_Quintus Marcius Philippus, the consul, penetrates into Macedonia
through the rugged passes, and takes several cities. The Rhodians
send an embassy to Rome, threatening to aid Perseus, unless the
Romans made peace with him. This act was received with general
indignation. Lucius Æmilius Paullus, the consul, sent against
Perseus, defeats him, and reduces all Macedonia to subjection.
Before the engagement, Caius Sulpicius Gallus, a military tribune,
foretells an eclipse of the moon, and warns the soldiers not to be
alarmed at that phenomenon. Gentius, king of Illyria, vanquished by
Anicius the prætor, and sent prisoner, together with his wife and
children, to Rome. Ambassadors from Ptolemy and Cleopatra, king and
queen of Egypt, complain of Antiochus making war upon them.
Perseus, not paying Eumenes, king of Pergamus, and Gentius, king of
Illyria, the money he had promised them for their assistance, is
deserted by them._
1. EARLY in the spring which succeeded the winter in which these
transactions took place, the consul, Quintus Marcius Philippus, set out
from Rome, with five thousand men, whom he was to carry over to
reinforce his legions, and arrived at Brundusium. Marcus Popilius, of
consular rank, and other young men of equal dignity, accompanied him, in
the capacity of military tribunes for the legions in Macedonia. Nearly
at the same time, Caius Marcius Figulus, the prætor, whose province was
the fleet, came to Brundusium; and, both sailing from Italy, made
Corcyra on the second day, and Actium, a port of Acarnania, on the
third. The consul, then, disembarking at Ambracia, proceeded towards
Thessaly by land. The prætor, doubling Cape Leucate, sailed into the
gulf of Corinth; then, leaving his ships at Creusa, he went by land also
through the middle of Bœotia, and, by a quick journey of one day, came
to the fleet at Chalcis. Aulus Hostilius at that time lay encamped in
Thessaly, near Palæpharsalus; and though he had performed no warlike act
of any consequence, yet he had reformed his troops from a state of
dissolute licentiousness, and brought them to exact military discipline;
had faithfully consulted the interest of the allies, and defended them
from every kind of injury. On hearing of his successor’s approach, he
carefully inspected the arms, men, and horses; and then, with the army
in complete order, he marched out to meet the consul. Their first
meeting was such as became their own dignity and the Roman character;
and in transacting business afterwards, _they preserved the greatest
harmony and propriety_.[88] The proconsul, addressing himself to the
troops, _exhorted them to behave with courage, and with due respect to
the orders of their commander. He then recommended them, in warm terms,
to the consul, and, as soon as he had despatched the necessary affairs,
set off for Rome._[88] A few days after, the consul made a speech to his
soldiers, which began with the unnatural murder which Perseus had
perpetrated on his brother, and meditated against his father; he then
mentioned “his acquisition of the kingdom by nefarious practices; his
poisonings and murders; his abominable attempt to assassinate Eumenes;
the injuries he had committed against the Roman people; and his
plundering the cities of their allies, in violation of the treaty.” “How
detestable such proceedings were in the sight of the gods, Perseus would
feel,” he said, “in the issue of his affairs; for the gods always
favoured righteous and honourable dealings; by means of which the Roman
people had risen to so great an exaltation.” He next compared the
strength of the Roman people, which now embraced the whole world, with
that of Macedonia, and the armies of the one with those of the other;
and then added, “How much more powerful armies of Philip and Antiochus
had been conquered by forces not more numerous than the present!”
2. Having animated the minds of his soldiers by such exhortations, he
began to consult on a general plan of operations for the campaign; being
joined by the prætor, Caius Marcius, who, after receiving the command of
the fleet, came thither from Chalcis. It was resolved not to waste time
by delaying longer in Thessaly; but to decamp immediately, and advance
thence into Macedonia; and that the prætor should exert himself to the
utmost, that the fleet might appear, at the same time, on the enemy’s
coasts. The prætor then having been sent away, the consul, having
ordered the soldiers to carry with them a month’s provisions, struck his
tents, on the tenth day after he received the command of the army, and
proceeded one day’s march. He then called together his guides, and
ordered them to explain, in the presence of the council, by what road
each of them proposed to lead him; then, having dismissed them, he asked
the opinion of the council, as to what route he should prefer. Some
advised the road through Pythium; others, that over the Cambunian
mountains, by which the consul Hostilius had marched the year before;
while others, again, preferred that which passed by the side of the Lake
Ascuris. There was yet before him a considerable length of road common
to each of these routes; the further consideration of this matter was
therefore postponed until they should encamp near the place where the
roads diverged. He then marched into Perrhæbia, and posted himself
between Azorus and Doliche, in order to consider again which was the
preferable road. In the mean time, Perseus, understanding that the enemy
was marching towards him, but unable to guess what route he might take,
resolved to secure all the passes by guards. To the top of the Cambunian
mountains, called by the natives Volustana, he sent ten thousand light
infantry, under the command of Asclepiodotus; ordering Hippias, with a
detachment of twelve thousand Macedonians, to guard the pass called
Lapathus, near a fort which stood over the Lake Ascuris. He himself,
with the rest of his forces, lay for some time in camp at Dium; but
afterwards, as if he had lost the use of his judgment, and was incapable
of forming any plan, he used to gallop along the coast, with a party of
light horse, sometimes to Heracleum, sometimes to Phila, and then return
with the same speed to Dium.
3. By this time the consul had determined to march through the pass near
Octolophus, where, as we have mentioned, the camp of the king formerly
stood. But he deemed it prudent to despatch before him four thousand
men, to secure such places as might be useful: the command of this party
was given to Marcus Claudius, and Quintus Marcius the consul’s son. The
main body followed close after; but the road was so steep, rough, and
craggy, that the advanced party of light troops, with great difficulty,
effected in two days a march of fifteen miles; and then encamped. They
call the place which they took, the tower of Eudicru. Next day they
advanced seven miles; and, having seized on a hill at a small distance
from the enemy’s camp, sent back a message to the consul, that “they had
come up with the enemy; and had taken post in a place which was safe and
convenient in every respect; urging him to join them with all possible
speed.” This message came to the consul at the Lake Ascuris, at a time
when he was full of anxiety, on account of the badness of the road on
which he had entered, and for the fate of the small force he had sent
forward into the midst of the posts of the enemy. His spirits were
therefore greatly revived; and, soon effecting a junction of all his
forces, he pitched his camp on the side of the hill that had been
seized, where the ground was the most commodious. This hill was so high
as to afford a wide-extended prospect presenting to their eyes, at one
view, not only the enemy’s camp, which was little more than a mile
distant, but the whole extent of territory to Dium and Phila, together
with a large tract of the sea-coast; circumstances which greatly
enlivened the courage of the soldiers, giving them so near a view of the
grand theatre of the war, of all the king’s forces, and of the country
of the enemy. So eager were they, that they pressed the consul to lead
them on directly to the enemy’s camp; but, after the fatigue that they
had suffered on the road, one day was set apart for repose. On the third
day, the consul, leaving one half of his troops to guard the camp, drew
out his forces against the enemy.
4. Hippias had been sent by the king, a short time before, to maintain
that pass; and having employed himself, since he first saw the Roman
camp on the hill, in preparing his men’s minds for a battle, he now went
forth to meet the consul’s army as it advanced. The Romans came out to
battle with light armour, as did the enemy; light troops being the
fittest to commence the engagement. As soon as they met, therefore, they
instantly discharged their javelins, and many wounds were given and
received on both sides in a disorderly kind of conflict; but few of
either party were killed. This only roused their courage for the
following day, when they would have engaged with more numerous forces,
and with greater animosity, had there been room to form a line; but the
summit of the mountain was contracted into a ridge so narrow, as
scarcely to allow space for three files in front; so that, while but few
were fighting, the greater part, especially such as carried heavy arms,
stood mere spectators of the fight. The light troops even ran through
the hollows of the hill, and attacked the flanks of the light-armed
troops of the enemy; and alike through even and uneven places, sought to
come to action. That day, greater numbers were wounded than killed, and
night put a stop to the dispute. The Roman general was greatly at a loss
how to proceed on the third day; for to remain on that naked hill was
impossible, and he could not return without disgrace, and even danger,
if the enemy with the advantage of the ground, should press on his
troops in their retreat: he had therefore no other plan left than to
improve his bold attempt, by persevering resolution, which sometimes, in
the issue, proves the wiser course. He had, in fact, brought himself
into such a situation, that if he had had to deal with an enemy like the
ancient kings of Macedon, he might have suffered a severe defeat. But
while the king, with his horsemen, ran up and down the shore at Dium;
and, though at a distance of twelve miles, he was almost within hearing
of the shout and noise of his forces who were engaged, neither
strengthened his forces by sending up fresh men to relieve the weary,
nor, what was most material, appeared himself in the action; the Roman
general, notwithstanding that he was above sixty years old, and unwieldy
through corpulency, performed actively every duty of a commander. He
persisted with extraordinary resolution in his bold undertaking; and,
leaving Popilius to guard the summit, marched across, through trackless
places, having sent forward a party to open a road. Attalus and
Misagenes, with the auxiliary troops of their own nations, were ordered
to protect them, while clearing the way through the forests. He himself,
keeping the cavalry and baggage before him, closed the rear with the
legions.
5. In descending the mountain, the men suffered inexpressible fatigue,
besides the frequent falling of the cattle and their loads, so that,
before they had advanced quite four miles, they began to think that
their most eligible plan would be to return, if they could, by the way
they had come. The elephants caused almost as much confusion among the
troops as an enemy could; for, when they came to impassable steeps, they
threw off their riders, and set up such a hideous roar, as spread terror
through all, especially among the horses, until a method was contrived
for bringing them down. They fastened in the earth, in the line of
descent, some way from the top, two long, strong posts, distant from
each other a little more than the breadth of the animal, on which were
fastened beams thirty feet long, so as to form a kind of bridge, and
covered it with earth; after a little intermediate space, a second and
similar bridge was formed; then a third bridge, with several others one
after another, where the rocks were precipitous. The elephant walked
forward on solid footing upon the bridge; but before he came to the end,
the posts underneath were cut, and the bridge falling, obliged him to
slide down gently to the beginning of the next bridge, which some of
them performed standing, others on their haunches. When they arrived at
the level of another bridge, they were again carried down, by its
falling in like manner; and so on until they came to more level ground.
The Romans advanced that day scarcely more than seven miles; and even of
this journey little was performed on foot. Their method of proceeding in
general was rolling themselves down, together with their arms and other
encumbrances, with every kind of discomfort; insomuch, that even their
commander, who led them such a march, did not deny, but that tho whole
army might have been cut off by a small party. During the night, they
arrived at a small plain; but, as it was hemmed in on every side, there
was no opportunity of discovering whether it was a position of danger or
not. However, as they had, beyond their expectation, at length found
good footing, they judged it necessary to wait, during the next day, in
that deep valley for Popilius, and the forces left behind with him; who,
though the enemy gave them no disturbance from any quarter, suffered
severely from the difficulties of the ground,—as if they had been
harassed by an enemy. These having joined the main body, the whole
proceeded, on the third day, through a pass called by the natives
Callipeuce. On the fourth day they marched down through places equally
trackless, but more cleverly in consequence of their experience, and
with more comfortable hopes, as they saw no enemy any where, and as they
were coming nearer to the sea, into the plains, where they pitched their
camp of infantry between Heracleum and Libethrus, the greater part being
posted on hills, the rest occupying a valley and part of the plain where
the cavalry encamped.
6. The king, it is said, was bathing, when he was informed of the
enemy’s approach; on hearing which, he started up from his seat, and
rushed out in a fright, crying out, that he was conquered without a
battle; and afterwards, in a state of great perturbation, amidst plans
and orders dictated by fear, he recalled two most intimate friends from
his garrisons, and sent one to Pella, where his treasure was lodged, and
the other to Parthus, and opened all the passes to the invasion of the
enemy. He himself, having suddenly removed from Dium all the gilded
statues, that they might not fall a prey to the enemy, ordered all the
inhabitants to remove to Pydna; and thus made the conduct of the consul,
in venturing into a situation out of which he could not retreat without
the enemy’s permission, although it might have been deemed rash and
inconsiderate, to wear the appearance of judicious boldness. For there
were only two passes through which the Romans could remove from their
present situation; one through Tempe into Thessaly, the other by Dium
into Macedonia; and both these were occupied by parties of the king’s
troops. So that if an intrepid commander had, only for ten days,
maintained his ground, without yielding to the first appearance of an
approaching terror, the Romans could neither have retreated by Tempe
into Thessaly, nor have had any road open for the conveyance of
provisions to their position. For Tempe is a pass of such a nature, that
even supposing no obstruction was given by an enemy, it is difficult to
get through it; being so narrow for the distance of five miles, that
there is barely room for a loaded horse to pass: the precipices, also,
on both sides, are so abrupt, that it is scarcely possible to look down
from them, without a dizziness alike of the eyes and the mind; while the
roaring and depth of the river Peneus, flowing through the middle of the
glen, increases the terrific effect. This defile, in its nature so
dangerous, was guarded by parties of the king’s troops, stationed in
four different places: one near Gonnus, at the first entrance; another
in an impregnable fortress at Condylos; a third near Lapathus, in a
place called Charax; and the fourth on the road itself about midway,
where the valley is narrowest, and might have been easily defended even
by half a score men. All possibility either of retreating, or of
receiving provisions through Tempe, being cut off, the Romans, in order
to return, must have crossed over the same mountains from which they
came down; but even though they might have been able to effect this by
passing unobserved, they never could have accomplished it openly, and
while the enemy kept possession of the heights; and besides, the
difficulties which they had already experienced would have precluded
every hope of the kind. In this rash enterprise they would have no other
plan left than to force their way into Macedonia, through the midst of
the enemy posted at Dium; and if the gods had not deprived the king of
his understanding, this would have been extremely difficult For the
space between the foot of Mount Olympus and the sea is not much more
than a mile in breadth; one half of which is taken up by the mouth of
the river Baphirus, which forms a large morass, and, of the remaining
plain, a great share is occupied by the town and the temple of Jupiter:
the rest, being a very small space, might have been shut up with a
trench and rampart of no great length; or, so great was the plenty of
stones and timber on the spot, that a wall might have been drawn across,
and towers erected. But the king’s judgment was so entirely blinded by
the sudden fright, that he reflected not upon any one of these
circumstances; on the contrary, he evacuated all his strong posts, and
leaving them open to the enemy, fled back to Pydna.
7. The consul, perceiving in the folly and sloth of the enemy a most
favourable prospect, not only of safety, but of success, sent back a
messenger to Larissa, with orders to Spurius Lucretius to seize on the
deserted forts about Tempe; then, sending forward Popilius, to examine
all the passes round Dium, and learning that all was clear, he marched
in two days to that town, ordering the camp to be fixed under the walls
of the temple, that no violation might be offered to that sacred place.
He went himself into the city; and seeing it, though not large, yet
highly ornamented with public buildings and abundance of statues, and
remarkably well fortified, he could scarcely believe that there was not
some stratagem concealed in the abandonment of such important advantages
without cause. He waited therefore one day to examine all the country
round; then he decamped; and supposing that he should find plenty of
corn in Pieria, advanced to a river called the Mytis. On the day
following, continuing his march, he received the voluntary surrender of
the city of Agassæ; whereupon, in order to gain the good opinion of the
rest of the Macedonians, he contented himself with receiving hostages,
assuring the inhabitants, that he would leave them their city without a
garrison, and that they should live free from taxes, and under their own
laws. Proceeding thence one day’s march, he encamped at the river
Ascordus; but, finding that the farther he removed from Thessaly, the
greater was the scarcity of every thing, he returned to Dium; which
clearly demonstrated how much he must have suffered if he had been cut
off from Thessaly, since he found it unsafe to go to any great distance
from it. Perseus, having drawn all his forces into one body, and
assembled all his generals, reprimanded severely the commanders of the
garrisons, and particularly Hippias, and Asclepiodotus; asserting that
they had betrayed to the Romans the keys of Macedonia; of which charge
no one was more truly guilty than himself. The consul, on seeing the
fleet at sea, conceived hopes that they were coming with provisions, for
every article had now become very dear and very scarce; but when the
ships came into harbour, he was informed that the transports had been
left behind at Magnesia. He was then under great perplexity to determine
what measures to take; so hard did he find it to struggle with the
difficulties of his situation, though not aggravated by any effort of
the enemy; when, very seasonably, a letter arrived from Lucretius,
acquainting him that he was in possession of all the forts about Tempe
and Phila, and had found in them great plenty of corn and other
necessaries.
8. The consul, highly delighted with this intelligence, removed his
quarters from Dium to Phila, in order to strengthen that post, and, at
the same time, to distribute corn to the soldiers, on the spot, as the
carriage of it thence would be tedious. That march gave rise to opinions
not at all favourable to his reputation: some said that he retired from
the enemy through fear; because if he had staid in Pieria he must have
risked a battle: others, that, not considering the daily changes
produced by fortune in the affairs of war, he had let slip out of his
hands advantages which threw themselves in his way, and which, in all
probability, he could never regain. For, by giving up the possession of
Dium, he at once roused the enemy to action; who at length saw the
necessity of endeavouring to recover what he had lost before, through
his own fault. On hearing of the consul’s departure, therefore, Perseus
marched back to Dium, repaired whatever had been destroyed and laid
waste by the Romans, rebuilt the battlements which they had thrown down,
strengthened the fortifications all round, and then pitched his camp
within five miles of the city, on the hither bank of the Enipeus, in
order to have the river itself, the passage of which was extremely
difficult, as a defence to his post. The Enipeus, which rises in a
valley of Mount Olympus, is a small stream during the summer, but is
raised by the winter rains to a violent torrent, when, as it runs over
the rocks, it forms furious eddies, and, by sweeping away the earth at
the bottom into the sea, makes very deep gulfs, while the sinking of the
middle of the channel renders the banks both high and steep. Perseus,
thinking that the advance of the enemy was sufficiently obstructed by
this river, contemplated spending there the remainder of the summer. In
the mean time, the consul sent Popilius, with two thousand men, from
Phila to Heracleum. It is distant about five miles from Phila, midway
between Dium and Tempe, and stands on a steep rock hanging over the
river.
9. Popilius, before he brought his troops up to the walls, sent to
recommend to the magistrates and principal men, rather to try the honour
and clemency of the Romans than their power; but this advice produced no
effect, the fires in the king’s camp on the Enipeus being now within
their sight. The attack was then commenced by assaults, and with works
and machines, as well on the side facing the sea, (for the ships had
been brought up close to the shore,) as on land. A party of Roman youths
actually gained possession of the lowest part of the wall, by turning to
the purposes of war a kind of sport which they were accustomed to
practise in the circus. In those times, when the present extravagant
fashion of filling the area with beasts of every kind was yet unknown,
it was customary to contrive various kinds of amusements; for when one
chariot race and one equestrian performer were exhibited, both the
performances scarcely filled up the space of an hour. Among other
diversions, in the more elaborate games, about sixty young men in arms,
sometimes more, used to be introduced, whose performances were partly a
representation of troops going through the military exercise, and partly
a display of more accurate skill than appeared in the practice of
soldiers, and which approached nearer to the mode of fighting used by
gladiators. After performing various evolutions, they formed in a square
body with their shields raised over their heads, and closed together,
the foremost standing upright, the next stooping a little, the third and
fourth lines more and more, and so on, until the hindmost rested on
their knees, thus composing a covering in the shape of a tortoise-shell,
and sloping, like the roof of a house. Then two armed men, who stood at
the distance of about fifty feet, ran forward, and after some menacing
flourishes of their arms, mounted over the closed shields, from the
bottom to the top of this roof; and, treading as steadily as if on solid
ground, sometimes paraded along the extreme edges of it, as if repelling
an enemy, and sometimes encountered each other on the middle of it. A
body similar to this was brought up against the lowest part of the wall,
and the soldiers, standing thereon, mounted until they were as high as
the defendants on the battlements; and these having been beaten off, the
soldiers of two companies climbed over into the town. The only
difference was, that here the outside men in the front and in the two
flanks alone did not raise their shields over their heads, lest they
should expose their bodies, but held them before them, as in battle; so
that the weapons thrown at them from the walls, as they advanced, did
them no injury, while those that were poured like a shower on the roof
glided down the smooth slope to the bottom, without doing any mischief.
When Heracleum was taken, the consul removed his quarters thither, as if
he intended to besiege Dium; and, after driving the king thence, to
advance to Pieria. But as he was now preparing his quarters for the
winter, he ordered roads to be made for the conveyance of provisions
from Thessaly, and proper places to be chosen for store-houses; also
huts to be built, where the people employed in bringing the provisions
might lodge.
10. Perseus, having at length recovered his spirits, after the panic
with which he had been seized, began to wish that obedience had not been
paid to the orders which he had given in his fright, to throw the
treasures at Pella into the sea, and to burn the naval arsenals at
Thessalonica. Andronicus, indeed, whom he had sent to Thessalonica, had
spun out the time, leaving him time for repentance, which actually took
place; but Nicias, less provident, threw into the sea what money he
found at Pella. He seems, however, to have fallen into a mistake which
was not without remedy, inasmuch as the greatest part of that treasure
was brought up again by divers. Nevertheless, such shame did the king
feel for his terror on the occasion, that he caused the divers to be
privately put to death, together with Andronicus and Nicias, that there
might be no living witnesses of so preposterous an order. In the mean
time, Caius Marcius, with the fleet, sailed from Heracleum to
Thessalonica. Landing his men, he made wide depredations on the country;
and when the troops from the city came out against him, he defeated them
in several actions, and drove them back in dismay within their walls. He
even alarmed the city itself; but the townsmen, erecting engines of
every kind, wounded, with stones thrown from them, not only such as
straggled carelessly near the walls, but even those who were on board
the ships. He therefore re-embarked his troops; and giving up the design
of besieging Thessalonica, proceeded thence to Ænia, fifteen miles
distant, situated opposite to Pydna, in a fertile country. After
ravaging the lands in that quarter, he coasted along the shore until he
arrived at Antigonea. Here his troops landed, and for some time carried
their depredations through all the country round, putting a great deal
of booty on board the ships; but afterwards a party of Macedonians,
consisting of foot and horse intermixed, fell upon them as they
straggled, and, pursuing them as they fled to the shore, killed near
five hundred, and took as many prisoners. Extreme necessity, on finding
themselves hindered from safely regaining their vessels, roused the
courage of the Roman soldiers, at once with despair of any other means
of safety, (than by resistance,) and also with indignation. They renewed
the fight on the shore, and those who were on board assisted them; and
here about two hundred Macedonians were killed, and a like number taken.
From Antigonea the fleet sailed on to the district of Pallene, where a
descent was made for the purpose of plundering. This district belonged
to the territory of Cassandrea, and was by far the most plentiful of any
at which they had yet touched on the coast. There they were met by king
Eumenes, who came from Elea with twenty decked ships; and king Prusias
also sent thither five ships of war.
11. By this accession of strength the prætor was encouraged to lay
siege to Cassandrea. This city was built by king Cassander, in the pass
which connects the territory of Pallene with the rest of Macedonia. It
is bounded on one side by the Toronæan, on another by the Macedonian
Sea; for it stands on a neck of land which stretches into the ocean, and
rises in the part opposite Magnesia to a height equal to that of Mount
Athos, forming two unequal promontories, the larger called Posideum, the
smaller Canastræum. The besiegers formed their attacks on two different
sides; the Roman general, at a place called Clitæ, drew a trench from
the Macedonian to the Toronæan Sea, to which he added pointed palisades,
to cut off the communication; while on the other side is the Euripus,
where Eumenes carried on his attack. The Romans underwent a vast deal of
labour in filling up a trench, which Perseus had recently dug in the
way; and on the prætor inquiring where the earth that had been taken out
of it was thrown, as he saw no heaps of it any where, some arches were
shown him that were closed up with it, not of equal thickness with the
old wall, but with a single row of brick. On this, he formed the design
of opening a way into the city, by breaking through that wall; and he
hoped to be able to escape observation, if, by assaulting another part
by scalade, and raising a tumult there, he could divert the attention of
the besieged to the defence of the place attacked. There were in
garrison at Cassandrea, besides the younger inhabitants, who formed no
contemptible body, eight hundred Agrians and two thousand Illyrians from
Penestia, sent thither by Pleuratus, each being a warlike race. While
these were busy in defending the walls, and the Romans using their
utmost efforts to scale them, in an instant of time the arches were
broken through, and the city laid open; and if those who made this
irruption had been armed, they must have immediately become masters of
the town. When the soldiers were told that this work was accomplished,
they were so elated with joy, that they raised a sudden shout, expecting
to force their way in, some in one part, and others in another.
12. At first the enemy was seized with wonder at to what this sudden
shout could mean; but when Pytho and Philip, the commanders of the
garrison, were told that the city was laid open, they concluded that
every advantage resulting from that event would be in favour of
whichever party should make the first charge; and, therefore, they
sallied out, with a strong body of Agrians and Illyrians, who, while the
Romans were coming together and being congregated from various parts
that they might march in order into the city, routed them while thus
disordered and irregular, and drove them to the trench, into which they
tumbled them, in heaps, one over another. About six hundred were killed
in this action, and almost every one that was found between the wall and
the trench was wounded. The blow meditated by the prætor having thus
recoiled on himself, made him slower to form any other attempts; and as
Eumenes made little or no progress though he carried on his operations
both by land and sea, they concurred in a resolution to strengthen their
guards, in order to prevent the introduction of any reinforcement from
Macedonia: and, since they had not succeeded by assault, to carry on the
siege by regular approaches. While they were making preparations for
this, ten barks, belonging to the king, sent from Thessalonica, with a
chosen body of Gallic auxiliaries, observing the enemy’s ships lying at
anchor in the road, and keeping as close to the shore as possible,
amidst the darkness of the night, in a single line, effected their
entrance to the city. Intelligence of this new addition of force obliged
both the Romans and Eumenes to raise the siege. They then sailed round
the promontory, and brought the fleet into the harbour of Torone. This
town also they attempted to besiege; but, perceiving that it was
defended, by a strong garrison, they dropped the design, and proceeded
to Demetrias. When they approached this place, they saw the walls fully
manned with armed troops; they therefore sailed on, and brought the
fleet into harbour at Iolcos, intending, after ravaging the country
there, to proceed to the siege of Demetrias.
13. In the mean time, the consul, not to lie inactive in the enemies’
country, sent Marcus Popilius, with five thousand men, to reduce the
city of Melibœa. This city stands at the foot of the Mount Ossa, where
it stretches out into Thessaly, and is very advantageously situated for
commanding Demetrias. The first approach of the enemy struck terror into
the inhabitants of the place; but soon recovering from the fright
occasioned by the unexpectedness of the event, they ran hastily in arms
to the gates and walls, where an entrance was apprehended, and at once
put a stop to all hope of taking the place by the first assault.
Preparations were therefore made for a siege, and the works commenced
for making the approaches. When Perseus was informed that both Melibœa
was being besieged by the consul’s army, and that the fleet at the same
time was lying at Iolcos, intending to proceed thence to attack
Demetrias, he sent Euphranor, one of his generals, with two thousand
chosen men, to Melibœa. His orders were, that, if he could compel the
Romans to retire from before Melibœa, he should then march secretly into
Demetrias, before the enemy should bring up their troops from Iolcos to
that city. As soon as he suddenly became visible on the high grounds to
the besiegers of Melibœa, they abandoned their numerous works in great
consternation, and set them on fire. Thus they withdrew from Melibœa,
and Euphranor, having raised the siege of one city, marched instantly to
Demetrias. Then the townsmen felt confident that they should be able,
not only to defend their walls, but to protect their lands also from
depredations; and they made several irruptions on the straggling parties
of the plunderers, not without injury to the enemy. However, the prætor
and the king rode round the walls to view the situation of the city, and
try whether they might attempt it on any side, either by storm or works.
It was reported, that some overtures of friendship between Eumenes and
Perseus were here agitated, through Cydas, a Cretan, and Antimachus,
governor of Demetrias. It is certain, that the armies retired from
Demetrias. Eumenes sailed to the consul; and, after congratulating him
on his success in penetrating into Macedonia, went home to Pergamus.
Marcius Figulus, the prætor, having sent part of his fleet to winter at
Sciathus, with the remainder repaired to Oreum in Eubœa; judging that
the most convenient city from which he could send supplies to the armies
in Macedonia and Thessaly. There are very different accounts given
respecting king Eumenes: if Valerius Antias is to be believed, he
neither gave any assistance with his fleet to the prætor, though often
solicited by letters; nor did he depart from the consul for Asia in good
humour, being offended at not being permitted to lie in the same camp
with him; he says too, that he could not be prevailed on even to leave
the Gallic horsemen that he had brought with him. But his brother
Attalus remained with the consul, and in the constant tenor of his
conduct evinced a sincere attachment, and an extraordinary degree of
zeal and activity in the service.
14. While the war was being carried on in Macedonia, ambassadors came to
Rome, from a chieftain of the Gauls beyond the Alps, whose name is said
to have been Balanos, but of what tribe is not mentioned. They brought
an offer of assistance towards the war in Macedonia. The senate returned
him thanks, and sent him presents,—a golden chain of two pounds weight,
golden bowls to the amount of four pounds, a horse completely
caparisoned, and a suit of horseman’s armour. After the Gauls,
ambassadors from Pamphylia, brought into the senate-house a golden
crown, of the value of twenty thousand Philippeans, and requested
permission to deposit it, as an offering, in the shrine of Jupiter
supremely good and great, and to offer sacrifice in the Capitol, which
was granted. The said ambassadors having expressed a wish to renew the
treaty of friendship, a gracious answer was given, and a present was
made to each of two thousand _asses_.[89] Then audience was given to the
ambassadors of king Prusias; and, a little after, to those of the
Rhodians, who discoursed on the same subject, but in a widely different
manner. The purpose of both embassies was, to effect a peace with king
Perseus. The address of Prusias consisted of entreaties rather than
demands; for he declared, that “he had hitherto supported the cause of
the Romans, and would continue to support it as long as the war should
continue. But, on Perseus sending ambassadors to him, on the subject of
putting an end to the war with Rome, he had promised them to become a
mediator with the senate:” and he requested that, “if they could prevail
on themselves to lay aside their resentment, they would place him in the
favourable position of mediator of the peace.” Such was the discourse of
the king’s ambassadors. The Rhodians, after ostentatiously recounting
their many services to the Roman people, and arrogating to themselves
rather the greater share of its successes, particularly in the case of
king Antiochus, proceeded in this manner; that, “at a time when peace
subsisted between the Macedonians and Romans, they likewise commenced a
friendship with king Perseus, which they had, since, unwillingly broken,
without having any reason to complain of him, but merely because it was
the desire of the Romans to draw them into a confederacy in the war,
that for three years past they had felt many inconveniences from that
war. In consequence of the interruption of commerce, and the loss of
their port duties and provisions, their island was distressed by a
general scarcity. When their countrymen could no longer suffer this,
they had sent other ambassadors into Macedonia, to Perseus, to announce
to him that it was the wish of the Rhodians that he should conclude a
peace with the Romans, and had sent them to Rome with the same message.
The Rhodians would afterwards consider what measures they should judge
proper to be taken against either party that should prevent an end being
put to the war.” I am convinced that no person, even at the present
time, can hear or read such expressions without indignation; we may,
then, easily judge what was the state of mind of the senators when they
listened to them.
15. According to the account of Claudius, no answer was given; and a
decree of the senate only was read, by which the Roman people ordered,
that the Carians and Lycians should enjoy independence; and that a
letter should be sent immediately to each of those nations, acquainting
them therewith. On hearing which the principal ambassador, whose
arrogant demeanour, just before, the senate could scarce contain, fell
down insensible. Other writers say, that an answer was given to this
effect: “That, at the commencement of the present war, the Roman people
had learned, from unquestionable authority, that the Rhodians, in
concert with king Perseus, had formed secret machinations against their
commonwealth; and that, if that matter had been doubtful hitherto, the
words of their ambassadors, just now, had reduced it to a certainty; as,
in general, treachery, though at first sufficiently cautious, yet, in
the end, betrays itself. Were the Rhodians now to act the part of
arbiters of war and peace throughout the world? were the Romans at their
nod to take up arms and lay them down? and henceforth to appeal, not to
the gods, but to the Rhodians, for their sanction of treaties? And was
this indeed the case, that, unless their orders were obeyed, and the
armies withdrawn from Macedonia, they would consider what measures they
should take? What the Rhodians might determine, they themselves knew
best; but the Roman people, as soon as the conquest of Perseus should
be completed, an event which they hoped was at no great distance, would
most certainly consider how to make due retribution to each state,
according to its deserts in the course of the war.” Nevertheless the
usual presents of two thousand _asses_ each were sent to the
ambassadors, which they did not accept.
16. Then was read a letter from the consul, Quintus Marcius, informing
the senate, that “he had passed the mountains, and penetrated into
Macedonia; that the prætor had collected there, and procured from other
places, stores of provisions for the approaching winter; and that he had
brought from the Epirots twenty thousand measures of wheat, ten thousand
of barley, the price of which he desired might be paid to their
ambassadors in Rome: that clothing for the troops must be sent from
Rome; and that he wanted about two hundred horses, above all Numidian
horses; where he was, he could procure none.” The senate decreed, that
every thing should be done in accordance with the consul’s letter. The
prætor, Caius Sulpicius, agreed with contractors for conveying into
Macedonia six thousand gowns, thirty thousand tunics, and the horses,
all to be left to the approbation of the consul; and he paid the Epirot
ambassadors the price of the corn. He then introduced to the senate,
Onesimus, son of Pytho, a Macedonian of distinction. He had always
advised the king to peaceable measures, and recommended to him, that, as
his father Philip had, to the last day of his life, made it an
established rule to read over twice every day the treaty concluded with
the Romans, so he should, if not daily, yet frequently, observe the same
practice. When he could not dissuade him from war, he at first began to
absent himself on various pretences, that he might not be present at
proceedings which he could not approve. But at last, having discovered
that suspicions were harboured against him, and that he was tacitly
accused of the crime of treason, he went over to the Romans, and was of
great service to the consul. When he was introduced into the
senate-house, he mentioned these circumstances, and the senate thereupon
decreed that he should be enrolled in the number of their allies; that a
house and accommodations should be provided for him; also a grant of two
hundred acres of land, in that part of the Tarentine territory which was
the public property of the Roman people; and a house in Tarentum to be
bought for him; the charge of executing all which was committed to Caius
Decimius, the prætor. On the ides of December, the censors performed the
general survey with more severity than formerly. A great many were
deprived of their horses, among whom was Publius Rutilius, who, when
tribune of the people, had carried on a violent prosecution against
them; he was, besides, degraded from his tribe, and disfranchised. In
pursuance of a decree of the senate, one-half of the taxes of that year
was paid by the quæstors into the hands of the censors, to defray the
expenses of public works. Tiberius Sempronius, out of the money assigned
to him, purchased for the public the house of Publius Africanus, behind
the old house, near the statue of Vertumnus, with the butchers’ stalls
and shops adjoining; where he built the public court-house, afterwards
called the Sempronian.
17. The end of the year was now approaching, and people chiefly
canvassed in their conversation, through their concern about the war in
Macedonia, what consuls they should choose, to bring that war, at
length, to a conclusion. The senate therefore passed an order, that
Cneius Servilius should come home, at the very first opportunity, to
hold the elections. Sulpicius, the prætor, sent the order of the senate
to the consul; and, in a few days after, read his answer in public,
wherein he promised to be in the city before the * * day of * * *. The
consul came in due time, and the election was finished on the day
appointed. The consuls chosen were, Lucius Æmilius Paullus, a second
time, fourteen years after his first consulship, and Caius Licinius
Crassus. Next day, the following were appointed prætors: Cneius Bæbius
Tamphilus, Lucius Anicius Gallus, Cneius Octavius, Publius Fonteius
Balbus, Marcus Æbutius Elva, and Caius Papirius Corbo. The senate’s
anxiety about the Macedonian war stimulated them to more than ordinary
expedition in all their proceedings; they therefore ordered, that the
magistrates elect should immediately cast lots for their provinces, that
it might be known which consul was to have the command in Macedonia, and
which prætor that of the fleet; in order that they might, without loss
of time, consider and prepare whatever was requisite for the service,
and consult the senate on any point where their direction was necessary,
they voted, that, “on the magistrates coming into office, the Latin
festival should be celebrated as early as the rules of religion
permitted; and that the consul who was to go into Macedonia should not
be detained on account of it.” When these orders were passed, Italy and
Macedonia were named as the provinces for the consuls; and for the
prætors, besides the two jurisdictions in the city, the fleet, Spain,
Sicily, and Sardinia. As to the consuls, Macedonia fell to Æmilius,
Italy to Licinius. Of the prætors, Cneius Bæbius got the city
jurisdiction; Lucius Anicius the foreign, under a rule to go wherever
the senate should direct; Cneius Octavius, the fleet; Publius Fonteius,
Spain; Marcus Æbutius, Sicily; and Caius Papirius, Sardinia.
18. It immediately became evident to all, that Lucius Æmilius would
prosecute the war with vigour; for, besides that he was a different kind
of man (from his predecessors), his thoughts were intently employed
night and day solely on the business relative to that war. In the first
place, he requested the senate to send commissioners into Macedonia, to
review the armies and the fleet, and to bring authentic information as
to what might be necessary both for the land and sea forces; to make
what discoveries they could respecting the state of the king’s forces;
and to learn how much of the country was in our power, how much in that
of the enemy; whether the Romans were still encamped among the woods and
mountains, or had got clear of all the difficult passes, and were come
down into the plains; who appeared to be faithful allies to us, who were
doubtful and suspended their fidelity on fortune, and who avowed
enemies; what store of provisions was prepared, and whence new supplies
might be brought by land-carriage, whence by the fleet; and what had
been achieved during the last campaign, either on land or sea. For he
thought that, by gaining a thorough knowledge of all these particulars,
decisive plans might be taken for future proceedings. The senate
directed the consul Cneius Servilius to send as commissioners, into
Macedonia, such persons as should be approved of by Luciua Æmilius.
Cneius Domitius Ahenobarbus, Aulus Licinius Nerva, and Lucius Bæbius,
accordingly, began their journey two days after. Towards the close of
this year it was reported that two showers of stones had fallen, one in
the territory of Rome, the other in that of Veii; and the nine days’
solemnity was performed. Of the priests, died this year, Publius
Quintilius Varus, flamen of Mars, and Marcus Claudius Marcellus,
decemvir, in whose room was substituted Cneius Octavius. It has been
remarked as an instance of the increasing munificence of the times, that
in the Circensian games, exhibited by Publius Cornelius Scipio Nasica
and Publius Lentulus, curule ædiles, sixty-three panthers, with forty
bears and elephants, made a part of the show.
19. At the beginning of the following year, Lucius Æmilius Paullus and
Caius Licinius, the consuls, having commenced their administration on
the ides of March, the senators were impatient to hear what propositions
were to be laid before them, particularly with respect to Macedonia, by
the consul to whose lot that province had fallen; but Paullus said, that
he had as yet nothing to propose to them, the commissioners not being
returned: that “they were then at Brundusium, after having been twice
driven back to Dyrrachium in attempting the passage: that he intended,
shortly, to propose something to their consideration, when he should
have obtained the information which was previously necessary, and which
he expected within very few days.” He added, that, “in order that
nothing should delay his setting out, the day before the ides of April
had been fixed for the Latin festival; after finishing which solemnity,
he and Cneius Octavius would begin their journey as soon as the senate
should direct: that, in his absence, his colleague Caius Licinius would
take care that every thing necessary to be provided, or sent for the
war, should be provided and sent; and that, in the mean time, audience
might be given to the embassies of foreign nations.” The first
introduced were ambassadors from Alexandria, sent by king Ptolemy and
queen Cleopatra. They came into the senate-house dressed in mourning,
with their hair and beard neglected, holding in their hands branches of
olive; there they prostrated themselves, and their discourse was even
more piteous than their dress. Antiochus, king of Syria, who had
formerly been a hostage at Rome, had lately, under the honourable
pretext of restoring the elder Ptolemy to the throne, made war on his
younger brother, who was then in possession of Alexandria; and having
gained the victory in a sea-fight off Pelusium, and thrown a temporary
bridge across the Nile, he led over his army, and was terrifying
Alexandria itself, by laying siege to it; so that he seemed almost on
the point of taking possession of that very opulent kingdom. The
ambassadors, after complaining of these proceedings, besought the senate
to succour those princes, the faithful friends of their empire. They
said, that “such had been the kindness of the Roman people to Antiochus,
such its influence over all kings and nations, that if they only sent
ambassadors, to give him notice that the senate were displeased at war
being made with princes in alliance with them, he would instantly retire
from the walls of Alexandria, and lead his army home into Syria. But if
they hesitated to do this Ptolemy and Cleopatra would soon come to Rome
as exiles from their kingdom, which must excite some degree of shame in
the Roman people, for not having brought them assistance in their
extreme distress.” The senate, affected by the supplications of the
Alexandrians, immediately sent Caius Popilius Lænas, Caius Decimius, and
Caius Hostilius, ambassadors, to put an end to the dispute between those
kings. Their instructions were, to go first to Antiochus, then to
Ptolemy; and to acquaint them, that, unless hostilities were stopped,
whichever party persisted, must expect to be considered by the senate as
neither a friend nor an ally.
20. These ambassadors set out, within three days, in company with those
of Alexandria; and, on the last day of the feast of Minerva, the
commissioners arrived from Macedonia. Their coming had been so
impatiently wished for, that, if it had not been very late in the day,
the consuls would have assembled the senate immediately. Next day the
senate met, and the commissioners had an audience. They stated, that
“the army had been led through pathless and difficult wilds into
Macedonia, with more risk than advantage: that Pieria, to which its
march had been directed, was then possessed by the king; and the two
camps so close to each other, as to be separated only by the river
Enipeus: that the king offered no opportunity to fight, nor were our men
strong enough to compel him; and, besides, that the winter had
unexpectedly interrupted all military operations: that the soldiers were
maintained in idleness, and had not corn sufficient for more than six
_days_: that the force of the Macedonians was said to amount to thirty
thousand effective men: that if Appius Claudius had a sufficient force
at Lychnidus, the king might be perplexed by a twofold hostile array;
but that, as the case stood, both Appius, and the troops under his
command, were in the utmost danger, unless either a regular army were
speedily sent thither, or they were removed thence.” From the camp,
they stated that “they had gone to the fleet; where they learned, that
part of the seamen had perished by sickness; that others, particularly
such as came from Sicily, had gone off to their own homes; and that the
ships were in want of men, while those who were on board had neither
received pay nor had clothing: that Eumenes and his fleet, as if driven
thither by the wind, had both come and gone away, without any apparent
reason; nor did the intentions of that king seem to be thoroughly
settled.” While they reported every particular in the conduct of Eumenes
as suspicious, they represented the fidelity of Attalus as stedfast in
the highest degree.
21. After the commissioners were heard, Lucius Æmilius said, that he
then proposed for consideration the business of the war: and the senate
decreed, that “tribunes for eight legions should be appointed, half by
the consuls, and half by the people; but that none should be named for
that year who had not held some magisterial office: that, out of all the
military tribunes, Lucius Æmilius should select such as he chose for the
two legions that were to serve in Macedonia; and that, as soon as the
Latin festival should be finished, the said consul, with the prætor
Cneius Octavius, to whose lot the fleet had fallen, should repair to
that province.” To these was added a third, Lucius Anicius, the prætor
who had the foreign jurisdiction; for it was resolved that he should
succeed Appius Claudius in the province of Illyria, near Lychnidus. The
charge of raising recruits was laid on the consul Caius Licinius, who
was ordered to enlist, of Roman citizens, seven thousand foot and two
hundred horse, and to demand, from the Latin confederates, seven
thousand foot and four hundred horse; and also to write to Cneius
Servilius, governor of Gaul, to raise there six hundred horse. This
force he was ordered to send, with all expedition, into Macedonia, to
his colleague. It was resolved, that there should be no more than two
legions in that province, but that their numbers should be filled up so
as that each should contain six thousand foot and three hundred horse;
and that the rest of the foot and horse should be placed in the
different garrisons; that such men as were unfit for service should be
discharged, and that the allies should be obliged to raise another body
of ten thousand foot and eight hundred horse. These were assigned as a
reinforcement to Anicius, in addition to the two legions which he was
ordered to carry into Illyria, consisting each of five thousand two
hundred foot and three hundred horse; and five thousand seamen were
raised for the fleet. The consul Licinius was ordered to employ two
legions in the service of his province, and to add to them ten thousand
foot and six hundred horse of the allies.
22. When the senate had passed these decrees, the consul Lucius Æmilius
went out from the senate-house into the assembly of the people, whom he
addressed in a discourse to this effect: “Romans, I think I have
perceived that your congratulations, on my obtaining, by lot, the
province of Macedonia, were warmer than either when I was saluted
consul, or on the day when I entered on office; and that for no other
reason, than your having conceived an opinion, that by me the war with
Perseus, which has been long protracted, may be brought to a conclusion
becoming the majesty of the Roman people. I trust that the gods also
have favoured this disposal of the lots, and will give me their aid in
the conduct of affairs. Some of these consequences I can prognosticate;
others I can hope for. One thing I regard as certain, and venture to
affirm; that I will endeavour, by every exertion in my power, that this
hope which you have conceived of me may not be frustrated. Every thing
necessary for the service, the senate has ordered; and as it has been
resolved, that I am to go abroad immediately, and I do not wish to
delay, my colleague, Caius Licinius, an admirable man, will make the
preparations with as much zeal, as if he himself were to carry on that
war. Do you give full credit to whatever I shall write to you, or to the
senate; but do not by your credulity encourage mere rumours, of which no
man shall appear as the responsible author. For, no man is so entirely
regardless of reputation, as that his spirits cannot be damped; which I
have observed has commonly occurred, especially in this war. In every
circle, and, truly, at every table, there are people who lead armies
into Macedonia; who know where the camp ought to be placed; what posts
ought to be occupied by troops; when and through what pass Macedonia
should be entered; where magazines should be formed; how provisions
should be conveyed by land and sea; and when it is proper to engage the
enemy, when to lie quiet. And they not only determine what is best to be
done, but if any thing is done in any other manner than what they have
pointed out, they arraign the consul, as if he were on his trial. These
are great impediments to those who have the management of affairs; for
every one cannot encounter injurious reports with the same constancy and
firmness of mind as Fabius did, who chose to let his own authority be
diminished through the folly of the people, rather than to mismanage the
public business with a high reputation. I am not one of those who think
that commanders ought never to receive advice; on the contrary, I should
deem that man more proud than wise, who did every thing of his own
single judgment. What then is my opinion? That commanders should be
counselled, chiefly, by persons of known talent; by those, especially,
who are skilled in the art of war, and who have been taught by
experience; and next, by those who are present at the scene of action,
who see the country, who see the enemy; who see the advantages that
occasions offer, and who, embarked, as it were, in the same ship, are
sharers of the danger. If, therefore, any one thinks himself qualified
to give advice respecting the war which I am to conduct, which may prove
advantageous to the public, let him not refuse his assistance to the
state, but let him come with me into Macedonia. He shall be furnished by
me with a ship, a horse, a tent; and even with his travelling charges.
But if he thinks this too much trouble, and prefers the repose of a city
life to the toils of war, let him not, on land, assume the office of a
pilot. The city, in itself, furnishes abundance of topics for
conversation; let it confine its passion for talking, and rest assured,
that we shall be content with such councils as shall be framed within
our camp.” Soon after this speech, the Latin festival having been
celebrated on the day before the calends of April, and the sacrifice on
the mount affording favourable omens, the consul, and Cneius Octavius,
the prætor, set out directly for Macedonia. There is a tradition that
the consul, at his departure, was escorted by multitudes unusually
numerous; and that people, with confident hope, presaged a conclusion of
the Macedonian war, and the speedy return of the consul, to a glorious
triumph.
23. During these occurrences in Italy, Perseus, though he could not, at
first, prevail on himself to complete the design which he had projected,
of attaching to himself Gentius, king of Illyria, on account of the
money which would be demanded for it; yet, when he found that the Romans
had penetrated the passes, and that the final crisis of the war drew
near, resolved to defer it no longer, and having, by his ambassador
Hippias, consented to pay three thousand talents of silver,[90] provided
hostages were given on both sides; he now sent Pantauchus, one of his
most trusty friends, to conclude the business. Pantauchus met the
Illyrian king at Meteo, in the province of Labeas, and there received
from the king his oath and the hostages. Gentius likewise sent an
ambassador, named Olympio, to require an oath and hostages from Perseus.
Together with him, were sent persons to receive the money; and by the
advice of Pantauchus, to go to Rhodes with ambassadors from Macedonia.
Parmenio and Morcus were appointed. Their instructions were, first, to
receive the king’s oath, the hostages, and money; and then to proceed to
Rhodes; and it was hoped, that, by the name of the two kings, the
Rhodians might be incited to a war against Rome, and that the union of
that state, which alone at that time possessed naval glory, would leave
the Romans no prospect of success, either on land or sea. As the
Illyrians approached, Perseus marched with all his cavalry, from his
camp on the Enipeus, and met them at Dium. There the articles agreed on
were executed; a body of cavalry having been drawn up around, whom the
king chose should be witness to the treaty of alliance made with
Gentius, supposing that this event would add greatly to their
confidence. The hostages were given and taken in the sight of all; those
who were to receive the money were sent to Pella, where the king’s
treasure lay; and the persons who were to go to Rhodes, with the
Illyrian ambassadors, were ordered to take ship at Thessalonica. There
was present one Metrodorus, who had lately come from Rhodes, and who, on
the authority of Dinon and Polyaratus, two principal members of that
state, affirmed, that the Rhodians were prepared for the war; he was
appointed head of the joint embassy with the Illyrians.
24. At this time Perseus sent to Eumenes and Antiochus, a common
message, which the state of affairs seemed to suggest that “a free
state, and a king, were, in their natures, hostile to each other. That
the Roman people were accustomed to attack kings singly; and, what was
more shameful, to conquer them, by the power of other kings. Thus, his
father was overpowered by the aid of Attalus; and by the assistance of
Eumenes, and of his father Philip, in part, Antiochus had been
vanquished; and now, both Eumenes and Prusias were armed against
himself. If the regal power should be abolished in Macedonia, the next,
in their way, would be Asia, which they had already rendered, in part,
their own, under the pretence of liberating the states; and next to that
Syria. Already Prusias was honoured by them, far beyond Eumenes; and
already Antiochus, though victorious, was debarred from Egypt, the prize
of his arms.” He desired that each of them, “considering these matters
seriously, should see that he either compelled the Romans to make peace
with him, or, if they should persist in such an unjust war, he should
regard them as the common enemies of all kings.” The message to
Antiochus was sent openly; the ambassador to Eumenes went under the
pretence of ransoming prisoners. But some more secret business was
transacted between them, which, in addition to the jealousy and distrust
already conceived by the Romans against Eumenes, _brought on him
charges_ of a heavier nature. For they considered him as a traitor, and
nearly as an enemy, while the two kings laboured to overreach each other
in schemes of fraud and avarice. There was a Cretan, called Cydas, an
intimate of Eumenes; this man had formerly conferred, at Amphipolis,
with one Chimarus, a countryman of his own, serving in the army of
Perseus; and he, afterwards, had had one interview with Menecrates, and
another with Archidamus, officers of the king, at Demetrias, close under
the wall of the town. Herophon, too, who was sent on that business, had,
before that, executed two embassies to the same Eumenes. These furtive
conferences and embassies were notorious; but what the subject of them
was, or what agreement had taken place between the kings, remained a
secret.
25. Now the truth of the matter was this: Eumenes neither wished success
to Perseus nor intended to make war upon him; and his ill-will arose not
so much from the enmity which they inherited from their fathers, as from
the personal quarrels which had broken out between themselves. The
jealousy of the two kings was not so moderate, that Eumenes could, with
patience, have seen Perseus acquiring such vast power and glory as
awaited him, if he conquered the Romans. Besides which, he saw that
Perseus, from the commencement of the war, by every mean, sought a
prospect of peace; and that every day, as the danger approached nearer,
he was contriving and contemplating no other object. He considered too,
that as the war had been protracted beyond the expectations of the
Romans, their commanders and senate would not be averse from putting an
end to a contest so inconvenient and difficult. Having discovered this
inclination in both parties, he concluded, that, from the disgust of the
stronger party, and the fears of the weaker, this might take place
spontaneously; and therefore he the more wished, for the sake of
conciliating favour to himself, to make his own efforts available in the
business. He therefore, sometimes, laboured to stipulate for a
consideration for not affording assistance to the Romans, either on sea
or land; at other times, for bringing about a peace with them. He
demanded for not interfering in the war, one thousand talents;[91] for
effecting a peace, one thousand five hundred;[92] and for his sincerity
in either case, he professed himself prepared, not only to make oath,
but to give hostages also. Perseus, stimulated by his fears, showed the
greatest readiness in the beginning of the negotiation, and treated
without delay about receiving the hostages; when it was agreed, that, on
their being received, they should be sent to Crete. But when they came
to the mention of money, there he hesitated; remarking that, in the case
of kings of their high character, a pecuniary consideration was mean and
sordid, both with respect to the giver, and still more so with respect
to the receiver. He preferred not to decline the payment in the hope of
a peace with Rome, but said that he would pay the money when the
business should be concluded; and that he would lodge it in the mean
time in the temple of Samothrace. As that island was under his own
dominion, Eumenes said, that it was all the same as if the money were at
Pella; and he struggled hard to obtain some part of it at the present.
Thus, having manœuvred with each other to no purpose, they gained
nothing but disgrace.