_Several prætors were condemned because they had conducted
themselves with avarice and cruelty in the administration of their
provinces. Publius Licinius Crassus, the proconsul, took by storm
several cities in Greece, and plundered them with great cruelty.
For this reason the captives, who were sold by him, were
subsequently, by a decree of the senate, restored to their
respective states. Many tyrannical acts were done to the allies by
the admirals of the Roman fleets also. This book contains likewise
the successful operations of king Perseus in Thrace, with the
conquest of Dardania and Illyricum; Gentius was the king of the
latter country. The commotions which arose in Spain through the
agency of Olonicus, were quelled by his death. Marcus Æmilius
Lepidus was chosen by the censors prince of the senate._
1. In the same summer in which the Romans were conquerors in the cavalry
action in Thessaly, the lieutenant-general, sent by the consul to
Illyricum, compelled, by force of arms, two opulent cities to surrender,
and gave the inhabitants all their effects, in hopes, by the reputation
of his clemency, to allure to submission the inhabitants of Carnus, a
city strongly fortified. But after he could neither induce them to
surrender, nor take their city by a siege; that his soldiers might not
be fatigued by the two sieges without reaping any advantage, he sacked
those cities which he had spared before. The other consul, Caius
Cassius, performed nothing memorable in Gaul, the province that fell to
his lot; but made an ill-judged attempt to lead his army through
Illyricum to Macedon. The senate learned his having undertaken that
march from deputies from Aquileia, who complained that their colony,
which was new, weak, and but indifferently fortified, lay in the midst
of hostile states, Istrians and Illyrians; and begged the senate to take
into consideration some method of strengthening it. These, being asked
whether they wished that matter to be given in charge to the consul
Caius Cassius, replied, that Cassius, after assembling his forces at
Aquileia, had set out on a march through Illyricum into Macedon. The
fact was at first deemed incredible, and each individual was under the
impression that he had gone on an expedition against the Carnians, or
perhaps the Istrians. The Aquileians then said, that all that they knew,
or could take upon them to affirm, was that corn for thirty days had
been given to the soldiers, and that guides, who knew the roads from
Italy to Macedon, had been sought for and carried with him. The senate
were highly displeased that the consul should presume to act so
improperly as to leave his own province, and remove into that of
another; and lead his army by a new and dangerous route through foreign
states, and thereby open for so many nations a passage into Italy.
Assembled in great numbers, they decreed that the prætor, Caius
Sulpicius, should nominate out of the senate three deputies, who should
set out from the city on that very day, make all possible haste to
overtake the consul, Cassius, wherever he might be, and tell him not to
engage in a war with any nation, unless that against which the senate
voted that such war should be waged. These deputies left the city;
Marcus Cornelius Cethegus, Marcus Fulvius, and Publius Marcius Rex. The
fears entertained for the consul and his army caused the business of
fortifying Aquileia to be postponed for that time.
2. Then were introduced to the senate ambassadors from the several
states of both the Spains; these, after complaining of the avarice and
pride of the Roman magistrates, fell on their knees, and implored the
senate not to suffer them, who were their allies, to be more cruelly
plundered and ill-treated than their enemies. When they complained of
other unworthy treatment, and it was also evident that money had been
extorted from them; a charge was then given to Lucius Canuleius, the
prætor, to whom Spain was allotted, to appoint out of the senatorian
order five judges delegate, to try each person from whom the Spaniards
might demand back their money; and that they should give the latter
power to choose whomsoever they pleased as patrons. The ambassadors
being called into the senate-house, the decree of the senate was read
aloud, and they were ordered to name their protectors. They named
four,—Marcus Porcius Cato, Publius Cornelius Scipio, son of Cneius,
Lucius Æmilius Paullus, son of Lucius, and Caius Sulpicius Gallus. The
judges entered on the business with the case of Marcus Titinius first,
who had been prætor in Hither Spain, in the consulate of Aulus Manlius
and Marcus Junius. The cause was twice adjourned, and on the third
hearing the accused was acquitted. A dispute took place between the
ambassadors of the two provinces; and the states of Hither Spain chose
for their patrons Marcus Cato and Scipio; those of Farther Spain, Lucius
Paullus and Sulpicius Gallus. Publius Furius Philus and Marcus Matienus
were brought before the judges, the former by the states of the Hither
province, and the latter by those of the Farther; the former of whom had
been prætor, three years before, in the consulate of Spurius Postumius
and Quintus Mucius; and the latter, two years before, when Lucius
Postumius and Marcus Popilius were consuls. Both, being accused of most
heinous crimes, were remanded; but when the cause was about to be
pleaded anew, it was represented on their behalf that they had quitted
the country as voluntary exiles. Furius had gone to Præneste, Matienus
to Tibur, to live in exile. There was a report that the plaintiffs were
not suffered, by their patrons, to bring charges against people of high
birth and power; and Canuleius the prætor increased this suspicion, for
having neglected that business, he applied himself to the enlisting of
soldiers. Then he suddenly went off to his province, lest more might be
accused by the Spaniards. Although past transactions were thus consigned
to silence, yet the senate deliberated for the interest of the Spaniards
in future, for they passed an order that the Roman magistrates should
not have the valuation of the corn; nor should they compel the Spaniards
to compound for their twentieths at such prices as they pleased; and
that officers should not be placed in command of their towns for the
purpose of exacting money.
3. There came also from Spain another embassy, from a new race of men.
They, representing that they were the offspring of Roman soldiers and
Spanish women, to whom the Romans had not been united in wedlock, and
that their number amounted to more than four thousand, petitioned for a
grant of some town to be given them in which they might reside. The
senate decreed, that “they should put their names on a list before
Lucius Canuleius; and that, if he should judge any of them deserving of
freedom, it was their pleasure that they should be settled as a colony
at Carteia, on the ocean. That such of the present inhabitants of
Carteia as wished to remain there, should have the privilege of being
considered as colonists, and should have lands assigned them. That this
should be deemed a Latin settlement, and be called a colony of
freed-men.” At this time Prince Gulussa, son of king Masinissa, arrived
from Africa as ambassador from his father. Carthaginian ambassadors also
came. Gulussa, being first introduced to the senate, gave a detail of
the succours sent by his father to the maintenance of the war in
Macedon, and promised, that if they wished to order any thing besides,
he would execute it in return for the meritorious deeds of the Roman
people; and he warned the conscript fathers to be on their guard against
the treachery of the Carthaginians. That they “had formed the design of
fitting out a powerful fleet, in favour, as they pretended, of the
Romans, and against the Macedonians; but when it should be equipped and
ready for action, they would have it in their power to make their own
option which party they would treat as a friend, and which as a foe.”
_Then he pleaded Masinissa’s cause concerning the land and towns, which,
according to the complaint of the Carthaginians, were wrested from them,
by him; and the question was debated with great warmth between the
prince and the Carthaginian ambassadors. We have not ascertained what
were the arguments brought forward by both parties, or what was the
reply given by the senate. However this contest ceased, and seemed to
slumber for several years; it was subsequently renewed, and burst forth
into the flames of that war which was undertaken by the Carthaginians
against Masinissa, necessarily waged against Rome, and terminated only
by the downfal of Carthage. We find, in the annals of this year, that a
son was born of a virgin, while she was under the strict guardianship of
her parents, and by the order of the soothsayers was conveyed to a
desert island. The elections were held by Caius Cassius the consul, in
which Aulus Hostilius Mancinus and Aulus Atilius Serranus were appointed
consuls. Then Marcus Ræcius, Quintus Mænius, Lucius Flatensius, Quintus
Ælius Pætus, Titus Manlius Torquatus, and Caius Hostilius, were elected
prætors. Italy and Macedon are declared the consular provinces. Italy
fell to Atilius, and Macedon to Hostilius. With regard to the prætors,
Ræius obtained by lot the city jurisdiction, Mænias the foreign. The
fleet, together with the sea-coast of Greece, fell to Hortensius. The
rest of the prætorian provinces were, without doubt, those of the former
year, viz. Spain, Sicily, and Sardinia. But what prætors obtained the
command in each cannot be ascertained, in consequence of the silence of
the ancient records. In the mean time Publius Licinius, as if he were
sent to wage war not against Perseus, but the Greeks, turned the rage of
war, so ineffectual against the real enemy, towards wretches who were
unable to cope with him, and took by storm and plundered in a most
merciless manner several cities in Bœotia, in which he was passing the
winter. When the Coroneans, who were the most ill-used, threw themselves
on the protection of the senate, that august body decreed that the
captives who had been sold should be restored to freedom. Lucretius the
prætor, who had the command of the fleet, imitated, or rather surpassed,
the cruelty and avarice of the consul; he was oppressive to the allies,
despicable in the sight of the enemy. Since Perseus, by a sudden attack
on the fleet stationed at Oreum, took twenty transports laden with corn,
sunk the rest of them, and even made himself master of four galleys of
five banks of oars. Matters were successfully managed by Perseus in
Thrace also where he made a diversion in that country in favour of
Cotys against the forces of Atlesbis and Corragus. Nor truly was Cotys
false to his own interests, as he was a man indefatigable in war, and
pre-eminent in council, a Thracian by birth alone, not by his habits;
for he was singularly sober and temperate, and, besides, quite amiable,
owing to his mercy and moderation. The tide of war flowed on in favour
of Perseus, for at this time the nation of the Epirotes also passed over
to his party, by the advice of Cephalus, who however was induced to
revolt more by necessity, than his own free will. He was a man of
remarkable prudence and firmness, and even then influenced by the best
of feelings. For he had prayed to the immortal gods that war might never
break out between the Romans and Perseus, and that they might never come
to a decisive struggle. For he had determined, when the war broke out,
to aid the Romans according to the written articles of the treaty, but
to do nothing further than the conditions of that treaty demanded, and
not to be complaisant in a servile or disgraceful manner. These plans
were confounded by one Charopus, the grandson of that Charopus who
opened the pass at the river Arus to Titus Quinctius, in the war against
Philip; this Charopus was a worthless flatterer of those in power, and a
strange adept at forging calumnies against men of the best character. He
was educated at Rome, having been sent there by his grandfather, in
order that he might learn thoroughly the Roman language and literature.
Owing to this he became acquainted with, and dear to, very many of the
Romans; and yet, after his return home, as he was naturally of a fickle
and depraved disposition, and besides inspired with confidence, owing to
his intimacy with the Roman nobles, he was constantly sneering at the
leading men of the state. At first he was despised by all, nor was any
regard paid to his allegations. But after the war with Perseus broke
out, and suspicions were rife throughout Greece, as many openly
professed their zeal for Perseus, and still more felt it in secret,
Charopus never ceased accusing before the Romans those who were invested
with authority among the Epirotes. The intimate connexion that Cephalus,
and the others who adopted that line of politics, had formerly with the
kings of Macedon, gave a specious appearance and false colouring to his
calumnies. Already, in truth, by malignantly prying into all their acts
and words, and putting the worst construction on them, and by falsifying
the truth by adding and subtracting whatever he chose, he was succeeding
in having his accusations believed. Nor however were Cephalus, and,
those who had been the associates of his designs in the management of
the republic, moved by these allegations, since they relied on the full
consciousness of unsullied fidelity towards the Romans. But when they
perceived that the Romans lent an ear to these calumnies, and that some
of the Ætolian nobles, whom the calumnies of slanderers had rendered
objects of suspicion as well as themselves, were taken away to Rome,
then at length they believed it necessary to provide for the safety of
themselves and their property. And they, when no other resource than the
king’s friendship suggested itself to them, were compelled to form an
alliance with Perseus, and give their nation into his hands. Aulus
Hostilius and Aulus Atilius, the consuls, having entered on their office
at Rome, and having performed such religious and political acts as are
usually executed by the consuls in and around the city, set out for
their provinces. Hostilius, to whose lot Macedon had fallen, when he was
hastening into Thessaly, to join the army there, entered Epirus, which
had not yet openly revolted, and was very near falling into the hands of
Perseus. For one Theodotus and Philostratus, under the impression that,
if they would deliver him up to the king, they would receive great
favour from Perseus; and, besides, would strike a very severe blow
against the Romans at the time, sent letters to the king, desiring him
to come up with all the speed he could. And were it not that Perseus was
retained by delay, thrown in his way by the Molossians, at the passage
of the river Lous, and that the consul, being informed of his danger,
had changed his intended route, there was not a possibility of his
escaping. Therefore, having left Epirus, he sailed to Anticyra, and from
the latter place proceeded to Thessaly. Having received the command of
the army there, he marched at once against the enemy. But he was not a
whit more successful in the operations of the war than his predecessor.
For having engaged in battle with the king, he was beaten, and when at
first he attempted to force his way through Elimea, and afterwards to
march secretly through Thessaly, he was compelled to desist from his
useless attempts, as Perseus anticipated all his manœuvres. Nor did
Hortensius the prætor, to whom the fleet had fallen, carry on any of
his operations with sufficient skill or success, for none of his acts
deserves better to be remembered than his cruel and perfidious
plundering of the city of the Abdertes, when they endeavoured to avert,
by entreaty, the intolerable burdens imposed on them. Perseus,
therefore, now despising the Romans, as if he were completely at leisure
and disengaged, made an incursion, for the purpose of gaining a fresh
wreath of laurel, against the Dardanians, and having slain ten thousand
of the barbarians, bore away great booty._
4. _In this year the Celtiberians made some warlike motions in Spain, at
the instigation of a strange leader named Olonicus, some give him the
name of Salindicus. He was a man of great cunning and boldness, and
brandishing a silver spear, which he pretended was sent to him from
heaven, with the agitation of a person inspired, he attracted universal
attention. But when he, with corresponding rashness, had approached the
camp of the Roman prætor, in the dusk of the evening, with the intention
of slaying him, bringing with him an associate in his mad enterprise, he
was killed, near the very tent, by a sentinel with a javelin: his
companion paid the same penalty for his foolish undertaking. The prætor
immediately ordered both their heads to be cut off and fixed on spears,
and then given to some of the prisoners to bear to their countrymen._
These entering the camp and showing the heads caused such panic, that if
the Romans had instantly advanced to the camp they might have taken it.
As it was, a general flight took place; and some were of opinion that
ambassadors should be sent to supplicate for peace; while a great number
of states, on hearing this intelligence, surrendered: and when the
prætor had given pardon to them while endeavouring to excuse themselves,
and laying all the blame on the madness of the two individuals who had
voluntarily offered themselves for punishment, he proceeded immediately
to the other states, every one of which acknowledged his authority, and
he passed with his army in peace, without doing any injury, through the
tract of country where before the flames of war raged with the utmost
fury. This mercy shown by the prætor, by which he overcame without
bloodshed a very savage people, was the more pleasing to the senate and
people, as the war had been conducted in Greece both by the consul
Licinius and the prætor Lucretius with uncommon avarice and cruelty.
The plebeian tribunes, daily in their speeches to the people, censured
Lucretius for being absent, though it was alleged in his favour that he
was abroad on the business of the public. But so little was then known
of what passed, even in the vicinity of Rome, that he was, at that very
time, at his own estate near Antium; and with money amassed in his
expedition, was bringing water thither from the river Loracina; he is
said to have contracted for the execution of this work at the expense of
one hundred and thirty thousand _asses_.[84] He also decorated the
temple of Æsculapius with pictures taken from among the spoils. But
ambassadors from Abdera diverted the public displeasure, and the
consequent disgrace, from Lucretius to his successor. These stood
weeping at the door of the senate-house, and complained, that “their
town had been stormed and plundered by Hortensius. His only reason,”
they said, “for destroying their city was, that, on his demanding from
them one hundred thousand denariuses,[85] and fifty thousand measures of
wheat, they had requested time until they could send ambassadors on the
subject, both to the consul Hostilius, and to Rome; and that they had
scarcely reached the consul, when they heard that the town was stormed,
their nobles beheaded, and the rest sold for slaves.” This act appeared
to the senate deserving their indignation, and they passed the same
decree respecting the people of Abdera as they had passed concerning the
Coronæans. They also ordered Quintus Mænius, the prætor, to publish the
notice in a general assembly, as had been done the year before. Two
ambassadors, Caius Sempronius Blæsus and Sextus Julius Cæsar, were sent
to restore the Abderites to liberty; and were likewise commissioned to
deliver a message from the senate to the consul Hostilius, and to the
prætor Hortensius, that the senate judged the war made on the Abderites
to be unjust, and had directed that all those who were in servitude
should be sought out and restored to liberty.
5. At the same time, complaints were laid before the senate against
Caius Cassius, who had been consul the year before, and was then a
military tribune in Macedon, under Aulus Hostilius, and ambassadors came
from Cincibilus, a king of the Gauls. His brother made a speech to the
senate, complaining that Caius Cassius had entirely wasted the country
of the Alpine Gauls, their allies, and carried off into slavery many
thousands of their people. Ambassadors came at the same time from the
Carnians, Istrians, and Iapidans, who represented, that “at first guides
had been demanded from them by the consul, Cassius, to point out the
road to him, leading his army into Macedon: that he had parted from them
in a peaceable manner, as if to carry war elsewhere; but afterwards,
when he had proceeded half way, he returned, and overran their country
in a hostile manner, spreading depredations and fires through every
quarter; nor had they as yet been able to discover for what reason they
were treated as enemies by the consul.” The following answer was
returned to the absent prince of the Gauls, and the states present, that
“the senate had no previous knowledge of those acts of which they
complained; nor did they approve of them if they did take place. But
that it would still be unjust to condemn, unheard and absent, a man of
consular rank, especially as he was employed abroad in the business of
the public. That, when Caius Cassius should come home from Macedonia, if
they chose then to prosecute their complaints against him, in his
presence, the senate, after examining the matter, would endeavour to
give them satisfaction.” It was further resolved, that not only a verbal
answer should be given, but that ambassadors should be also sent to
those nations, (two to the transalpine chieftain, and three to the other
states,) to notify to them the determinations of the senate. They voted,
that presents, to the amount of two thousand _asses_,[86] should be sent
to the ambassadors; and to the prince, and his brother, some of
extraordinary value: two chains made of gold, and weighing five pounds;
five silver vases, amounting to twenty pounds’ weight; two horses, fully
caparisoned, with grooms to attend them, and horsemen’s armour and
cloaks, besides suits of apparel to their attendants, both freemen and
slaves. These were presented to them; and, on their request, permission
was given to each of them to purchase ten horses, and convey them out of
Italy. Caius Lælius and Marcus Æmilius were sent ambassadors with the
Gauls, to the regions on the northern side of the Alps; and Caius
Cicinius, Publius Cornelius Blasio, and Titus Memmius, to the other
states.
6. Embassies from many states of Greece and Asia arrived at Rome at the
same time. The first that had audience of the senate were the Athenians,
who represented, that “they had sent what ships and soldiers they had to
the consul Publius Licinius, and the prætor Caius Lucretius, who did not
think proper to employ their forces, but ordered the state to furnish
one hundred thousand measures of corn; and, notwithstanding that they
were the cultivators of a sterile soil, and that they fed even the
husbandmen with imported grain, yet that they might not appear deficient
in their duty, they had made up that quantity, and were ready to perform
any other service that might be required of them.” The Milesians making
no mention of their past services, promised to readily afford any
assistance in the war which the senate should think proper to demand.
The Alabandians said, that they had erected a temple to the city of
Rome, and instituted anniversary games to her divinity; that they had
brought a golden crown, of fifty pounds’ weight, to be deposited in the
Capitol, as an offering to Jupiter supremely good and great; also three
hundred horsemen’s bucklers, which they were ready to deliver to any
person appointed to receive them; and they requested permission to lodge
the said offering as intended, and to perform sacrifice. Ambassadors
from Lampsacus, who brought a crown of eighty pounds’ weight, made the
same request, and represented to the senate that “they had renounced the
party of Perseus as soon as the Roman army arrived in Macedon, though
they had been under the dominion of that monarch, and formerly of
Philip. In return for which, and for their having contributed every
assistance in their power to the Roman commanders, they only requested
to be admitted into the friendship of the Roman people; and that, if
peace should be made with Perseus, they should be exempted from falling
again into his power.” A gracious answer was given to the rest of the
ambassadors, and the prætor, Quintus Mænius, was ordered to enrol the
people of Lampsacus as allies. Presents were made to all, and two
thousand asses were given to each. The Alabandians were desired to carry
back the bucklers into Macedon, to the consul Aulus Hostilius. At the
same time ambassadors came from Africa; those of the Carthaginians
acquainted the senate that they had brought down to the sea-coast a
million of measures of wheat, and five hundred thousand of barley, “to
be transported to whatever place the senate should order. They were
sensible,” they said, “that this offer, and act of duty, were very
inferior the deserts of the Roman people, and to their own inclinations;
but that on many other occasions, when both nations were in favourable
circumstances, they had performed the duties of faithful and grateful
allies.” In like manner, ambassadors from Masinissa offered the same
quantity of wheat, one thousand two hundred horsemen, and twelve
elephants; desiring, that if he could be of service in any other
particular, the senate would lay their commands on him, and he would
execute them with as much zeal as if he had proposed them himself.
Thanks were returned both to the Carthaginians and to the king; and they
were requested to send the supplies, which they had promised, into
Macedon, to the consul Hostilius. A present of two thousand _asses_ was
made to each of the ambassadors.
7. When the ambassadors of the Cretans mentioned that they had sent into
Macedon the number of archers which had been demanded by the consul,
Publius Licinius, on being interrogated, they did not deny that a
greater number of their archers were serving in the army of Perseus than
in that of the Romans: on which they received this answer; that “if the
Cretans were candidly and sincerely resolved to prefer the friendship of
the Roman people to that of king Perseus, the Roman senate, on their
part, would answer them as allies who could be relied on. In the mean
time, that they should announce to their countrymen, that the senate
required that the Cretans should endeavour to call home, as soon as
possible, all the soldiers who were in the service of king Perseus.” The
Cretans being dismissed, the ambassadors from Chalcis were called, whose
embassy seemed to be a matter of extreme necessity, from the very
circumstance of their entering the senate-house at all, since Miction,
their chief, having lost the use of his limbs, was introduced on a
litter: and either the plea of bad health had not appeared to himself an
adequate motive for seeking exemption from duty, though he was in such a
distressing state, or exemption had not been given him at his request.
After premising that no other part was alive but his tongue, which
served him to deplore the calamities of his country, he represented,
first, the friendly assistance given by his state to the Roman
commanders and armies, both on former occasions and in the war with
Perseus; and then, the instances of pride, avarice, and cruelty, which
his countrymen had suffered from the Roman prætor, Caius Lucretius, and
were at that very time suffering from Lucius Hortensius; notwithstanding
which, they were resolved to endure all hardships, should they be even
more grievous than they underwent at present, rather than swerve from
their allegiance. “With regard to Lucretius and Hortensius, they knew
that it would have been safer to have shut their gates against them,
than to receive them into the city. For those cities which had so done,
remained in safety, as Emathea, Amphipolis Maronea, and Ænus; whereas,
in Chalcis, the temples were robbed of all their ornaments. Caius
Lucretius had carried off in ships, to Antium, the plunder amassed by
such sacrilege and had dragged persons of free condition into slavery;
the property of the allies of the Roman people was subjected to rapine
and plunder every day. For Hortensius, pursuing the practice of Caius
Lucretius, kept the crews of his ships in lodgings both in summer and
winter alike; so that their houses were filled with a crowd of seamen,
and those men who showed no regard to propriety, either in their words
or actions, lived among the inhabitants, their wives, and children.”
8. The senate resolved to call Lucretius before them, that he might
argue the matter in person, and exculpate himself. But when he appeared,
he heard many more crimes alleged against him than had been mentioned in
his absence; and two more weighty and powerful accusers stood forth in
support of the charges, Manius Juventius Thalna and Cneius Aufidius,
plebeian tribunes. These not only arraigned him bitterly in the senate,
but dragged him out into the assembly of the people, and there, after
reproaching him with many heinous crimes, they instituted a legal
prosecution against him. By order of the senate, the prætor, Quintus
Mænius, gave this answer to the ambassadors of Chalcis: that “the senate
acknowledged their account of the good offices done by them to the Roman
people, both on former occasions and during the present war, to be true;
and that their conduct met with gratitude, as it ought: that as to the
ill treatment, which they complained of having received formerly from
Caius Lucretius, and now from Lucius Hortensius, Roman prætors, who
could suppose that such things were done with the approbation of the
senate, who would consider that the Roman people had made war on
Perseus, and, before that, on his father Philip, for the express purpose
of asserting the liberties of Greece, and not that their friends and
allies should receive such treatment from their magistrates: that they
would give them a letter to the prætor, Lucius Hortensius, informing him
that the proceedings, of which the people of Chalcis complained, were
highly displeasing to the senate; charging him to take care that all
free persons, who had been reduced to slavery, should be sought out as
soon as possible, and restored to liberty; and commanding that no
seamen, except the masters of vessels, should be permitted to lodge on
shore.” Pursuant to the senate’s order, a letter to this purport was
written to Hortensius. A present of two thousand _asses_ was made to
each of the ambassadors, and carriages were hired for Miction, at the
public expense, to carry him commodiously to Brundusium. When the day of
Caius Lucretius’s trial came, the tribunes pleaded against him before
the people, and demanded that he should be fined in the sum of one
million of _asses_;[87] and an assembly of the people being held, every
one of the thirty-five pronounced him guilty.
9. In Liguria, nothing worthy of record occurred in that year; for the
enemy made no hostile attempt, nor did the consul march his legions into
their country; on the contrary, having made himself sure that there
would be peace that year, he discharged the soldiers of the two Roman
legions within sixty days after his arrival in the province, sent the
troops of the Latin confederates early into winter quarters at Luna and
Pisæ, and himself, with the cavalry, visited most of the towns in the
Gallic province. Although there was no open war any where but in
Macedon, yet the Romans suspected Gentius, king of Illyria. The senate,
therefore, voted that eight ships, fully equipped, should be sent from
Brundusium to Issa, to Caius Furius, lieutenant-general, who, with only
two vessels belonging to the inhabitants, held the government of that
island. In this squadron were embarked two thousand soldiers, whom the
prætor, Quintus Mænius, in pursuance of a decree of the senate, had
raised in the quarter of Italy opposite Illyria; and the consul
Hostilius sent Appius Claudius, with four thousand foot, into Illyria,
to protect the states that bordered on it. But Appius Claudius, not
content with the force which he brought with him, collected aid from the
allies, until he armed as many as eight thousand men of different
nations; and after overrunning all that country, took post at Lychnidus,
in the territory of the Dassaretians.
10. Not far from this place was Uscana, a town generally deemed part of
the dominions of Perseus. It contained ten thousand inhabitants, and a
small party of Cretans, who served as a garrison. From this place
messengers came secretly, to Claudius, telling him that “if he brought
his army nearer, there would be people ready to put the town into his
hands; and that it would be well worth his while; for he would satiate
with plunder not only his friends, but also his soldiers.” The hopes
presented to his avarice blinded his understanding to that degree, that
he neither detained any of those who came, nor required hostages as a
pledge for his security, in a business which was to be transacted
clandestinely and treacherously; neither did he send scouts to examine
matters, nor require an oath from the messengers; but, on the day
appointed, he left Lychnidus, and pitched his camp twelve miles from the
city, which was the object of his design. At the fourth watch he set
out, leaving about one thousand men to guard the camp. His forces, in
disorder, extending themselves in a long irregular train, and few in
number, as they were separated by a mistake in the night, arrived in
this state at the city. Their carelessness increased when they saw not a
soldier on the walls. But as soon as they approached within a weapon’s
cast, a sally was made from two gates at once. Besides the shout raised
by the sallying party, a tremendous noise was heard on the walls,
composed of the yells of women and the sound of brazen instruments,
while the rabble of the place, mixed with a multitude of slaves, made
the air resound with various cries. Such a number of terrific
circumstances, presented to them on all sides, had such an effect, that
the Romans were unable to support the first onset of the sallying party;
so that a greater number of them were killed in the flight than in the
battle, and scarcely two thousand, with the lieutenant-general himself,
effected their escape. The enemy had the greater opportunity of
overtaking the weary Romans, in proportion to their distance from the
camp. Appius, without even halting in the camp to collect his scattered
troops, which would have been the means of saving many stragglers, led
back, directly, to Lychnidus, the remains of his unfortunate army.
11. These and other unfavourable occurrences in Macedon were learned
from Sextus Digitius, a military tribune, who came to Rome to perform a
sacrifice. The senate being apprehensive on account of these advices of
some greater disgrace ensuing, deputed Marcus Fulvius Flaccus and Marcus
Caninius Rebilus to go to Macedon, and bring certain information of what
was going on there; at the same time ordering that the consul, Aulus
Hostilius, should summon the assembly for the election of consuls, and
arrange that it might be held in the month of January, and should come
home to the city as soon as possible. In the mean time instructions were
given to the prætor, Marcus Recius, to call home to Rome, by
proclamation, all the senators from every part of Italy, except such as
were absent on public business; and it was resolved that none of those
who were in Rome should go further than one mile from the city. All this
was done pursuant to the votes of the senate. The election of consuls
was held on the fifth day before the calends of February. Quintus
Marcius Philippus a second time, and Cneius Servilius Cæpio, were
elected consuls. Three days after, Caius Decimius, Marcus Claudius
Marcellus, Caius Sulpicius Gallus, Caius Marcius Figulus, Servius
Cornelius Lentulus, and Publius Fonteius Capito, were chosen prætors.
Four other provinces in addition to the two in the city were assigned to
the prætors elect; these provinces were Spain, Sardinia, Sicily, and the
fleet. Towards the end of February the deputies returned from Macedon,
and gave an account of the successful enterprises of Perseus during the
preceding summer, and of the great fears which had taken possession of
the allies of the Roman people, on account of so many cities being
reduced under the king’s power. They reported, that “the consul’s troops
were very thin, in consequence of leave of absence being granted to
great numbers, with the view of gaining popularity; the blame of which
the consul laid upon the military tribunes, and they, on the other hand,
on the consul.” The senate understood them to make little of the
disgrace sustained through the rashness of Claudius, since they
represented “that very few soldiers of Italian extraction were lost, the
greatest part being the soldiers raised in that country by an irregular
levy.” The consuls elect received orders, immediately on entering into
office, to propose the affairs of Macedon to the consideration of the
senate; and Italy and Macedon were appointed their provinces. An
intercalation was made in the calendar of this year, intercalary calends
being reckoned on the third day after the feast of Terminus. There died
of the priests during this year, Lucius Flaminius, _augur_, and two
pontiffs, Lucius Furius Philus, and Caius Livius Salinator. In the room
of Furius, the pontiffs chose Titus Manlius Torquatus, and in that of
Livius, Marcus Servilius.
12. In the beginning of the ensuing year, when the new consuls, Quintus
Marcius and Cneius Servilius, had proposed the distribution of the
provinces for consideration, the senate voted that they should, without
delay, either settle between themselves about Macedon and Italy, or cast
lots for them; and that, before the lot should decide this matter, and
while the destination of each was uncertain, lest interest might have
any influence, the supplies of men, which the exigency required for each
province, should be ordered. Six thousand Roman foot and six thousand of
the Latin allies, two hundred and fifty Roman horse and three hundred of
the allies, were voted for Macedon. The old soldiers were to be
discharged, so that there should be in each Roman legion no more than
six thousand foot and three hundred horse. The number of Roman citizens,
which the other consul was to enlist for a reinforcement, was not
precisely determined; there was only this limitation mentioned, that he
should raise two legions, each of them to contain five thousand two
hundred foot and three hundred horse. A larger number of Latin infantry
was decreed to him than to his colleague; no less than ten thousand
foot, with six hundred horse. An order was given for raising four other
legions, to serve wherever occasion might require. The consuls were not
allowed the appointment of the military tribunes; the people elected
them. The confederates of the Latin nation were ordered to furnish
sixteen thousand foot and one thousand horse. This force was intended
only to be kept in readiness, to march out should any exigency demand
it. Macedon gave the senate most anxiety; they ordered, that one
thousand Roman citizens, of the rank of freed-men, should be enlisted in
Italy, as seamen, to man the fleet, and the same number in Sicily; and
instructions were given the prætor, to whose lot the government of the
latter province fell, to the effect that he should take care to carry
these over to Macedon, to whatever place the fleet should be stationed
at. Three thousand Roman foot and three hundred horse were voted to
recruit the army in Spain. Then also the number of men in each legion
was limited to five thousand foot and three hundred and thirty horse.
Besides these, the prætor, to whose lot Spain should fall, was ordered
to levy from the allies four thousand foot and three hundred horse.
13. I am well aware, that, through the same disregard of religion, owing
to which the men of the present day generally believe that the gods
never give portents of any future events, no prodigies are now either
reported to government, or recorded in histories. But for my part, while
I am writing the transactions of ancient times, my sentiments, I know
not how, become antique; and a kind of religious awe prevents me from
considering events, which the men of those days, renowned for wisdom,
judged deserving of the attention of the state and of public expiation,
unworthy of being recorded in my history. From Anagnia two prodigies
were reported this year: that a blazing torch was seen in the air; and
that a cow spoke, and was maintained at the public expense. About the
same time, at Minturnæ, the sky appeared as in a blaze of fire. At
Reate, a shower of stones fell. At Cumæ, the image of Apollo, in the
citadel, shed tears during three days and three nights. In the city of
Rome, two of the keepers of the temples made strange announcements, one
that in the temple of Fortune, a snake, with a mane like that of a
horse, had been seen by many; the other, that, in the temple of Fortuna
Primigenia on the hill, a palm sprung up in the court, and that a shower
of blood fell in the middle of the day. Two prodigies were not attended
to: one, because it happened in a place belonging to a private person;
Titus Marcius Figulus having reported, that a palm sprung up in the
inner court of his house; the other, because it occurred in a foreign
place, Fregellæ,—where, in the house of Lucius Arreus, a spear which he
had bought for his son, who was a soldier, burned, as was said, for
more than two hours, and notwithstanding the fire consumed none of it.
The Sibylline books were consulted by the decemvirs on account of the
public prodigies. They directed that the consuls should sacrifice forty
of the larger victims to the deities, whom they pointed out; that a
supplication should be performed; and that all the magistrates should
sacrifice victims of the larger kinds in all the temples, and the people
wear garlands. All these acts were performed according to the
injunctions of the decemvirs.
14. Then the elections were held for the creation of censors. Several of
the first men in the state, including Caius Valerius Lævinus, Lucius
Postumius Albinus, Publius Mucius Scævola, Marcus Junius Brutus, Caius
Claudius Pulcher, and Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus, were candidates for
this office. The Roman people appointed the two last censors. As, on
account of the Macedonian war, greater attention was paid to holding the
levy than usual, the consuls made a complaint to the senate against the
plebeians, that even the younger men did not obey their summons. But, in
opposition to them, Caius Sulpicius and Marcus Claudius, tribunes of the
people, pleaded in favour of the plebeians; asserting, that “the levying
of soldiers was a difficult task, not to the consuls in general, but to
such consuls as affected popularity; that no man was made a soldier by
them against his inclination; and that the conscript fathers might be
convinced of the truth of this, the prætors, who in their office had
less power and authority, would, if it seemed good to the senate,
complete the levy.” That business was accordingly committed to the care
of the prætors by an unanimous vote of the senate, not without great
murmuring on the part of the consuls. The censors, in order to forward
it, published, in a general assembly, the following notice: that “they
would make it a rule in conducting the survey, that, besides the common
oath taken by all citizens, the younger part should swear in this
manner, when challenged,—You are younger than forty-six years, and you
shall attend at the levy, pursuant to the edict of Caius Claudius and
Tiberius Sempronius, censors; and you shall attend at the levy, as often
as there shall be a levy held by any magistrate during the aforesaid
censors’ continuance in office, if you shall not have been already
enlisted.” Also as there was a report, that many men belonging to the
legions in Macedon were absent from the army on furloughs, which did not
limit the time, and were granted by the commanders to ingratiate
themselves with the soldiers, they issued a proclamation concerning all
who had been draughted for Macedon in the consulate of Publius Ælius and
Caius Popilius, or since that period; that “such as were in Italy
should, after being first registered by them in the survey, repair
within thirty days to the province in which they served; and that, if
any were under the power of a father or grandfather, the names of such
should be notified to them. That they would also make inquiry into the
cases of the soldiers who had been discharged; and that they would order
those, whose discharge should appear to have been obtained through
favour, before the regular number of campaigns were served, to be
enlisted again.” In consequence of this proclamation, and letters from
the censors being dispersed through the market-towns and villages, such
multitudes of young men flocked to Rome, that the extraordinary crowd
was even inconvenient to the city. Besides enrolling those whom it was
necessary to send as a reinforcement for the armies, four legions were
raised by the prætor, Caius Sulpicius, and the levies were completed
within eleven days.
15. The consuls then cast lots for their provinces; the prætors, on
account of the civil jurisdiction, had determined theirs earlier in the
season. The civil jurisdiction had fallen to Caius Sulpicius; the
foreign, to Caius Decimius; Marcus Claudius Marcellus had obtained by
lot Spain; Servius Cornelius Lentulus, Sicily; Publius Fonteius Capito,
Sardinia; and Caius Marcius Figulus had received the command of the
fleet. In the arrangement of the consular provinces, Italy fell to
Cneius Servilius, and Macedon to Quintus Marcius; and the latter set out
as soon as the Latin festival could be celebrated. Cæpio then desired
the senate to direct which two of the new legions he should take with
him into Gaul; when they ordered, that the prætors Caius Sulpicius and
Marcus Claudius should give the consul such of the legions, which they
had raised, as they should think fit. The latter, highly offended at a
consul being subjected to the will of prætors, adjourned the senate; and
standing at the tribunal of the prætors, demanded, that pursuant to the
decree, they should assign him two legions; but the prætors left the
consul to his own discretion in selecting them. The censors then called
over the list of the senate. Marcus Æmilius Lepidus was now, by the
third censors, chosen prince of the senate. Seven were expelled that
body. In making the survey of the people, they discovered from the rolls
how many of the soldiers belonging to the army in Macedonia were absent,
and obliged them all to return to that province. They inquired into the
cases of the men who had been discharged; and, when any of their
discharges appeared irregular in respect of time, they put the following
oath to them: “Do you truly swear, that you will, without deceit or
evasion, return into the province of Macedon, according to the edict of
the censors, Caius Claudius and Tiberius Sempronius?”
16. In the review of the knights their censorship was very severe and
harsh: they deprived many of their horses; and after giving offence to
the equestrian order in this matter, they inflamed the general
displeasure to a higher degree by an edict, in which they ordered, that
“no person who had farmed the public revenues or taxes from the censors
Quintus Fulvius and Aulus Postumius, should attend their sale, or have
any partnership or connexion in the contracts then to be made.” When the
former tax-contractors could not prevail on the senate, by their
frequent complaints, to check the power of the censors, at length they
found a patron of their cause in Publius Rutilius, a plebeian tribune,
who was incensed against the censors in consequence of a dispute about a
private concern. They had ordered a client of his, a freed-man, to throw
down a wall, which stood opposite to a public building in the Sacred
Street, because it was built on ground belonging to the public. The
tribunes were appealed to by the citizen. When none of them would
interfere, except Rutilius, the censors were sent to seize the property
of the citizen, and imposed a fine on him in a public assembly. When the
present dispute broke out, and the old revenue-farmers had recourse to
the tribunes, a bill was suddenly promulgated under the name of one of
the tribunes, that “with regard to the public revenues and taxes, which
Caius Claudius and Tiberius Sempronius should have hired out, all
contracts made by them should be null and void: that they should all be
let anew, and that every person, without distinction, should be at
liberty to bid for and take them.” The tribune appointed the day for an
assembly to vote on this bill. When the day came, and the censors stood
forth to argue against the order, there was deep silence while Gracchus
addressed them: when the voice of Claudius was drowned in the murmurs,
he directed the crier to cause silence, that he might be heard. When
this was done, the tribune, complaining that the assembly which he had
summoned was taken out of his rule, and that he was reduced to a private
capacity, retired from the Capitol, where the assembly met. Next day he
raised a violent commotion. In the first place, he declared the property
of Tiberius Gracchus forfeited to the gods, because he, by fining and
seizing the goods of a person who had appealed to a tribune, and by
refusing to admit the tribune’s right of protesting, had reduced him to
a private capacity. He instituted a criminal process against Caius
Claudius because he had summoned the assembly away from him, and
declared his intention of prosecuting both the censors for treason; and
he demanded of Caius Sulpicius, the city prætor, that he would fix a day
for an assembly to try them. As the censors offered no objection to the
people passing their sentence on them as soon as they pleased, their
trial for treason was fixed to come the eighth and seventh days before
the calends of October. The censors went up immediately to the temple of
Liberty, where they sealed the books of the public accounts, shut up the
office, and dismissed the clerks; affirming, that they would do no kind
of public business until the sentence of the people was passed on them.
Claudius was first brought to trial; and after eight out of the eighteen
centuries of knights, and many others of the first class, had given
sentence against him, the principal men in the state, immediately taking
off their gold rings, in the sight of the people, put on mourning, in
order that they might suppliantly solicit the commons in his favour.
Yet, it is said, that Gracchus was the chief means of making a change in
their sentiments; for when shouts arose from the commons on all sides
that Gracchus was in no danger, he took a formal oath, that if his
colleague were condemned, he would be his companion in exile, without
waiting for their judgment concerning himself. After all, the case of
the accused was so near being desperate, that the votes of eight
centuries only were wanting to condemn him. When Claudius was acquitted,
the tribune said, that he would not delay Gracchus.
17. This year, when the ambassadors of the Aquileians demanded that the
number of the colonists should be increased, one thousand five hundred
families were enrolled by a decree of the senate; and Titus Annius
Luscus, Publius Decius Subulo, and Marcus Cornelius Cethegus, were
appointed commissioners to conduct them. During the same year, Caius
Popilius and Cneius Octavius, who had been sent ambassadors into Greece,
read, first at Thebes, and afterwards carried about to all the other
states of Peloponnesus, a decree, ordering, that “no person should
furnish the Roman magistrates with any thing for the use of the war,
except what the senate should determine.” This afforded the allies a
pleasing confidence, with regard to the future also, that they would be
relieved from the heavy burdens and expenses, by which they were
exhausted, in consequence of the various demands of those magistrates.
In the council of Achaia, held at Ægium, the ambassadors spoke, and were
heard with sentiments of mutual esteem and affection; and then, leaving
that faithful nation in confident assurance of lasting prosperity, they
crossed over to Ætolia. No civil war had yet broke out in that country;
but all places were full of suspicion and mutual recrimination. The
ambassadors having demanded hostages on account of these disputes, set
out from this place to Acarnania, without putting an end to the evil.
The Acarnanians gave to the ambassadors an audience of their general
council at Thyrium. Here, too, there was a struggle between opposite
factions; some of the nobles required that garrisons might be placed in
their cities, to protect them against the madness of those who were
endeavouring to bring the nation over to the Macedonians; and others
objected to the measure, lest peaceful and allied cities should receive
such an insult, as was usually offered only to towns taken in war, or
engaged in hostilities. Their objection was reckoned reasonable. The
ambassadors returned to Larissa, to Hostilius, for by him they had been
sent. He kept Octavius with him, and sent Popilius, with about a
thousand soldiers, into winter quarters at Ambracia.
18. Perseus did not venture, at the commencement of winter, to go out of
the limits of Macedon, lest the Romans might make an irruption into the
kingdom by some unguarded quarter; but on the approach of the winter
solstice, when the depth of the snow renders the mountains between it
and Thessaly impassable, he thought the season favourable for crushing
the hopes and spirits of his neighbours, lest any danger should be
lurking there, while his attention was turned to the Romans; since Cotys
afforded him security in the direction of Thrace, and Cephalus, by his
sudden revolt from the Romans, freed him from uneasiness on the side of
Epirus, and his late expedition had subdued the Dardanians, he
considered that Macedon was only exposed on the side next to Illyria,
the Illyrians themselves being in motion, and having offered a free
passage to the Romans: hoping, however, that if he reduced the nearest
tribes of Illyrians, Gentius himself, who had long been wavering, might
be brought into alliance with him, he set out at the head of ten
thousand foot, the greater part of whom were soldiers of the phalanx,
two thousand light infantry, and five hundred horse, and proceeded to
Stubera. Having there supplied himself with corn sufficient for many
days, and ordered every requisite for besieging towns to be sent after
him, he encamped on the third day before Uscana, the largest city in the
Penestian country. Before he employed force, he sent emissaries to sound
the dispositions, sometimes of the commanders of the garrison, sometimes
of the inhabitants; for, besides some troops of Illyrians, there was a
Roman garrison in the place. When his emissaries brought back no
friendly message, he resolved to attack the town, and made an attempt to
take it by a line of circumvallation formed of troops; but though his
men, relieving one another, continued without intermission, either by
day or night, some to apply ladders to the walls, others to attempt to
set fire to the gates, yet the defenders of the city sustained that
shock, for they had hopes that the Macedonians would not be able to
endure any longer the severity of the winter in the open field; and
besides, that the king would not have so long a respite from the war
with Rome, that he would be able to stay there. But, when they saw the
machines in motion, and towers erected, their resolution was overcome;
for, besides that they were unequal to a contest with his force, they
had not a sufficient store of corn, or any other necessary, as they had
not expected a siege. Therefore when they had no hopes of being able to
hold out, Caius Carvilius Spoletinus and Caius Afranius were sent by the
Roman garrison to request from Perseus, first, to allow the troops to
march out with their arms, and to carry their effects with them; and
then, if they could not obtain that, to receive his promise of their
lives and liberty. The king promised more generously than he performed;
for, after desiring them to march out with their effects, the first
thing he did was to take away their arms. As soon as they left the city,
both the cohort of Illyrians, five hundred in number, and the
inhabitants of Uscana, immediately surrendered themselves and the city.
19. Perseus, placing a garrison in Uscana, carried away to Stubera the
whole multitude of prisoners, almost equal to his army in number. He
then distributed the Romans, who amounted to four thousand, besides
officers, among several cities, to be kept in custody; and, having sold
the Uscanians and Illyrians, led back his army to Penestia, to reduce
the city of Oæneus: the town is advantageously situated in other
respects, and besides, in that direction there is a passage into the
country of the Labeatians, where Gentius was king. As he passed by a
fort, named Draudacum, which was full of men, one of the persons, well
acquainted with the country, told him that “there was no use in taking
Oæneus unless he had Draudacum in his power; for the latter was situated
more advantageously in every respect.” When his army was brought against
it, the garrison surrendered unanimously and at once. Encouraged by the
surrender of this place, which was earlier than he hoped, and perceiving
what terrors his march diffused, by taking advantage of the like fears,
he reduced eleven other forts to submission. Against a very few he had
occasion to use force; the rest submitted voluntarily; among whom one
thousand five hundred Roman soldiers were taken, who had been divided
among the Roman garrisons. Carvilius Spoletinus was very serviceable to
him in his conferences with the garrison, by declaring that no severity
had been shown to his own party. At length he arrived at Oæneus, which
could not be taken without a regular siege. The town possessed a much
greater number of young men than the others, and was strong in its
fortifications. It was enclosed on one side by a river called Artatus,
and on another by a very high mountain of difficult access; these
circumstances gave the inhabitants courage to make resistance. Perseus,
having drawn lines of circumvallation, began, on the higher ground, to
raise a mound, which he intended should exceed the wall in height. By
the time that this work was completed, the besieged, in their many
actions, when sallying out to defend their works, or to obstruct those
of the enemy, had lost great numbers by various chances; while the
survivors were rendered useless by wounds, and by continual labour both
in the day and night. As soon as the mound was brought close to the
wall, the royal cohort (the men of which are called Nicators) rushed
from it into the town, while an assault was made by scalade in many
places at once. All the males, who had reached the age of puberty, were
put to the sword, their wives and children were thrown into confinement,
and every thing else was given as booty to the soldiers. Returning
thence victorious to Stubera, he sent, as ambassadors to
Gentius,—Pleuratus, an Illyrian, who lived in exile at his court, and
Adæus, a Macedonian, from Berœa. He gave them instructions to represent
his exploits against the Romans and Dardanians during the preceding
summer and winter, and to add the recent operations of his winter
campaign in Illyria, and to exhort Gentius to unite with him and the
Macedonians in a treaty of friendship.
20. They crossed over the top of Mount Scordus, and through desert
tracts of Illyria, which the Macedonians had laid waste, for the purpose
of preventing the Dardanians from passing easily into Illyria or
Macedon; and, at length, after undergoing prodigious fatigue, arrived at
Scodra. King Gentius was at Lissus; to which place the ambassadors were
invited, and received a favourable audience while stating their
instructions, but obtained an indecisive answer: that “he wanted not
inclination to go to war with the Romans, but was in extreme want of
money to enable him to enter on such an undertaking, though he wished to
do so.” This answer they brought to the king at Stubera, whilst he was
engaged in selling the Illyrian prisoners. The same ambassadors were
immediately sent back, with an accession to their numbers in Glaucias,
one of his body guards, but without any mention of money; the only thing
by which the needy barbarian could be induced to take a part in the war.
Then Perseus, after ravaging Ancyra, led back his army once more into
Penestia; and having strengthened the garrison of Uscana, and the
surrounding fortresses which he had taken, he retired into Macedon.
21. Lucius Cælius, a Roman lieutenant-general, commanded at that time in
Illyria. While the king was in that country he did not venture to stir;
but, on his departure, he made an attempt to recover Uscana, in
Penestia; in which being repulsed, with great loss, by the Macedonian
garrison, he led back his forces to Lychnidus. In a short time after he
sent Marcus Trebellius Fregellanus, with a very strong force, into
Penestia, to receive hostages from the cities which had faithfully
remained in friendship. He ordered him, also, to march on to the
Parthinians, who had likewise covenanted to give hostages, which were
received from both nations without any trouble: those of the Penestians
were sent to Apollonia; those of the Parthinians, to Dyrrachium, then
more generally called by the Greeks Epidamnus. Appius Claudius, wishing
to repair the disgrace which he had suffered in Illyria, made an attack
on Phanote, a fortress of Epirus; bringing with him, besides the Roman
troops, Athamanian and Thesprotian auxiliaries, to the amount of six
thousand men; nor did he gain any advantage to recompense his exertion,
for Clevas, who had been left there with a strong garrison, effectually
defended the place. Perseus marched to Elimea, and, after reviewing his
army in the vicinity of that town, led it to Stratus, in compliance with
an invitation of the Epirotes. Stratus was then the strongest city in
Ætolia. It stands on the Ambracian Gulf, near the river Inachus. Thither
he marched with ten thousand foot and three hundred horse; for, on
account of the narrowness and ruggedness of the roads, he led a smaller
army than he would otherwise have done. On the third day he came to
Mount Citium, which he could scarcely climb over, by reason of the depth
of the snow, and with difficulty found even a place for his camp.
Leaving that spot, rather because he could not conveniently stay, than
that either the road or the weather was tolerable, the army, after
suffering severe hardships, which fell heaviest on the beasts of burden,
encamped on the second day at the temple of Jupiter, called Nicæus.
After a very long march thence, he halted at the river Aracthus, being
detained there by the depth of the water, during the time in which a
bridge was being constructed; he then led over his army, and, having
proceeded one day’s march, met Archidamus, an Ætolian of distinction,
who proposed delivering Stratus into his hands.
22. On that day Perseus encamped at the borders of the Ætolian
territory; and, on the next, arrived before Stratus, where, pitching his
camp near the river Achelous, he expected that the Ætolians would come
in crowds to put themselves under his protection; but on the contrary,
he found the gates shut, and discovered that the very night on which he
arrived, a Roman garrison, under Caius Popilius, lieutenant-general, had
been received into the town. The nobles, who, induced by the authority
of Archidamus, while he was present, had invited the king, as soon as he
went out to meet Perseus had become less zealous, and had given an
opportunity to the opposite faction to call in Popilius, with one
thousand foot, from Ambracia. At the same juncture came also Dinarchus,
general of the Ætolian cavalry, with six hundred foot and one hundred
horse. It was well known that he came to Stratus intending to act with
Perseus; but that, with the change of fortune, he had changed his mind,
and joined the Romans, against whom he had come. Nor was Popilius less
on his guard than he ought to be among people of such fickle tempers. He
immediately took into his own keeping the keys of the gates, with the
direction of the guard of the walls, and removed Dinarchus and the
Ætolians, together with the young men of Stratus, into the citadel,
under pretence of garrisoning it. Perseus sounded the garrison, by
addressing them from the eminences that hung over the upper part of the
city, and finding that they were obstinate, and even kept him at a
distance with weapons, removed his camp to the other side of the river
Petitarus, about five miles from the town: there he held a council,
wherein Archidamus and the refugees from Epirus were for detaining him
there; but the Macedonian nobles were of opinion that he ought not to
fight against the severity of the season without having magazines of
provisions; in which case the besiegers would feel a scarcity sooner
than the besieged, especially as the winter quarters of the enemy were
at no great distance: being deterred by these considerations, he removed
his camp into Aperantia. The Aperantians, in consequence of the great
interest and influence which Archidamus possessed among them, submitted
to Perseus with universal consent; and Archidamus himself was appointed
their governor, with a body of eight hundred soldiers.
23. The king then returned into Macedon with his men and horses, not
less harassed than they had been in their advance to Stratus. However,
the report of Perseus’s march to that place obliged Appius to raise the
siege of Phanote. Clevas, with a body of active young men, pursued him
to the foot of some mountains, which formed a defile almost impassable,
killed one thousand men of his disordered troops, and took two hundred
prisoners. Appius, when he got clear of the defile, encamped for a few
days in a plain named Meleon. Meanwhile Clevas, being joined by
Philostratus, who was invested with the chief power among the nation of
the Epirotes, proceeded over the mountains into the lands of Antigonea.
The Macedonians setting out to plunder, Philostratus, with his division,
posted himself in ambush, in a place where he could not be seen. When
the troops at Antigonea sallied out against the straggling plunderers,
they pursued them in their flight with too great eagerness, until they
precipitated themselves into the valley which was beset by the enemy,
who killed one thousand, and made about one hundred prisoners. Being
thus successful every where, they encamped near the post of Appius, in
order to prevent the Roman army from offering any violence to their
allies. Appius, as he was wasting time there to no purpose, dismissed
the Chaonian and other Epirotes, and with his Italian soldiers marched
back to Illyria; then sending the troops to their several winter
quarters, in the confederate cities of the Parthinians, he went home to
Rome on account of a sacrifice. Perseus recalled from the nation of the
Penestians one thousand foot and two hundred horse, and sent them to
garrison Cassandria. His ambassadors returned from Gentius with the same
answer as before. Still he did not cease from soliciting him, but sent
embassy after embassy; yet, notwithstanding that he was sensible of the
powerful support he would find in Gentius, the Macedonian could not
prevail on himself to expend money on the business, although it was to
him a question of vital importance.* * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * *