty of Paris between the Allied Powers and

France, after the final overthrow of Napoleon at Waterloo, the treaty

which restored the Bourbons to their throne. This distinguished person

was the son of a nobleman of German descent, who had been in the service

of the Empress Catharine II., and therefore, as well on account of the

traditions of his house, as of his remarkable abilities and erudition,

he must have been an interesting person to meet. He was, with all his

practical astuteness, a man of moderate and rational views. He appears

to have taken kindly to Mr. Buchanan from the first; but he was not

predisposed to a commercial treaty with the United States, and, indeed,

he had not bestowed much attention upon the subject. It had not been his

habit, or the habit of any of the Russian statesmen, during the long

wars in which Russia had been engaged prior to the year 1815, to look

much beyond the confines of Europe and those portions of the East which

were involved in the European system. Still, however, Count Nesselrode

was open to conviction upon the importance of a commercial treaty with

the United States; and it will appear in the sequel that the treaty was

at length carried in the cabinet, against strenuous opposition, by his

very dexterous management, seconded by Mr. Buchanan’s skilful course and

ample knowledge of the subject.

Baron Krudener, who was at this time the Russian Minister at Washington,

but who was at home on leave of absence when Mr. Buchanan came to St.

Petersburg, was opposed to all commercial treaties. So was Count

Cancrene, the minister of finance. He was an embodiment of the old

traditionary policy of Russia, which did not favor close or special

commercial alliances. From the time of the Empress Catharine, the

relations between Russia and this country had always been friendly; but

there had been no treaties concluded between the two countries, since

the Government of this Union had taken its present form, down to the

year 1824. The convention negotiated in that year by Mr. Middleton, and

ratified in 1825, was quite inadequate to reach the various interests of

trade that had since grown up, and was still less adapted to promote an

increase of the commerce between Russia and the United States. To make a

treaty which would answer these great purposes; establish the principle

that would entitle either party to require an equal participation in the

favors extended to other nations; provide for the residence and

functions of consuls and vice-consuls; regulate the rates of duties to

be levied oil the merchandise of each country by the other, so far as to

prevent undue discrimination in favor of the products of other

countries; and fix the succession of the personal estates of citizens or

subjects of either country dying in the territories of the other; all

this constituted a task to be committed on our side to able hands,

considering the obstacles that had to be removed. Mr. Buchanan was at

the age of thirty-eight, when he undertook this labor. Although he was

without official experience in diplomacy, I think it evident that he had

been a student of the diplomatic history of his own country and of

public law to a considerable extent; and what he did not know of the

trade between Russia and the United States before he left home, he made

himself master of soon after he arrived at St. Petersburg. He spoke of

himself in a letter quoted in the last chapter, as a tyro in diplomacy,

with no weapons but a little practical common sense, knowledge, and

downright honesty, with which to encounter the most adroit and skilful

politicians in the world. It will be seen that he found the encounter a

hard one. But his manners were conciliatory; his tact was never at

fault, so far as I can discover; and it is evident that he was a

favorite in all the circles of Russian society into which he entered. He

found that his weapons, good sense, knowledge of his subject, and a

certain honest tenacity of purpose, were sufficient for all the demands

of his position. When he first reached St. Petersburg, his knowledge of

the French language was quite imperfect, but he soon acquired sufficient

facility in speaking it for the ordinary purposes of conversation. Count

Nesselrode did not speak English well, but he could converse in that

language, although he did not like to trust himself to it entirely. Mr.

Buchanan’s French was perhaps rather better than the count’s English.

They do not seem in their intercourse to have used an interpreter, but

in one or the other language they got on together very well.

After Mr. Buchanan’s arrival and the necessary formalities had been gone

through according to the rigid etiquette of the Russian court, he wrote

privately to General Jackson on the 22d of June (1832) in regard to the

prospects of his mission, as follows:

[MR. BUCHANAN TO GENERAL JACKSON.]

ST. PETERSBURG, June 22, 1832.

. . . . . . . . . .

I am not without hope of succeeding in the negotiation, though I can say

nothing upon the subject with the least degree of certainty. I entertain

this hope chiefly because I am now fully convinced it is their interest

to enter into a treaty of commerce with us. In a casual conversation the

other day with Baron Krudener I explained my views of the great

advantages Russia derived from our commerce with St. Petersburg, and how

much, in my opinion, the agriculture and the general prosperity of the

colonies on the Black Sea would be promoted by encouraging American

navigation in that quarter. Yesterday I had another conversation with

the baron from which it was evident he had been conversing with Count

Nesselrode upon the subject; and the impression which I have received

from him is rather favorable. Still it is of a character so vague that I

place but little reliance upon it. I shall see Count Nesselrode at one

o’clock to-day, and will keep this letter open until after our

interview.

3.30. I have just returned from Count Nesselrode’s, and from our

interview I entertain a hope, I may say a good hope, that I shall be

able to conclude both treaties with this government. I am sorry I shall

not have time to prepare a despatch for Mr. Livingston to be sent by

Captain Ramsay. He shall hear from me, however, by the first _safe

opportunity_.

[There is one subject to which I desire briefly to direct your

attention. I should write to the department about it, but my views are

not yet sufficiently distinct to place them there upon record, and

besides there is not now time. In case a treaty should be made with this

government on the subject of maritime rights, its provisions ought to be

framed with great care, because it will probably be a model for similar

treaties with other nations. In looking over the project in my

possession, I find one provision which it strikes me the cabinet ought

to re-examine. It is the proviso to the first article. This proviso was

not introduced into our earlier treaties. It first found a place in that

with Spain and has since been copied into our treaties with Colombia,

Central America and Brazil.

Why should this limitation exist? I shall allude to my views by

presenting a supposed case, for I have not time to do more.

Suppose Great Britain, which does not recognize the principle that “free

ships make free goods,” and Russia to be engaged in war after the

treaty, the United States being neutral.

1. Would it not be greatly for our interest (more particularly as from

our character we shall generally be a neutral nation) if our ships could

carry the goods of Englishmen to Russia and all over the world, without

these goods being subjected to capture by the armed vessels of Russia?

2. Would not great embarrassments arise if Russian vessels of war, after

ascertaining that a vessel belonged to a citizen of the United States,

which is all they could do under the general principle, should then

under the proviso be permitted to inquire into the ownership of the

cargo, and if they suspected it belonged in whole or in part to English

subjects, to seize and take it before a prize court?

3. This proviso could only have been introduced to force England into

the adoption of the rule that “the flag covers the cargo;” but how can

it produce that effect? It will render the property of an Englishman as

insecure on board an American as a British vessel; it being equally

liable to seizure in either. But let the rule be general, let our flag

protect the cargo, no matter who may be the owner, and then English

merchants will have the strongest inducements to employ our navigation.

4. Would not the promise make the treaty itself a felo de se, whenever

Russia shall be at war with a nation which does not recognize the

general rule?

5. If England should at any time be neutral and we at war, the general

rule adopted between us and Russia will not prevent us from capturing

our enemies’ goods on board British vessels.

6. These suggestions become of much more importance when we consider

that we may have similar treaties with many nations.

These crude remarks are merely intended to direct your attention to the

subject. I consider it very important and should like to hear from the

department in relation to it as soon as possible. We shall first take up

the treaty of commerce, I presume; indeed Count Nesselrode has asked for

my views in writing on that subject.

It might be of consequence to me to have a copy of our treaty with

Turkey.]

In haste, I am, with the greatest respect,

Your friend,

JAMES BUCHANAN.

P. S. Please remember me to the members of your cabinet and also your

family.

2d P. S. Captain Ramsay, for whom I had obtained a courier’s passport,

will not go to-day; but I have fortunately just heard of a vessel about

sailing for Boston, by which I send this.

At a little later period, Mr. Buchanan formally submitted to Count

Nesselrode the propositions which he had been instructed to make as the

basis of a commercial treaty, and those which related to the subject of

maritime rights, or the rights of neutrals during war. Nothing definite

was arrived at on either topic until the 8th-10th of October. On that

day, Mr. Buchanan received a note from Count Nesselrode, requesting him

to call at the Foreign Office on the succeeding Monday. What followed

was certainly a most remarkable occurrence. The count began the

conversation by asking whether the answer which he was about to make to

the American propositions would be in time to reach Washington before

the next meeting of Congress. Mr. Buchanan replied that it would not,

but said that it might reach Washington within a fortnight after that

period. The count then asked if the answer could be sent immediately.

Mr. Buchanan replied that if, as he hoped, the answer should be

favorable, he would take measures to send it at once. The count then

stated reasons, which had led the emperor to decline the American

proposition for concluding a treaty of commerce and navigation between

the two countries, but made no allusion to the proposed treaty

concerning maritime rights. Here there was a dilemma, for which Mr.

Buchanan was not prepared by anything that had preceded; for although he

was well aware of the interior opposition to a commercial treaty in the

Russian cabinet, and was not very sanguine of success, he had placed his

hopes on Count Nesselrode’s ability and disposition to overcome that

opposition. That the emperor had come to an unfavorable decision, and

that Count Nesselrode had been directed to communicate it, was rather an

unexpected event. Nesselrode, however, contrived to make Mr. Buchanan

understand that the emperor had yielded in this matter to the opinions

of Count Cancrene, the minister of finance, and of M. de Blondorff, the

minister of the interior, and that the result had not been in accordance

with his, Nesselrode’s, judgment. Such an occurrence could hardly have

taken place in an English cabinet, still less would it have been

communicated to a foreign minister; but in Russia it was perhaps not

uncommon for the prime minister to be overruled by his colleagues. But

Count Nesselrode knew a way to get over all such difficulties; and he

proceeded in a very characteristic manner to accomplish what he

intended. He went over anew the whole ground, encouraging Mr. Buchanan

to develop again the reasons which made a commercial treaty desirable

for both countries and finally requested him to put them in the shape of

a formal note. He then assumed a very confidential tone, which may be

best described by Mr. Buchanan’s own account, given in his despatch of

October 19–21, to the secretary of state.

“Towards the conclusion of the interview he laid aside altogether, or at

least appeared to do so, the wary diplomatist, and his manners became

frank and candid. He made the request and repeated it, that I should

submit a new proposition for the conclusion of a commercial treaty, and

accompany it by an abstract of the explanations which I had just made,

impressing it upon me to advert especially to the trade with the Black

Sea, and the moral influence, to use his own expression, which such a

treaty might have on the people of the United States. I told him I

should do so with pleasure. He then requested me to send it as soon as I

conveniently could and he would immediately submit it to the emperor,

and give me an answer before the departure of the last steamboat, which

was to leave St. Petersburg on Wednesday, the 19–21 instant. He

afterwards asked me whether I intended to send the note to Washington

which he had delivered to me, by the next steamboat; and from his manner

it was easy to perceive that he wished I would not. I replied that I

should certainly delay sending it until the last steamboat, hoping that

in the meantime I might receive a better one......

Some conversation, not necessary to be repeated, was held on other

subjects, and I took my leave much satisfied with the interview and

arguing from it the most happy results, should Count Nesselrode possess

sufficient influence to carry his own wishes into effect, against those

of Count Cancrene.”

In a short time after Mr. Buchanan’s new communication had been sent to

Count Nesselrode, a further step was taken in what might almost be

called a diplomatic intrigue. Baron de Brunnow, a counsellor of state,

and the confidential friend of Count Nesselrode, called upon Mr.

Buchanan, and informing him that he came by the count’s request, said

that Mr. Buchanan’s views contained in his note were perfectly

satisfactory to the count, and that they were so clearly and distinctly

expressed that they could not be misapprehended, and that the count

would be happy to become the medium of presenting them to the emperor,

and would use his influence to have them adopted. But in order that

nothing might appear which would show that Count Nesselrode had

requested Mr. Buchanan to submit a new proposition for a commercial

treaty, the baron desired Mr. Buchanan to modify the language of his

note, so that it would not appear to be written in compliance with any

wish which the count had expressed. Perceiving the struggle which was

about to ensue in the cabinet between Nesselrode and Cancrene, Mr.

Buchanan at once agreed to change the phraseology of his note. Baron

Brunnow requested that it might be done immediately, as it was Count

Nesselrode’s intention to have the note translated into French on that

day, and to go with it to the emperor on the next morning, so that an

answer might, if possible, be obtained before the departure of the next

steamboat. Baron Brunnow made no secret of Count Cancrene’s opposition

to all commercial treaties, but said that Count Nesselrode saw no

objection to such a one as Mr. Buchanan had proposed; that he had

repeated Mr. Buchanan’s observation that “statesmen often found it

expedient to yield even to honest prejudices for the purpose of

promoting the public good,” and had said that he had no doubt such a

treaty would produce a beneficial effect on the American trade with the

Black Sea.

This mode of facilitating Count Nesselrode’s movements being arranged,

the conversation between Mr. Buchanan and Baron Brunnow turned upon the

proposed treaty concerning maritime rights, of which an account will be

given hereafter. Excepting the interchange of formal notes relating to

the commercial treaty, nothing further occurred until the 31st of

October, when Mr. Buchanan calling at the Foreign Office by appointment,

found Count Nesselrode “in fine spirits and in the most frank and candid

mood.” But he said that it would be impossible to conclude the treaty

before the end of a fortnight. In making the arrangements for sending to

the United States the new notes which had passed, the count expressed

the strongest desire that the British government should not obtain any

knowledge that such a treaty was in contemplation; and for this reason

he offered to send Mr. Buchanan’s despatch for Washington by a Russian

courier, to be delivered to Mr. Vail, the American chargé in London. Mr.

Buchanan preferred another channel of communication with Mr. Vail, and

through that channel his despatch was sent off on the following day. The

attitude in which it left the whole affair of the commercial treaty was

thus summed up by Mr. Buchanan:

“For several weeks before the receipt of Count Nesselrode’s first note,

I had but little expectation of concluding a commercial treaty. Mr.

Kielchen, lately appointed consul at Boston by this government, informed

me, some time ago, that Count Cancrene had resolved never to consent to

the conclusion of such a treaty with any power whilst he continued in

the ministry, and his influence with the emperor, particularly on

commercial subjects, was universally admitted to be very great. He has

the character of being an obstinate man; and I scarcely allowed myself

to hope, either that he would change, or be defeated in his purpose. I

feel the more happy, therefore, in being able to congratulate you upon

our present favorable prospects.”

Nothing was heard from Count Nesselrode for nearly a month; but on the

evening of November 21st Mr. Buchanan met him at a party. The count took

Mr. Buchanan aside, and told him that he believed he was now ready for

him, and proposed to send him a project of a treaty of commerce which

should be founded on the provisions of the American treaties with

Prussia, Sweden and Austria. Long interviews and oral discussions of

this project then took place at the Foreign Office between Mr. Buchanan,

Count Nesselrode, Baron Brunnow and Baron Sacken. In these discussions

Mr. Buchanan evinced the most thorough acquaintance with the whole

subject, and gave the Russian statesmen information which was new to

them and greatly surprised them. At length all the details of the treaty

were settled, and by the 17th of December it was prepared for signature

in duplicate, in the French and English languages. Still the treaty was

not yet signed. For the purpose of expediting the matter, Mr. Buchanan

made a suggestion that as the emperor’s fête day, or his saint’s day,

was to be celebrated on the 18th December, N. S., that it should be

signed on that day. Count Nesselrode was pleased with the suggestion,

and said that Mr. Buchanan’s wish should be gratified, if possible.

Baron Sacken doubted if it would be practicable, but the count said it

must be done, and that Mr. Clay, the American Secretary of Legation,

could assist them in making the copies. This occurred on the 13th of

December, N. S. It was not, however, until Mr. Buchanan was in the

presence of the emperor, at his levée on the morning of the 18th, that

he felt finally assured that the treaty would be signed, although Count

Nesselrode had informed him on the 15th that he was authorized to sign

it. What occurred at the emperor’s levée will be best told by Mr.

Buchanan himself:

On Tuesday morning, the 18th, we went to the emperor’s levée; and on

this occasion a singular occurrence took place in relation to the

treaty.

The strictest secrecy had been preserved throughout the negotiation.

Indeed I do not believe an individual, except those immediately

concerned, had the least idea that negotiations were even pending. A

rumor of the refusal of this government to make the treaty had

circulated two months ago, and I was then repeatedly informed in

conversation, that it was in vain for any nation to attempt to conclude

a treaty of commerce with the Russian government, whilst Count Cancrene

continued to be minister of finance. Count Nesselrode had on one

occasion intimated a desire that the British government should not

obtain a knowledge that negotiations were proceeding, and this was an

additional reason on our part for observing the greatest caution.

It ought to be remembered, however, that this intimation was given

before information had reached St. Petersburg of the conclusion of the

late treaty between France and England in relation to the Belgian

question. The diplomatic corps, according to the etiquette, were

arranged in a line to receive the emperor and empress; and Mr. Bligh,

the English minister, occupied the station immediately below myself. You

may judge of my astonishment when the emperor, accosting me in French,

in a tone of voice which could be heard by all around, said, “I signed

the order yesterday that the treaty should be executed according to your

wishes;” and then immediately turning to Mr. Bligh asked him to become

the interpreter of this information. He (Mr. Bligh) is a most amiable

man, and his astonishment and embarrassment were so striking that I felt

for him most sincerely. This incident has already given rise to

considerable speculation among the knowing ones of St. Petersburg;

probably much more than it deserves.

I ought to remark that when I was presented to the emperor, I understood

but little, I might almost say no, French; and there was then an

interpreter present. Supposing this still to be the case, the emperor

must have thought that an interpreter was necessary, and he was correct

to a certain extent, for I have not yet had sufficient practice to

attempt to speak French in the presence of the whole court. I trust this

may not long be the case; but I still more ardently hope I may not very

long continue in a situation where it will be necessary to speak that

language.

There can be no doubt but that all which occurred was designed on the

part of the emperor; and what must have rendered it still more

embarrassing to Mr. Bligh was, that one object of Lord Durham’s mission

is said to have been the conclusion of a commercial treaty with Russia.

After the emperor had retired, Mr. Bligh, in manifest confusion, told me

he feared he had been a very bad interpreter, and asked me what kind of

a treaty we had been concluding with Russia, to which I replied it was a

treaty of commerce.

Count Nesselrode was not present at the moment, and from his manner when

I informed him of the incident, I believe he had not previously received

any intimation of the emperor’s intention to make such a disclosure.

The count and myself afterwards proceeded from the palace to the Foreign

Office and there signed the treaty. The only persons present were Baron

Brunnow and Baron Sacken. On this occasion but little worthy of

repetition occurred. They all exhibited the greatest cordiality and good

will, and the count emphatically declared that he believed we had that

day completed a work which would result in benefits to both nations.

On taking my leave, I expressed no more than I felt, in thanking him for

his kind and candid conduct throughout the whole negotiation, and he

paid me some compliments in return......

Thus, sir, you have in my different despatches a faithful history of the

whole progress of the negotiation up to its termination. Independently

of the positive advantages secured to our commerce by the treaty, and of

the stipulation prohibiting Russia from granting favors to any other

nation at our expense, there is another consideration which deserves

attention. I think I cannot be mistaken in asserting that if the

feelings of the Russians towards our country in the days of the Emperor

Alexander were of a kindly character, which I have no reason to doubt,

they have undergone some change since the accession of his present

majesty. In a future despatch I may probably state my reasons for this

impression. The very fact, however, of concluding the present treaty and

thus distinguishing us from other commercial nations, connected with the

time and manner in which his majesty thought proper to announce it, will

have a powerful influence favorable to our country among the members of

a court where every look and every word of the emperor is noted and

observed almost as if he were a Divinity. I may say that I have already

experienced a change: even Count Cancrene, in a conversation with Baron

Steiglitz of this city, has expressed his assent to the treaty,

observing at the same time that the United States formed an exception to

his general principles on this subject. He added a compliment to myself

of such a character as I know I do not deserve, and therefore I shall

not repeat.[32]

In announcing to the Secretary of State (on the 20th of December, 1832,

N. S.) the conclusion of the commercial treaty, Mr. Buchanan said:

“I have now the pleasure of transmitting to you a treaty of commerce and

navigation, which was signed on Tuesday last, the 18th instant, between

the United States and Russia, by Count Nesselrode and myself. I

congratulate the President, that after many fruitless attempts have been

made by our Government to conclude such a treaty, it has at last been

accomplished.

“Like yourself, I confess, I did not entertain sanguine hopes of success

when I left Washington. The despatch of Mr. Randolph upon this subject

was indeed very discouraging. The difficulties in prospect, however,

served only to inspire me with a stronger resolution to accomplish, if

practicable, the wishes of the President. This I trust has been done

without the slightest sacrifice, in my person, of either the dignity or

the honor of the country. Should my conduct throughout this difficult,

and in some respects extraordinary negotiation, receive his approbation

and that of the Senate, I shall be amply compensated for my labors.”

That Mr. Buchanan was not equally successful in concluding a treaty

concerning maritime rights is a matter that admits of easy explanation.

In the communication which was made to him by Count Nesselrode in

October (1832), there was conveyed a respectful refusal to make the

commercial treaty. At the interview which took place afterward between

Baron Brunnow and Mr. Buchanan, at the house of the latter, after they

had arranged for re-opening the negotiation concerning a commercial

treaty, there was a conversation on the other subject, which was thus

reported by Mr. Buchanan to the Secretary of State:

After our conversation ended on this subject,—I referred to that portion

of the note of Count Nesselrode which declined our offer to conclude a

treaty on maritime rights, and said that the President would probably

not be prepared for this refusal. I told him that on the 28th August,

1828, N. S., a few months before the election of General Jackson, Baron

Krudener had addressed a communication to the Department of State which

gave a strong assurance that the emperor was willing to conclude such a

treaty. That when General Jackson assumed the reins of Government in the

month of March following, he had found this communication on file, and

that was the principal reason why he had given Mr. Randolph instructions

to conclude a treaty concerning neutral rights. I was therefore

surprised no allusion whatever had been made to this important letter in

the note of Count Nesselrode, and that he had passed it over as though

it had never existed, whilst he referred to the note he had addressed to

Mr. Middleton so long ago as the 1st of February, 1824, for the purpose

of explaining the views of the imperial government at the present

moment.

I then produced the communication of Baron Krudener to Mr. Brent of the

16–28th of August, 1828, and read it to Baron Brunnow. After he had

perused it himself, he expressed his surprise at its contents, and said

he did not believe a copy of it had been transmitted to the Foreign

Office; that he could say for himself he had never seen it before. He

thought the baron must have gone further than his instructions had

warranted; and that instead of expressing the willingness of the emperor

to _adopt by mutual agreement_, the principles concerning neutral rights

proposed by the United States, he ought merely to have expressed the

_concurrence_ of the emperor in those principles and his desire to

preserve and protect them. He added that these rights were best

maintained by the power of nations, and we had nobly defended them

during our late war with England. I replied, that was very true, and the

United States were becoming more and more powerful every year, and had

less and less occasion to rely upon treaties for the maintenance of

their neutral rights.

I afterwards remarked that I thought the count, from the tenor of his

note, had probably overlooked one circumstance of importance in

considering this subject, as he had placed the refusal chiefly on the

ground that it would be useless for only two powers to conclude such a

treaty between themselves. That the fact was, the United States already

had treaties of a similar character with several nations, which I

enumerated, and that if Russia had concluded this treaty, in case she

should hereafter unfortunately be engaged in war with any of these

powers, the property of her subjects would be secure from capture by

their ships of war, on board of American vessels. He replied that as to

Prussia, Sweden, and Holland there was little danger of any war between

them and Russia; and that we had no such treaties with the maritime

powers with whom Russia was likely to be engaged in hostilities.

(Evidently, as I supposed, alluding to England and France.)

In the course of the conversation, I regretted that I had never seen the

note addressed by Count Nesselrode to Mr. Middleton in February, 1824,

and that there was no copy of it in the archives of the legation here.

He then said he would take pleasure in sending me a copy, and thought he

might assure me with perfect confidence, from the feelings of Count

Nesselrode towards myself, that he would be happy to send me at all

times copies of any other papers I might desire from the Foreign Office.

He at first proposed to repeat this conversation to Count Nesselrode. I

replied I had no objection. It was not intended by me as an attempt to

renew the negotiation at the present time; but merely to make some

suggestions to him in free conversation. Before he took leave, however,

he said he believed that as his mission to me had been of a special

character, he would report nothing to the count but what had a relation

to the commercial treaty—except that I desired to have a copy of his

note to Mr. Middleton; but that after the other subject was finally

disposed of, he thought I ought to mention these things to Count

Nesselrode myself. I told him I probably might, that what I had said to

him on this subject, had been communicated in a frank and friendly

spirit, and I considered it altogether unofficial. No doubt he repeated

every word.

What is here related occurred in the autumn of 1832, and the subject of

maritime rights was not again alluded to until the following spring.

Writing to General Jackson a private letter on the 29th of May, 1833,

Mr. Buchanan said:

I fear I shall not be able to conclude the treaty concerning maritime

rights, though I shall use my best exertions. My late attempt to

introduce the subject was not very successful, as you will have seen

from my last despatch.

I have now, after much reflection, determined on my plan of operations.

It would not be consistent with the high character of our Government, or

with what I am confident would be your wishes, that I should make

another direct official proposition, without a previous intimation that

it would be well received; and we might thus be subjected to another

direct refusal so soon after the last. It is therefore my intention to

present my views of the subject in the form of an unofficial note, and

to express them with as much clearness and force as I am capable [of]. I

shall not in this note seek a renewal of the negotiation; though I shall

leave it clearly to be inferred that such is my desire. If they should

not move in the business afterwards, it would neither be proper nor

dignified to press them further.

I am convinced they are endeavoring to manage England at present, and

that this is an unpropitious moment to urge them to adopt principles of

public law which would give offence to that nation. Besides, Russia has

now a large navy, and but a small commercial marine; and it is not for

such a power as she now believes herself to be, to desire to change the

law of nations in such a manner as to abridge her belligerent rights.

The principle “that free ships shall make free goods,” will always be

most popular with nations who possess a large commercial marine and a

small navy, and whose policy is peaceful. But I shall do my best. I hope

this question may be determined by the beginning of August, as I should

then have the opportunity of seeing something more of Europe, and yet

reach the United States about the end of November. By the last accounts,

my mother’s health was decidedly better, so that on that ground I need

not so much hasten my return.

I have received many letters which give me strong assurances that I

shall be elected to the Senate. I confess, however, that I feel very

doubtful of success. The men in Pennsylvania, who have risen to power by

the popularity of your name, while in heart they are opposed to you,

will do every thing they can to prevent my election. The present

governor is greatly influenced by their counsels, and his patronage is

very great and very powerful. Besides, the Nullifiers and their organ,

the _Telegraph_, will show me no quarter. Thank God! I know how to be

content with a private station, and I shall leave the Legislature to do

just as they please......

Our excellent consul here is in very bad health from the severity of the

climate. His physician says that he must travel, and that immediately:

but I entertain some doubts whether he has sufficient strength left for

the purpose. It is said, however, that he was restored once before by a

change of climate, when in an equally weak condition. He purposes to set

off in a few weeks, and Mr. Clay, who will have little else to attend

to, will do his business cheerfully during his absence. I sincerely wish

he could obtain a situation in a milder climate. It would be a most

happy circumstance for the commerce of the United States if all our

consuls were like Mr. G. After sending my note to Count Nesselrode, I

intend to visit Moscow for a few days, as he is to be absent himself. I

beg to present my respects to your family, and to Messrs. Barry, Taney,

McLane and Woodbury.

The simple truth is, that the Russian government, since the intimation

made by Baron Krudener just before General Jackson became President, had

changed its mind in regard to the subject of maritime rights. The reason

for declining to make the treaty in 1832–33, as explained by Count Pozzo

di Borgo to Mr. Buchanan, in Paris, accords entirely with what Mr.

Buchanan had learned at St. Petersburg.[33] The attitude of the Belgian

question, and the relations of Russia towards England, precluded the

acceptance of the American proposal to establish by treaty between

Russia and the United States the principle that “free ships make free

goods.”