36. At this time arrived ambassadors from Perseus. It was the pleasure

of the fathers that they should not be permitted to come into the city;

as the senate had already decreed; and the people had ordered, a

declaration of war against their king and the Macedonians. Being

introduced before the senate in the temple of Bellona, they spoke in the

following manner: that “king Perseus wondered what could be their motive

for transporting troops into Macedon; and that if the senate could be

prevailed on to recall them, the king would, at their arbitration,

satisfactorily account for any injuries of which their allies might

complain.” Spurius Carvilius had been sent home from Greece, by Cneius

Sicinius, for the purpose of attending this business, and was present in

the senate. He charged the king with taking military occupation of

Perrhæbia, storming several cities of Thessaly, and other enterprises,

in which he was either actually employed or preparing to engage; and the

ambassadors were called on to answer to those points. After they

declined to do so, declaring that they had no further instructions, they

were ordered to tell their king, that “the consul Publius Licinius would

soon be in Macedon at the head of an army. To him he might send

ambassadors, if he were disposed to give satisfaction, but there was no

use in his sending any more to Rome; for none of them would be permitted

to pass through Italy.” After they were thus dismissed, a charge was

given to Publius Sicinius, to insist on their quitting Italy within

eleven days, and to send Spurius Carvilius to guard them, until they

embarked. Such were the transactions at Rome, before the departure of

the consuls for their provinces. Cneius Sicinius, who, before the

expiration of his office, had been sent to Brundusium to the fleet and

army, had by this time transported into Epirus five thousand foot and

three hundred horse, and was encamped at Nymphæum, in the territory of

Apollonia. From which place he sent tribunes, with two thousand men, to

take possession of the forts of the Dassaretians and Illyrians; as those

people themselves solicited garrisons, to secure them from the inroads

of the Macedonians in their neighbourhood.

37. A few days after, Quintus Marcius, Aulus Atilius, Publius Cornelius

Lentulus, Servius Cornelius Lentulus, and Lucius Decimius, who were sent

ambassadors to Greece, carried with them one thousand soldiers to

Corcyra; where they divided the troops among them, and settled what

districts they were to visit. Decimius was sent to Gentius, king of

Illyria, with instructions to sound him, as to whether he retained any

regard for former friendship; and even to prevail on him to take part in

the war. The two Lentuluses were sent to Cephallenia that they might

cross over from it into Peloponnesus; and, before the winter, make a

circuit round the western coast. The circuit of Epirus, Ætolia, and

Thessaly is intrusted to Marcius and Atilius; they were directed to take

a view afterwards of Bœotia and Eubœa, and then to pass over to

Peloponnesus, where, by appointment, they were to meet the Lentuluses.

Before they set out on their several routes from Corcyra, a letter was

brought from Perseus, in which he inquired the reason of the Romans

sending troops into Greece, and taking possession of the cities. They

did not think proper to give him any answer in writing; but they told

his messenger, who brought the letter, “for the sake of guarding the

cities themselves.” The Lentuluses, going round the cities of

Peloponnesus, after exhorting all the states, without distinction, as

they had assisted the Romans with fidelity and spirit, first in the war

with Philip, and then in that with Antiochus, to assist them now, in

like manner, against Perseus, heard some murmuring in the assemblies;

for the Achæans were highly offended that they, who, from the very first

rise of the war with Macedon, had given every instance of friendship to

the Romans, and had been open enemies to the Macedonians in the war with

Philip, should be treated on the same footing with the Messenians and

Elians, who had borne arms on the side of Antiochus against the Roman

people, and who, being lately incorporated in the Achæan union, made

heavy complaints, as if they were made over to the victorious Achæans as

a prize.

38. When Marcius and Atilius went up to Gitanæ, a town of Epirus, about

ten miles from the sea, a council of Epirotes being held there, they

were listened to with universal approbation; and they sent thence four

hundred young men of that country to Orestæ, to protect those whom they

had freed from the dominion of the Macedonians. From this place they

proceeded into Ætolia; where, having waited a few days, until a prætor

was chosen, in the room of one who had died, and the election having

fallen on Lyciscus, who was well known to be a friend to the interest of

the Romans, they passed over into Thessaly. The envoys of the

Acarnanians and the exiles of the Bœotians came thither. The

Acarnanians had orders to represent that “whatever offences they had

been guilty of towards the Romans, first in the war with Philip, and

afterwards in that with Antiochus, in consequence of being misled by the

professions of those kings, they had found an opportunity to expiate.

Since in spite of their demerits they had experienced the clemency of

the Roman people, so they would now, by their endeavours to merit

favour, make trial of its generosity.” The Bœotians were upbraided with

having united themselves in alliance with Perseus; but they threw the

blame on Ismenias, the leader of a party, and alleged, that “several

states were drawn into that measure, contrary to their own judgment:” to

which Marcius replied, that “this would appear, as they intended to give

to every one of the states the power of judging for itself.” The council

of the Thessalians was held at Larissa. There too the Thessalians had a

wide field for giving thanks to the Romans for the blessing of liberty

conferred on them; and the ambassadors, because they had been vigorously

assisted by the Thessalians in the wars with Philip and Antiochus. The

feelings of the assembly were acted on by this mutual acknowledgment of

favours to such a degree that they voted every measure which the Romans

wished. Soon after this meeting, ambassadors arrived from king Perseus,

chiefly through reliance on a connexion of hospitality subsisting

between him and Marcius, which had existed between their fathers. The

ambassadors began by reminding him of this bond of amity, and then

requested him to give the king an opportunity of conferring with him.

Marcius answered, that “he had received from his father the same account

of the friendship and hospitable connexion between him and Philip; and

the consideration of that connexion induced him to undertake the present

embassy. That he would not have so long delayed giving the king a

meeting, could it have been done without inconvenience; and that now he

and his colleague would, as soon as it should be in their power, come to

the river Peneus, where the passage was from Omolium to Dium; messengers

being previously sent to announce it to the king.”

39. Perseus, on this, withdrew from Dium into the heart of the kingdom,

having conceived a slight inspiration of hope from the expression of

Marcius, that he had undertaken the embassy out of regard to him. After

a few days they all met at the appointed place. The king’s suite was a

large one, since a crowd of friends attended him, as well as his

body-guards. The ambassadors came with a train not inferior in numbers,

as many accompanied them from Larissa, and also the delegates of many

states, who had met them there, wishing to carry home information on the

positive testimony of what they themselves should hear. All men felt a

strong curiosity to behold a meeting between so powerful a king, and the

ambassadors of the first people in the world. After they came within

sight, on the opposite sides of the river, some time was spent in

sending messengers from one to the other, to settle which of the two

should cross it; for one party thought the compliment due to royal

majesty, the other to the fame of the Roman people, especially as

Perseus had requested the conference. Marcius by a jest roused them from

their delay:—“Let the younger,” said he, “cross over to the elder; the

son to the father:” for his own surname was Philip. The king was easily

persuaded to comply; but then another perplexity arose, about the number

he should bring over with him. He thought it would be proper to be

attended by his whole retinue; but the ambassadors required that he

should either come with three attendants only, or if he brought so great

a band, that he should give hostages that no treachery should be used

during the conference. He accordingly sent as hostages Hippias and

Pantaucus, two of his particular friends, and whom he had sent as

ambassadors. The hostages were demanded not so much to get a pledge of

good faith, as to make it apparent to the allies, that the king did not

meet the ambassadors on a footing of equal dignity. Their salutations

were not like those between enemies, but kind and friendly; and seats

being placed for them, they sat down together.

40. After a short silence, Marcius began thus:—“I suppose you expect us

to give an answer to your letter sent to Corcyra, in which you ask the

reason, why we ambassadors come attended by soldiers, and why we send

garrisons into the cities? To this your question I dread either to

refuse an answer, lest it should appear haughty in me, or to give a true

one, lest, to your ears, it might seem too harsh. But since the person

who infringes a treaty must be reproved, either with words or with

arms, as I could wish that the war against you had been intrusted to any

other rather than to myself, so I will undergo the task, however

disagreeable, of uttering rough language against my friend, as

physicians, when they, for the recovery of health, sometimes apply

painful remedies. The senate is of opinion that, since you came to the

throne, you have acted but in one particular as you ought to have done,

and that is, in sending ambassadors to Rome to renew _the treaty made

with your father,—and yet it would have been better never to have

renewed it_, (they think,) than afterwards to violate it. You expelled

from his throne Abrupolis, an ally and friend of the Roman people. You

gave refuge to the murderers of Artetarus, that it might appear that you

were pleased at his assassination, to say nothing worse; though they put

to death a prince, who, of all the Illyrians, was the most faithful to

the Roman nation. You marched with an army through Thessaly and the

Italian territory to Delphi, contrary to the treaty. You likewise, in

violation of it, sent succours to the Byzantians. You concluded by an

oath a separate alliance with the Bœotians our confederates, which you

had no right to do. As to Eversa and Callicritus, the Theban

ambassadors, who were slain in returning from Rome, I wish rather to

inquire who were their murderers, than to charge any one of the crime.

To whom else than your agents can the civil war in Ætolia, and the

deaths of the principal inhabitants, be imputed? The country of the

Dolopians was ravaged by you in person. King Eumenes, when he was

returning from Rome to his own dominions, was almost butchered, as a

victim, at the altars in consecrated ground, at Delphi, and it grieves

me to know the person whom he accuses. With regard to the secret crimes

which the host at Brundusium states in his communication, I take it for

certain, that all the particulars were written you from Rome, and that

your ambassadors reported them to you. There was one way by which you

might have avoided my speaking of these matters, which was, by not

inquiring why we brought troops into Macedonia, or sent garrisons into

the cities of our allies. When you had asked the question, it would have

been more haughty to keep silence, than to answer according to truth.

Out of regard to the friendship derived to us from our fathers, I am

really disposed to listen favourably to whatever you may say, and wish

that you may afford me some grounds of pleading your cause before the

senate.”

41. To this the king answered,—“A cause which would approve itself good

if tried before impartial judges, I must plead before judges who are at

the same time my accusers. Of the circumstances laid to my charge, some

are of such a nature that I know not whether I ought not to glory in

them; others there are which I would not blush to confess; and others,

which as they are backed by bare assertions, it will be sufficient to

deny. Supposing that I were this day to stand a trial, according to your

laws, what does either the Brundusian informer, or Eumenes, allege

against me that would be deemed a well-founded accusation, and not

rather a malicious aspersion? Had Eumenes (although both in his public

and private capacity he has done many grievous injuries to so many

people) no other enemy than me? Could I not find a better agent for the

perpetration of wickedness than Rammius, whom I had never seen before,

nor had any probability of ever seeing again? Then, I must give an

account of the Thebans, who, it is well known, perished by shipwreck;

and of the death of Artetarus, with regard to whom nothing more is

alleged against me, than that his murderers lived in exile in my

dominions. I will not object to the injustice of this assumption,

provided you will admit it on your side; and will acknowledge that,

whatever exiles have taken refuge in Rome or in Italy, you are

yourselves abettors of the crimes for which they have been condemned. If

you admit not this principle, as other nations will not, neither will I.

In truth, what advantage were it to any one that exile lay within his

grasp, if no where was there room for an exile? As soon however as I

understood from your representations, that those men were in Macedon, I

ordered that search should be made for them, and that they should quit

the kingdom; and I prohibited them for ever from setting foot on my

dominions. These accusations are brought against me as if I were a

criminal pleading my cause; the others affect me as a king, and must

derive their decision from the treaty which exists between you and me.

For if it is thus expressed in that treaty, that even if any one would

wage war against me, I am not permitted to protect my kingdom; I must

then confess I have infringed it, by defending myself with arms against

Abrupolis, an ally of the Roman people. But, on the other hand, if it is

both allowed by the treaty, and is an axiom established by the law of

nations, that arms may be repelled by arms; how, I pray you, ought I to

have acted when Abrupolis had spread devastation over the frontiers of

my kingdom as far as Amphipolis, carried off great numbers of free

persons a vast multitude of slaves, and many thousands of cattle? Ought

I to have lain quiet, and let him proceed until he came in arms to

Pella, into my very palace? But, allowing that I avenged my wrongs in a

just war, yet he ought not to have been subdued, and made to suffer the

evils which occur to the vanquished. Nay, but when I, who was the person

attacked, underwent the hazard of all these, how can he, who was the

cause of the war, complain if they happened to fall upon himself? As to

my having punished the Dolopians by force of arms, I mean not, Romans,

to defend myself in the same manner; because, whether they deserved that

treatment or not, I acted in right of my own sovereign authority: for

they were under my sovereign power and dominion, annexed to my father’s

territories by your decree. Nor, even if I were to give an account of my

conduct, I do not say to you, nor my other confederates, but even to

such as disapprove of a severe and unjust exercise of authority, even

over slaves, would I appear to have carried my severity against them

beyond the limits of justice and equity; for they slew Euphranor, the

governor whom I had set over them, in such a manner, that death was the

slightest of his sufferings.

42. “But, when I proceeded to visit Larissa, Antron, and Pteleos, (that

I might be within a convenient distance to pay vows, due long before,) I

went up to Delphi, in order to offer sacrifice; and here, with the

purpose of aggravating the imputed guilt, it is subjoined, that I went

with an army, with intent to do what I now complain of your doing,—to

seize the towns, and put garrisons in the citadels. Now, call together,

in assembly, the states of Greece, through which I marched; and if any

one person complain of ill treatment, offered by a soldier of mine, I

will not deny that I may appear, under a pretence of sacrificing, to

have had a different object. We sent aid to the Ætolians and Byzantians,

and made a treaty of friendship with the Bœotians. These proceedings, of

whatever nature they may be, have been repeatedly avowed by my

ambassadors; and, what is more, excused before your senate, where I had

several of my judges not so favourable as you, Quintus Marcius, my

paternal friend and guest. But at that time, my accuser, Eumenes, had

not come to Rome; one who, by misrepresenting and distorting every

occurrence, rendered it suspicious and odious, and endeavoured to

persuade you that Greece could not be in a state of freedom, nor enjoy

your kindness, while the kingdom of Macedon subsisted. The wheel will

come round; people will soon be found who will insist, that Antiochus

was in vain removed beyond the mountains of Taurus; that Eumenes is more

burdensome to Asia than Antiochus was; and that your allies can never

enjoy peace so long as there is a palace at Pergamus: for this was

raised as a citadel over the heads of the neighbouring states. Quintus

Marcius and Aulus Atilius, I am aware that the charges which were made

by you, and my reply to them, will have just so much weight as the ears

and the tempers of the hearers are disposed to allow them to have; and

that the question what I have done, or with what intention, is not of so

much importance, as what construction you may put on what has been done.

I am conscious to myself that I have not, knowingly, done wrong; and

that, if I have done any wrong, erring through imprudence, I am capable

of receiving correction and reformation from these reproofs. I have

certainly committed no fault that is incurable, or deserving punishment

by war and plunder: for surely the fame of your clemency and consistency

of conduct, spread over the world, is ill-founded, if, on such causes as

are scarcely deserving of complaint or expostulation, you take up arms

against kings in alliance with you.”

43. As he uttered these words with the apparent approbation of the

ambassadors, Marcius advised him to send ambassadors to Rome, as he

thought it best to try every expedient to the last, and to omit nothing

that might afford any prospect of peace. The consideration still

remained, how the ambassadors might travel with safety; and although, to

this end, it was necessary that the king should ask a truce, which

Marcius wished for, and in fact had no other view in consenting to the

conference, yet he granted it with apparent reluctance, and as a great

favour to the persons requesting it. At that juncture the Romans had not

made sufficient preparations for war; they had no army, no general:

whereas Perseus had every thing prepared and ready; and if a delusive

hope of peace had not blinded his judgment, he might have commenced

hostilities at a time most advantageous to himself and distressing to

his enemies. At the breaking up of this conference, (the truce being

ratified by both parties,) the Roman ambassadors bent their route

towards Bœotia, where great commotions were now beginning; for several

of the states withdrew themselves from the union of the general

confederacy of the Bœotians, from the time that the answer of the

ambassadors was announced, that “it would appear what particular states

were displeased at the formation of the alliance with the king.” First

deputies from Chæronea, then others from Thebes, met the Romans on the

road, and assured them, that they were not present in the council

wherein that alliance was resolved on. The ambassadors, giving them no

answer at the time, ordered that they should go with them to Chalcis. At

Thebes a violent dissension arose out of another contest. The party

defeated in the election of prætors of Bœotia, resolving to revenge the

affront, collected the multitude, and passed a decree at Thebes, that

the new Bœotarchs should not be admitted into the cities. All the

persons thus exiled betook themselves to Thespiæ; being recalled from it

(for they were received there without hesitation) to Thebes, owing to a

change in the minds of the people, they passed a decree that the twelve

persons who, without being invested with public authority, had held an

assembly and council, should be punished by banishment: and afterwards

the new prætor, (he was Ismenias, a man of distinction and power,) by

another decree, condemns them, although absent, to capital punishment.

They had fled to Chalcis; and thence they proceeded to Larissa, to the

Romans, and threw on Ismenias alone the blame of the alliance concluded

with Perseus, asserting that the contest originated in a party dispute;

yet ambassadors from both sides waited on the Romans, as did the exiles,

accusers of Ismenias, and Ismenias himself.

44. When they were all arrived at Chalcis, the chiefs of the other

states, each by a particular decree of their own, renounced the alliance

of Perseus, and joined themselves to the Romans, a circumstance which

gave very great pleasure to the latter. Ismenias recommended, that the

Bœotian nation should be placed under the orders of Rome; on which so

violent a dispute arose, that, if he had not fled for shelter to the

tribunal of the ambassadors, he would not have been far from losing his

life by the hands of the exiles and their abettors. Thebes itself, the

capital of Bœotia, was in a violent ferment, one party struggling hard

to bring the state over to the king, the other to the Romans; and

multitudes had come together, from Coronæ and Haliartus, to support the

decree in favour of Perseus. But by the firmness of the chiefs, (who

desired them to judge, from the defeats of Philip and Antiochus, how

great must be the power and fortune of the Roman empire,) the same

multitude was overcome, and not only resolved that the alliance with the

king should be cancelled, but also, to gratify the ambassadors, sent the

promoters of that alliance to Chalcis; and ordered, that the state

should be recommended to the protection of the Romans. Marcius and

Atilius heard the Thebans with joy, and advised both them and each state

separately to send ambassadors to Rome to renew the treaty. They

required, above all things, that the exiles should be restored; and

condemned by their own decree the advisers of the treaty with the king.

Having thus disunited the members of the Bœotian council, which was

their grand object, they proceeded to Peloponnesus, after summoning

Servius Cornelius to Chalcis. An assembly was summoned to meet them at

Argos, where they demanded nothing more from the Achæans, than the

furnishing of one thousand soldiers, which were sent as a garrison to

defend Chalcis until a Roman army should come into Greece.

45. Marcius and Atilius having finished the business that was to be done

in Greece, returned to Rome in the beginning of winter. An embassy had

been despatched thence, about the same time, into Asia, to the several

islands. The ambassadors were three; Tiberius Claudius, Publius

Postumius, and Marcus Junius. These, making a circuit among the allies,

exhorted them to undertake the war against Perseus, in conjunction with

the Romans; and the more powerful any state was, the more earnestly they

requested them, judging that the smaller states would follow the lead of

the greater. The Rhodians were esteemed of the utmost consequence on

every account; because they could not only countenance the war, but also

assist in it by their own strength, having, pursuant to the advice of

Hegesilochus, forty ships ready for sea. This man being chief

magistrate, whom they call Prytanis, had, by many arguments, prevailed

on the Rhodians to banish the hope of courting the favour of kings,

which they had, in repeated instances, found fallacious; and to maintain

firmly the alliance with Rome (which was the only one in the earth that

could be relied on for strength or honour). He told them, that “a war

was upon the point of breaking out with Perseus: that the Romans would

expect the same naval armament which they had seen lately in that with

Antiochus, and formerly in that with Philip: that they would be hurried,

in the hasty equipment of a fleet, when it ought to be sent at once,

unless they immediately set about the repairing and manning of their

ships: and that they ought to do this with the greatest diligence, in

order to refute, by the evidence of facts, the imputations thrown on

them by Eumenes.” Roused by these arguments, they showed to the Roman

ambassadors, on their arrival, a fleet of forty ships rigged and fitted

out, so that it might appear that they did not require to be urged. This

embassy had great effect in conciliating the affections of the states in

Asia. Decimius alone returned to Rome without effecting any thing, and

disgraced by the suspicion of having received money from the Illyrian

kings.

46. When Perseus, after the conference with the Romans, had retired into

Macedon, he sent ambassadors to Rome to carry on the negotiation for

peace commenced with Marcius, giving them letters, to be delivered at

Byzantium and Rhodes. The purport of the letters to all was the same,

viz. that he had conferred with the Roman ambassadors. What he had heard

from them, and what he had said, was, however, represented in such a

manner that he might seem to have had the advantage in the debate. In

presence of the Rhodians, the ambassadors added, that “they were

confident of a continuation of peace, for it was by the advice of

Marcius and Atilius that they were sent to Rome. But if the Romans

should commence their hostilities, contrary to treaty, it would then be

the business of the Rhodians to labour, with all their power and all

their interest, for the re-establishment of peace; and that, if they

should effect nothing by their mediation, they ought then to take such

measures as would prevent the dominion of the whole world from coming

into the hands of one nation only. That, as this was a matter of general

concern, so it was peculiarly interesting to the Rhodians, as they

surpassed the other states in dignity and power, which must be held on

terms of servility and dependence, if there were no other resource for

redress than the Romans.” Both the letter and the discourse of the

ambassadors were received by the Rhodians with every appearance of

kindness, but by no means exerted any influence in working a change in

their minds, for by this time the best-judging party had the superior

influence. By a public order this answer was given:—that “the Rhodians

wished for peace; but, if war should take place, they hoped that the

king would not expect or require from them any thing that might break

off their ancient friendship with the Romans, the fruit of many and

great services performed on their part both in war and peace.” The

Macedonians, on their way home from Rhodes, visited also the states of

Bœotia. Thebes, Coronæa, and Haliartus; for it was thought that the

measure of abandoning the alliance with the king, and joining the

Romans, was extorted from them against their will. The Thebans were not

influenced by his representations, though they were somewhat displeased

with the Romans, on account of the sentence passed on their nobles, and

the restoration of the exiles; but the Coronæans and Haliartians, out of

a kind of natural attachment to kings, sent ambassadors to Macedon,

requesting the aid of a body of troops to defend them against the

insolent tyranny of the Thebans. To this application the king answered,

that, “on account of the truce concluded with the Romans, it was not in

his power to send troops; but he recommended to them, to guard

themselves against ill-treatment from the Thebans, as far as they were

able, without affording the Romans a pretext for venting their

resentment on him.”

47. When Marcius and Atilius returned to Rome, they reported in the

Capitol the result of their embassy, in such a manner that they assumed

no greater merit for any one matter, than for having overreached the

king by the suspension of arms, and the hope of peace given him; for “he

was so fully provided,” they said, “with every requisite for the

immediate commencement of war, while on their side no one thing was in

readiness, that all the convenient posts might have been preoccupied by

him before an army could be transported into Greece; but, by gaining so

much time by the truce, the Romans would begin the war better provided

with every thing; whereas he would come into the field in no respect

better prepared.” They mentioned, also, that “they had so effectually

disunited by stratagem the members of the Bœotian council, that they

could never again, with any degree of unanimity, connect themselves with

the Macedonians.” A great part of the senate approved of these

proceedings, as conducted with consummate wisdom; but the older members,

and those who retained the ancient simplicity of manners, declared, that

“in the conduct of that embassy, they could discover nothing of the

Roman genius. Their ancestors waged war not by stratagems and attacks in

the night, nor by counterfeiting flight and returning unexpectedly on an

unguarded foe, nor in such a manner as to glory in cunning more than in

real valour. That they were accustomed to proclaim war before they waged

it, that they sometimes appointed the day of battle and marked out the

ground on which they were to fight. That with the same honourable

feeling information was given to king Pyrrhus of his physician plotting

against his life; and, from the same motive, they delivered bound, to

the Faliscians, the betrayer of their children. These were the acts of

the Roman law, not resulting from the craft of Carthaginians or the

subtlety of Greeks, among whom it is reckoned more glorious to deceive

an enemy than to overcome him by force. Sometimes greater present

advantages may be acquired by artifice than by bravery. But an

adversary’s spirit is finally subdued for ever, when the confession has

been extorted from him, that he was vanquished, not by artifice, nor by

chance, but in a just and open war, in a fair trial of strength hand to

hand.” Such were the sentiments of the elder members, to whom this

modern kind of wisdom was displeasing. But that part of the senate who

paid more regard to utility than to honour, prevailed, and passed a vote

approving of Marcius’ conduct in his former embassy; at the same time

ordering that he should be sent again into Greece with some ships, and

with authority to act in other matters as he should judge most conducive

to the public good. They also sent Aulus Atilius to keep possession of

Larissa in Thessaly; fearing lest, on the expiration of the armistice,

Perseus might send troops and secure to himself that metropolis. For the

execution of this, Atilius was ordered to receive from Cneius Sicinius

two thousand infantry. And three hundred soldiers of the Italian race

were given to Publius Lentulus, who had returned from Achaia, that he

should fix his quarters at Thebes, in order that Bœotia might be kept in

obedience.

48. After these preparations were made, the senate, notwithstanding

their determination for war was fixed, yet judged it proper to give

audience to the king’s ambassadors. Their discourse was, principally, a

repetition of what had been urged by Perseus in the conference. The

accusation of laying the ambush against Eumenes was defended with the

greatest care, and yet with the least success, for the thing was

manifest. The rest consisted of apologies: but their hearers were not in

a temper to be either convinced or persuaded. Orders were given them to

quit the city of Rome instantly, and Italy within thirty days. Then

orders were given to Publius Licinius, the consul, to whose lot the

province of Macedon had fallen, to appoint as early as possible the day

for assembling the army. Caius Lucretius, the prætor, whose province was

the fleet, sailed from the city with forty quinqueremes; for it was

judged proper that some of the vessels that were repaired should be kept

at Rome for other exigencies. The prætor sent forward his brother,

Marcus Lucretius, with one quinquereme; ordering him to collect from the

allies the ships due by treaty, and to join the fleet at Cephalonia. He

received from the Rhegians one trireme, from the Locrians two, and from

the Urites four; and then, coasting along the shore of Italy, until he

passed the farthest promontory of Calabria, in the Ionian Sea, he shaped

his course over to Dyrrachium. Finding there ten barks belonging to the

Dyrrachians, twelve belonging to the Issæans, and fifty-four to king

Gentius, affecting to understand that they had been brought thither for

the use of the Romans, he carried them all off, and sailed in three days

to Corcyra, and thence directly to Cephalonia. The prætor Caius

Lucretius set sail from Naples, and, passing the strait, arrived on the

fifth day at Cephalonia. There the fleet halted, waiting until the land

forces should be carried over, and until the transport vessels, which

had been separated from the fleet and scattered over the sea, might

rejoin it.

49. About this time the consul Publius Licinius, after offering vows in

the Capitol, marched out of the city in his military robes. This

ceremony is always conducted with great dignity and solemnity; on this

occasion particularly, it engaged people’s eyes and thoughts in an

unusual degree,—and this, by reason that they escorted the consul

against an enemy formidable and conspicuous both for abilities and

resources. For not only their desire to pay him the customary respect,

but an earnest wish to behold the show, and see the commander, to whose

wisdom and conduct they intrusted the maintenance of the public safety,

brought them together. Then such reflections as these entered their

minds: “How various were the chances of war; how uncertain the issue of

the contest; how variable the success of arms; how frequent the

vicissitudes of losses and successes; what disasters often happened

through the unskilfulness and rashness of commanders; and on the

contrary, what advantages their judgment and valour conferred. What

human being could yet know either the capacity or the fortune of the

consul whom they were sending against the enemy; whether they were

shortly to see him at the head of a victorious army ascending the

Capitol in triumph, to revisit the same gods from whom he now took his

departure, or whether they were to give a like cause of exultation to

their enemies.” Then king Perseus, against whom he was going, had a high

reputation, derived from the great martial character of the Macedonian

nation, and from his father Philip, who, besides many prosperous

achievements, had gained a large share of renown even in his war with

the Romans. Besides too, the name of Perseus himself, which had never

ceased, since his accession to the throne, to be the subject of

conversation, owing to the expectation of the war. Two military

tribunes, of consular rank, Caius Claudius and Quintus Mucius, were sent

with him; and three illustrious young men, Publius Lentulus, and two of

the name of Manlius Acidinus, one the son of Marcus Manlius, the other

of Lucius. With these he went to Brundusium to the army; and sailing

over thence with all his forces, pitched his camp at Nymphæum, in the

territory of Apollonia.

50. A few days before this, Perseus, after the ambassadors returned from

Rome, and cut off every hope of peace, held a council, in which a

contest was carried on for some time between different opinions. Some

were of opinion that he ought to pay a tribute, or even to cede a part

of his dominions, if they should deprive him of that; in short, that he

ought not to refuse, for the sake of peace, whatever must be submitted

to, nor act in such a manner as would expose himself and his kingdom to

such a perilous hazard. For, “if he retained undisputed possession of

the throne, time and the revolution of affairs might produce many

conjunctures, which would enable him not only to recover his losses, but

to become formidable to those whom he now had reason to dread.” A

considerable majority, however, expressed sentiments of a bolder nature.

They insisted that “the cession of any part would be followed by that of

the whole kingdom. The Romans were in want of neither money nor

territory: but they considered that all human affairs, even kingdoms and

empires are subject to many casualties. They had themselves broken the

power of the Carthaginians, and settled in the neighbourhood a very

powerful king, as a yoke on their necks, and had removed Antiochus and

his future successors beyond the mountains of Taurus. There now remained

only the kingdom of Macedonia near in situation, and such as might, if

any where the fortune of Rome should waver, inspire its kings with the

spirit of their forefathers. Perseus therefore ought, while his affairs

were yet in a state of safety, to consider well in his own mind, whether

he should prefer to give up one part of his dominions after another,

until at length, stripped of all power and exiled from his kingdom, he

should be reduced to beg from the Romans either Samothracia or some

other island, where he might grow old in poverty and contempt; or, on

the other hand, armed in vindication of his fortune and his honour, as

is the part of a brave man, either should endure with patience whatever

misfortune the chance of war might bring upon him, or by victory deliver

the world from the tyranny of Rome. There would be nothing more

wonderful in the Romans being driven out of Greece, than in Hannibal’s

being driven out of Italy; nor, in truth, did they see how it could

consist with the character of the prince, to resist with the utmost

vigour his brother, who unjustly aspired to the crown, and, after he had

fairly obtained it himself, surrender it up to foreigners. Lastly, that

war had its vindication as well as peace, so that nothing was accounted

more shameful than to yield up a dominion without a struggle, and

nothing more glorious than for a prince to have experienced every kind

of fortune in the defence of his crown and dignity.”

51. The council was held at Pella, in the old palace of the Macedonian

kings. “Let us then,” Perseus said, “with the help of the gods, wage

war, since that is your opinion;” and, despatching letters to all the

commanders of the troops, he concentrated his entire force at Cytium, a

town of Macedon. He himself, after making a royal offering of one

hundred victims, which he sacrificed to Minerva, called Alcidemos, set

out for Cytium, attended by a band of nobles and guards. All the forces,

both of the Macedonians and foreign auxiliaries, had already assembled

in that place. He encamped them before the city, and drew them all up,

under arms, in order of battle, in a plain. The amount of the whole was

forty-three thousand armed men; of whom about one half composed the

phalanx, and were commanded by Hippias of Berœa; there were then two

thousand selected for their superior strength, and the vigour of their

age, out of the whole number of their shield-bearers: this legion they

called, in their own language, Agema, and the command of them was given

to Leonatus and Thrasippus of Eulyea. Antiphilus of Edessa commanded the

rest of the shield-bearers, about three thousand men. Pæonians, and men

from Parorea and Parstrymonia, (places subject to Thrace,) with Agrians,

and a mixture of some native Thracians, made up the number of about

three thousand men. Didas, the Pæonian, the murderer of young Demetrius,

had armed and embodied these. There were two thousand Gallic soldiers,

under the command of Asclepiodotus; three thousand independent

Thracians, from Heraclea, in the country of the Sintians, had a general

of their own. An equal number nearly of Cretans followed their own

general, Susus of Phalasarna, and Syllus of Gnossus. Leonidas, a

Lacedæmonian, commanded a body of five hundred Greeks, of various

descriptions: this man was said to be of the royal blood, and had been

condemned to exile in a full council of the Achæans on account of a

letter to Perseus, which was intercepted. Lycho, an Achæan, was the

commander of the Ætolians and Bœotians, who did not make up more than

the number of five hundred men. These auxiliaries, composed of so many

states and so many nations, made up about twelve thousand fighting men.

Of cavalry, he had collected from all parts of Macedon, three thousand:

and Cotys, son of Seutha, king of the Odrysian nation, was arrived with

one thousand chosen horsemen, and nearly the same number of foot. The

total number was thirty-nine thousand foot, and four thousand horse.

Most certainly, since the army which Alexander the Great led into Asia,

no king of Macedonia had ever been at the head of so powerful a force.

52. It was now twenty-six years since peace had been granted to the suit

of Philip; and Macedon, having through all that period enjoyed quiet,

was become exceedingly populous, and very many were now grown up, and

become qualified for the duties of the field; and owing to the

unimportant wars with the neighbouring states of Thrace, which had given

them exercise rather than fatigue, were in continual practice of

military service. Besides, a war with Rome having been long meditated

by, first, Philip, and afterwards by Perseus, had effected that all

things should be arranged and prepared. The troops performed some few

movements, but not the regular course of exercise, only that they might

not seem to have stood motionless under arms. He then called them, armed

as they were, to an assembly. He himself stood on his tribunal, with his

two sons, one on each side of him; the elder of whom, Philip, was by

birth his brother, his son by adoption; the younger, named Alexander,

was his son by birth. The king exhorted his troops to a vigorous

prosecution of the war. He enumerated the injuries offered by the Romans

to Philip and himself; told them, that “his father, having been

compelled, by every kind of indignity, to resolve on a renewal of

hostilities, was, in the midst of his preparations for war, arrested by

fate: that ambassadors were sent by himself at the same time that

soldiers were sent to seize the cities of Greece: that then, under the

pretext of re-establishing peace, they spun out the winter, by means of

a fallacious conference, in order to gain time to make their

preparations; that their consul was now coming, with two Roman legions,

containing each six thousand foot and three hundred horse, and nearly

the same number of auxiliaries; and that, should they even be joined by

the troops of Eumenes and Masinissa, yet these could not amount to more

than seven thousand foot and two thousand horse.” He desired them,

“after hearing the number of the enemy’s forces, to reflect on their own

army, how far it excelled both in number and in the qualifications of

the men, a body of raw recruits, enlisted hastily for the present

occasion; whereas they themselves had from childhood been instructed in

the military art, and had been disciplined and inured to toil in a

course of many wars. The auxiliaries of the Romans were Lydians,

Phrygians, and Numidians; while his were Thracians and Gauls, the

bravest nations in the world. Their troops had such arms as each needy

soldier procured for himself; but those of the Macedonians were

furnished out of the royal stores, and had been made with much care at

the expense of his father, in a course of many years. They must bring

their provisions not only from a great distance, but expose them to all

the hazards of the sea; while he, besides his revenue from the mines,

had laid up a store, both of money and food, sufficient for the

consumption of ten years. The Macedonians possessed in abundance every

advantage, in point of preparation, that depended on the kindness of the

gods, or the care of their sovereign: they ought therefore to have the

same daring spirit which their fathers had before them; who, after

subduing all Europe, passed over into Asia, and opened by their arms a

world unknown to fame, and never ceased to conquer until they were

stopped by the Red Sea, and when nothing remained for them to subdue.

But in truth fortune has determined the present struggle to be carried

on, not for the far remote regions of India, but for the possession of

Macedon itself. When the Romans made war on his father, they held out

the specious pretence of liberating Greece; now, they avowedly aimed at

reducing Macedon to slavery, that there might be no king in the

neighbourhood of the Roman empire, and that no nation, renowned in war,

should have the possession of arms; for these must be delivered up to

their imperious masters, together with the king and kingdom, if they

chose to decline a war, and obey their orders.”

53. Notwithstanding that, during the course of his speech, he was

frequently interrupted by the exclamations of the multitude; then truly

such shouts arose from the army, expressing indignation and menaces

against the foe, and urging him to act with spirit, that he put an end

to his discourse. He only ordered them to be ready to march; because it

was reported that the Romans were quitting their camp at Nymphæum; and

then, dismissing the assembly, he went to give audience to deputies from

the several states of Macedon, who were come to offer money and corn, in

proportion to the abilities of each. He gave thanks to all, but

declined their proffers; telling them that the royal stores were

sufficient to answer every purpose. Carriages only were demanded for the

conveyance of the engines, and the vast quantity of missile weapons that

was prepared, with other military implements. He then put his army in

motion, directing his route to Eordea; and after encamping at the lake

Begorites, advanced, next day, into Elimea, to the river Haliacmon. Then

passing the mountains through a narrow defile called Cambunii, he

marched against the inhabitants of the district called Tripolis,

consisting of Azoras, Pythios, and Doliche. These three towns hesitated,

for a little time, because they had given hostages to the Larissæans;

however being overcome by the fear of immediate danger, they

capitulated. He received them with expressions of favour, not doubting

that the Perrhæbians would be induced to follow their example; and

accordingly, on his first arrival he got possession of their city,

without any reluctance being shown on the part of the inhabitants. He

was obliged to use force against Cyretiæ, and was even repulsed the

first day by bodies of armed men, who defended the gates with great

bravery; but on the day following, having assaulted the place with all

his forces, he received their surrender before night.

54. Mylas, the next town, was so strongly fortified, that the

inhabitants, from the hopes of their works being impregnable, had

conceived too great a degree of confidence. Not content with shutting

their gates against the king, they cast insulting reproaches on himself

and on the Macedonians, which behaviour, while it provoked the enemy to

attack them with greater rancour, kindled a greater ardour in themselves

to make a vigorous defence, as they had now no hopes of pardon. During

three days, therefore, the town was attacked and defended with great

spirit. The great number of Macedonians made it easy for them to relieve

each other, and to support the fight by turns; not only wounds, but want

of sleep and continual labour, were wearing out the besieged, who

guarded the walls by day and night. On the fourth day, when the

scaling-ladders were raised on all sides, and one of the gates was

attacked with unusual force, the townsmen, who were beaten off the

walls, ran together to secure the gate, and made a sudden sally. Since

this was the effect rather of inconsiderate rage than of a

well-grounded confidence in their strength, they being few in number,

and worn down with fatigue, were routed by men who were fresh; and

having turned their backs, and fled through the open gate, they allowed

the enemy to enter through it. The city was thus taken, and plundered,

and even the persons of free condition who survived the carnage were

sold. The king, after dismantling and reducing to ashes the greater part

of the town, removed, and encamped at Phalanna; and next day arrived at

Gyrton; but understanding that Titus Minucius Rufus, and Hippias, the

prætor of the Thessalians, had gone into the town with a body of troops,

he passed by, without even attempting a siege, and received the

submission of Elatia and Gonni, whose inhabitants were dismayed by his

unexpected arrival. Both these towns, particularly Gonni, stand at the

entrance of the pass which leads to Tempe; he therefore left the latter

under a strong guard of horse and foot, and fortified it, besides, with

a triple trench and rampart. Advancing to Sycurium, he determined to

wait there the approach of the Romans; at the same time he ordered his

troops to collect corn from all parts of the country subject to the

enemy: for Sycurium stands at the foot of Mount Ossa, the southern side

of which overlooks the plains of Thessaly, and the opposite side

Macedonia and Magnesia. Besides these advantages of situation, the place

enjoys a most healthful air, and a never-failing supply of water, from

the numerous springs which lay around.

55. About the same time the Roman consul, marching towards Thessaly, at

first found the roads of Epirus clear and open; but afterwards, when he

proceeded into Athamania, where the country is rugged, and almost

impassable, with great labour and by short marches he with difficulty

reached Gomphi. If, while he was leading his raw troops through such a

territory, and while both his men and horses were debilitated by

constant toil, the king had attacked him with his army in proper order,

and at an advantageous place and time, the Romans themselves do not deny

that they must have suffered very great loss in an engagement. When they

arrived at Gomphi, without opposition, great contempt of the enemy was

added to their joy at having effected their passage through such a

dangerous road, since they showed such utter ignorance of their own

advantages. The consul, after duly offering sacrifice, and distributing

corn to the troops, halted a few days, to give rest to the men and

horses; and then, hearing that the Macedonians were overrunning

Thessaly, and wasting the country of the allies, he led on to Larissa

his troops, now sufficiently refreshed. Proceeding thence, when he came

within about three miles of Tripolis, (they call the place Scæa,) he

encamped on the river Peneus. In the mean time, Eumenes arrived by sea

at Chalcis, accompanied by his brothers Attalus and Athenæus, (bringing

with him two thousand foot, the command of whom he gave to the latter,)

having left his other brother, Philetærus, at Pergamus to manage the

business of his kingdom. From thence, with Attalus and four thousand

foot and one thousand horse, he came and joined the consul: two thousand

foot were left at Chalcis, of which Athenæus had the command: whither

also arrived parties of auxiliaries from every one of the states of

Greece; but most of them so small that their numbers have not been

transmitted to us. The Apollonians sent three hundred horse and one

hundred foot. Of the Ætolians came a number equal to one cohort, being

the entire cavalry of the nation; and of the Thessalians (all their

cavalry acted separately) not more than three hundred horsemen were in

the Roman camp. The Achæans furnished one thousand young men, armed

mostly in the Cretan manner.

56. In the mean time, Caius Lucretius, the prætor and naval commander at

Cephallenia, having ordered his brother, Marcus Lucretius, to conduct

the fleet along the coast of Malea to Chalcis, went himself on board a

trireme, and sailed to the Corinthian gulf, that he might as early as

possible put the affairs of Bœotia on a proper footing; but the voyage

proved tedious to him, particularly from the weak state of his health.

Marcus Lucretius, on his arrival at Chalcis, when he heard that

Haliartus was besieged by Publius Lentulus, sent a messenger to him,

with an order, in the prætor’s name, to retire from the place. The

lieutenant-general, who had undertaken this enterprise with Bœotian

troops, raised out of the party that sided with the Romans, retired from

the walls. But the raising of this siege only made room for a new one:

for Marcus Lucretius immediately invested Haliartus with troops from on

board the fleet, amounting to ten thousand effective men, and who were

joined by two thousand of the forces of king Eumenes, who were under

Athenæus. Just when they were preparing for an assault, the prætor came

up from Creusa. At the same time, ships sent by the allies arrived at

Chalcis: two Carthaginian quinqueremes, two triremes from Heraclea in

Pontus, four from Chalcedon, a like number from Samos, and also five

quinqueremes from Rhodes. The prætor sent back these to the allies,

because there was no where a naval war. Quintus Marcius also came to

Chalcis with his ships, having taken Alope, and laid siege to Larissa,

called likewise Cremaste. While such was the state of affairs in

Bœotia, Perseus, when, as has been mentioned, he lay encamped at

Sycurium, after collecting the corn from all the adjacent parts, sent a

detachment to ravage the lands of the Pheræans; hoping that the Romans

might be drawn away from their camp to succour the cities of their

allies, and then be caught at a disadvantage. And when he saw that they

were not put in motion by this disorderly expedition, he distributed all

the booty, consisting mostly of cattle of all kinds, among the soldiers,

that they might feast themselves with plenty. The prisoners he kept.

57. Both the consul and the king held councils nearly at the same time,

to determine in what manner they should begin their operations. The king

assumed fresh confidence, from the enemy having allowed him, without

interruption, to ravage the country of the Pheræans: and in consequence,

resolved to advance directly to their camp, and give them no further

time for delay. On the other side, the Romans were convinced that their

inactivity had created a mean opinion of them in the minds of their

allies, who were exceedingly offended that aid was not borne to the

Pheræans. While they were deliberating how they should act, (Eumenes and

Attalus were present in the council,) a messenger in a violent hurry

acquainted them that the enemy were approaching in a great body. On this

the council was dismissed, and an order to take arms instantly issued.

It was also resolved, that in the mean time a party of Eumenes’ troops,

consisting of one hundred horse, and an equal number of javelin-bearers

on foot, should go out to observe the enemy. Perseus, about the fourth

hour of the day, being nearly one thousand paces from the Roman camp,

ordered the body of his infantry to halt and advanced himself in front,

with the cavalry and light infantry, accompanied by Cotys and the other

generals of the auxiliaries. They were less than five hundred paces

distant, when they descried the Roman horse, which consisted of two

cohorts, mostly Gauls, commanded by Cassignatus, and attended by about

one hundred and fifty light infantry, Mysians and Cretans. The king

halted, as he knew not the force of the enemy. He then sent forward two

troops of Thracians, and two of Macedonians, with two cohorts of Cretans

and Thracians. The fight, as the parties were equal in number, and no

reinforcements were sent upon either side, ended without any decided

advantage. About thirty of Eumenes’ men were killed, among whom fell

Cassignatus, general of the Gauls. Perseus then led back his forces to

Sycurium, and the next day, about the same hour, brought up his army to

the same ground, and a number of waggons carrying water followed him;

for the road for twelve miles had no water, and was very full of dust:

and it was apparent that if they came to an engagement on the first view

of the enemy, they would be greatly distressed in the fight by thirst.

When the Romans remained quiet, and even called in the advanced guards

within the rampart; the king’s troops returned to their camp. In this

manner they acted for several days, still hoping that the Roman cavalry

might attack their rear on their retreat, which would bring on a battle;

considering, likewise, that when they had once enticed the Romans to

some distance from their camp, they could, being superior in both

cavalry and light infantry, easily, and in any spot, face about upon

them.

58. After this design did not succeed, the king moved his camp nearer

the enemy, and fortified it at the distance of five miles from the

Romans. From it at the dawn of the next day, having drawn up his line of

infantry on the same ground as before, he led up the whole cavalry and

light infantry to the enemy’s camp. The sight of the dust rising in

great abundance and nearer than usual, caused a great alarm in the Roman

camp; and at first they scarcely believed the person announcing the

circumstance, because during all the preceding days the Macedonians had

never appeared before the fourth hour, and it was now only sun-rise.

Afterwards, when their doubts were removed, by the shouting of great

numbers, and the men running off from the gates, great confusion

ensued. The tribunes, præfects, and centurions hastened to the general’s

quarters, and their soldiers to their several tents. Perseus formed his

troops within less than five hundred paces of the rampart, round a hill,

called Callinicus. King Cotys, at the head of his countrymen, had the

command of the left wing, the light infantry were placed between the

ranks of the cavalry and separated them. On the right wing were the

Macedonian horse, with whose troops the Cretans were intermixed. Milo,

of Berœa, had the command of these last; Meno, of Antigone, that of the

cavalry, and the chief direction of the whole division. Next to the

wings were posted the royal horsemen, and a mixed kind of troops

selected out of the auxiliary corps of many nations; the commanders here

were Patrocles of Antigone, and Didas the governor of Pæonia. In the

centre was the king; and on each side of him the band called Agema, with

the consecrated squadrons of horse; in his front the slingers and

javelin-bearers, each body amounting to four hundred. The command of

these he gave to Ion of Thessalonice, and Timanor, a Dolopian. The

king’s troops were posted in this manner. On the other side, the consul,

drawing up his infantry in a line within the trenches, sent out likewise

all his cavalry and light infantry, which were marshalled on the outside

of the rampart. Caius Licinius Crassus, the consul’s brother, had the

command of the right wing, which consisted of all the Italian cavalry,

with light infantry intermixed. On the left wing, Marcus Valerius

Lævinus commanded the cavalry of the allies, being sent by the states of

Greece, and the light infantry of the same nation; Quintus Mucius, with

a chosen body of cavalry, levied on the emergency, led the centre. In

the front of this body were placed two hundred Gallic horsemen; and of

the auxiliaries of Eumenes, three hundred Cyrtians. Four hundred

Thessalian horse were posted at a little distance, beyond the left wing.

King Eumenes and Attalus, with their whole division, stood on the rear,

between the rear rank and the rampart.

59. Formed in this manner, and nearly equal in numbers of cavalry and

light infantry, the two armies encountered; the fight being begun by the

slingers and javelin-bearers, who preceded the lines. First of all the

Thracians, just like wild beasts which had been long pent up, rushing on

with a hideous yell, fell upon the Italian cavalry in the right wing

with such fury, that even those men who were fortified against fear,

both by experience in war and by their natural courage, were thrown into

disorder. The footmen struck their spears with their swords; sometimes

cut the hams of their horse, and sometimes stabbed them in the flanks.

Perseus, making a charge on the centre, at the first onset routed the

Greeks. When the enemy pressed hard on their rear, the Thessalian

cavalry, who had been posted in reserve at a little distance from the

left wing, clear of the shock, at first mere spectators of the fight,

afterwards, when affairs took this unfortunate turn, were of the utmost

service to the Greeks. For they retreating leisurely, and keeping their

ranks, after they joined the auxiliary troops under Eumenes, in concert

with him afforded a safe retreat between their ranks to the

confederates, who fled in disorder, and as the enemy did not follow in

close bodies, they even had the courage to advance, and by that means

saved many of the flying soldiers who made towards them. Nor did the

king’s troops, who in the ardour of the pursuit had fallen into

confusion, dare to encounter men regularly formed, and marching with a

steady pace. When the king, victorious in the cavalry action, shouted

out “that the war was finished, if they would aid him by even slight

exertions,” the phalanx came up seasonably while he was encouraging his

troops; for Hippias and Leonatus, as soon as they heard of the victory

gained by the horse, without waiting for orders, advanced with all

haste, that they might be at hand to second any spirited design. While

the king, struck with the great importance of the attempt, hesitated

between hope and fear, Evander, the Cretan, who had been employed by him

to waylay king Eumenes at Delphi, after he saw the body of infantry

advancing round their standards, ran up, and warmly recommended, to him,

“not to suffer himself to be so far elated by success, as rashly to risk

his all on a precarious chance, when there was no necessity for it. If

he would content himself with the advantage already obtained, and

proceed no farther that day, he would have it in his power to make an

honourable peace; or if he chose to continue the war, he would be joined

by abundance of allies, who would readily follow fortune.” The king’s

own judgment rather inclined to this plan; wherefore, after commending

Evander, he ordered the standards to be borne back, and the infantry to

return to their camp, and the trumpeters to sound the signal for retreat

to the cavalry. On the side of the Romans there were slain that day two

hundred horsemen, and not less than two thousand footmen; about two

hundred horsemen were made prisoners: but of the king’s, only twenty

horsemen and forty footmen were killed.

60. When the victors returned to their camp, all were full of joy, but

the insolent transports of the Thracians were particularly remarkable;

for on their way back they chanted songs, and carried the heads of the

enemy fixed on spears. Among the Romans there was not only grief arising

from their ill success, but dread lest the enemy should immediately

attack their camp. Eumenes advised the consul to take post on the other

side of the Peneus, that he might have the river as a defence, until the

dismayed troops should recover their spirits. The consul was deeply

struck with the shame of an acknowledgment of fear; yet he yielded to

reason, and leading over his troops in the dead of the night, fortified

a camp on the farther bank. Next day the king advanced with the

intention of provoking the enemy to battle; and on seeing their camp

pitched in safety on the other side of the river, admitted that he had

been guilty of error in not pushing the victory the day before, and of a

still greater fault, in lying idle during the night; for by sending his

light-armed troops, without calling out any of his other soldiers, the

army of the enemy might in a great measure be destroyed, during their

confusion in the passage of the river. The Romans were delivered,

indeed, from any immediate fears, as they had their camp in a place of

safety; but, among many other afflicting circumstances, their loss of

reputation affected them most. In a council held in presence of the

consul, every one concurred in throwing the blame on the Ætolians,

insisting that the panic and flight took place first among them; and

that then the other allied troops of the Grecian states followed their

cowardly example. Five chiefs of the Ætolians, who were said to be the

first persons that turned their backs, were sent to Rome.

61. The Thessalians were publicly commended in a general assembly, and

their commanders even received presents for their good behaviour. The

spoils of the enemies who fell in the engagement were brought to the

king, out of which he made presents,—to some, of remarkable armour, to

some, of horses, and to others he gave prisoners. There were above one

thousand five hundred shields; the coats of mail and breastplates

amounted to more than one thousand, and the number of helmets, swords,

and missile weapons of all sorts was much greater. These spoils, ample

in themselves, were much magnified in a speech which the king made to an

assembly of the troops: he said, “You have given the prestige of victory

to the issue of the war: you have routed the best part of the enemy’s

force, the Roman cavalry, which they used to boast of as invincible.

For, with them, the cavalry is the flower of their youth; the cavalry is

the nursery of their senate; out of them they choose the members of that

body, who afterwards are made their consuls; out of them they elect

their commanders. The spoils of these we have just now divided among

you. Nor have you a less evident victory over their legions of infantry,

who, stealing away in the night through fear of you, filled the river

with all the disorderly confusion of people shipwrecked, swimming here

and there. But it will be easier for us to pass the Peneus in pursuit of

the vanquished, than it was for them in the hurry of their flight; and,

immediately on our passing, we will assault their camp, which we should

have taken this morning if they had not run away. Or if they should

choose to meet us in the field, anticipate the same result in an

infantry action, as took place yesterday when the cavalry were engaged.”

Those troops who had gained the victory, while they bore on their

shoulders the spoils of the enemies whom they had killed, were highly

animated at hearing their own exploits, and, from what had passed,

conceived sanguine hopes of the future; while the infantry, especially

those of the Macedonian phalanx, were inflamed with emulation of the

glory acquired by the others, wishing impatiently for an opportunity to

display their exertions in the king’s service, and to acquire equal

glory from the defeat of the enemy. The king then dismissed the

assembly; and next day, marching thence, pitched his camp at Mopsius, a

hill situate half way between Tempe and Larissa.

62. The Romans, without quitting the bank of the Peneus, removed their

camp to a place of greater safety. Thither came Misagenes, the Numidian,

with one thousand horse, and a like number of foot, besides twenty-two

elephants. The king soon after held a council on the general plan to be

pursued; and as the presumption inspired by the late success had by this

time subsided, some of his friends ventured to advise him to employ his

good fortune as the means of obtaining an honourable peace, rather than

to let himself be so far transported with vain hopes, as to expose

himself to the hazard of an irretrievable misfortune. They observed,

that “to use moderation in prosperity, and not to confide too much in

the calm of present circumstances, was the part of a man of prudence,

who deserved success; and they recommended it to him to send to the

consul, to renew the treaty, on the same terms which his father had

received from Titus Quintius, his conqueror; for the war could never be

terminated in a more glorious manner than by such a memorable battle,

nor could a surer hope of a lasting peace ever occur, than that afforded

by existing circumstances, as they were likely to make the Romans,

dispirited by their defeat, more willing to come to terms. But should

they, with their native obstinacy, spurn reasonable conditions, then

gods and men would bear witness both to the moderation of Perseus, and

to the stubborn pride of the others.” The king’s inclination was never

averse to such measures; therefore this opinion received the approbation

of the majority. The ambassadors sent to the consul had audience in a

full council, summoned for the purpose. They requested that “a peace

might be concluded; promising that Perseus should pay the Romans the

same tribute which Philip had engaged to pay, and should evacuate the

same cities, lands, and places, which Philip had evacuated.” Such were

the proposals of the ambassadors. When they withdrew, and the council

deliberated concerning them, the Roman firmness prevailed in their

determination. So completely was it the practice of that time, to assume

in adversity the countenance of prosperity, and in prosperity to

moderate the temper. They resolved to give this answer: “That peace

should be granted on this condition only; that the king should give to

the senate an entirely unconditional right, of deciding concerning him

and all Macedon.” When the ambassadors brought back this answer, such as

were unacquainted with their usual mode of acting, were astonished at

the obstinate perseverance of the Romans, and most people advised the

king to make no further mention of peace, for “the enemy would soon come

to solicit that which they now disdained when offered.” Perseus feared

this haughtiness, since it proceeded from a confidence in their

strength, and increasing the sum of money, with the hope of purchasing

peace by treasure, did not cease to solicit the mind of the consul.

After the consul made no change in the answer which he had first given,

Perseus, having despaired of peace, returned to Sycurium, from which he

had set out with the intention of trying again the fortune of war.

63. The news of this cavalry action spread through Greece, produced a

discovery of the wishes of the people. For not only those who professed

an attachment to the Macedonians, but the generality, who were bound to

the Romans under the weightiest obligations, and some who had even felt

the power and haughty behaviour of the Macedonians, received the account

with joy; and that for no other cause, than out of an evil passion which

the mob displays, even in contests of sports, of favouring the worse and

weaker party. Meanwhile, in Bœotia, the prætor, Lucretius, pushed the

siege of Haliartus with all imaginable vigour. And although the besieged

had no foreign aid, except some young Coronæans, who had come into the

town at the beginning of the siege, and were without hope of relief, yet

they maintained the defence with courage beyond their strength. For they

made frequent irruptions against the works; and when the ram was

applied, they crushed it to the ground, by dropping on it a mass of

lead; and whenever those who worked the engine avoided the blow by

changing its position, the besieged by working in masses, and collecting

stones out of the rubbish, quickly erected a new wall in the room of

that which had been demolished. The prætor, when the progress by

machines was too slow, ordered scaling-ladders to be distributed among

the companies, resolving to make a general assault on the walls. He

thought the number of his men sufficient for this, and the more so

because on one side of the city, which is bounded by a morass, it would

neither be useful nor practicable to form an attack. Lucretius himself

led two thousand chosen men to a place where two towers, and the wall

between them, had been thrown down; hoping that, while he endeavoured to

climb over the ruins, and the townsmen crowded thither to oppose him,

the walls, being left defenceless, in some part or other might be taken

by escalade. The besieged were not remiss in preparing to repel his

assault; for, on the ground, overspread with the rubbish, they placed

faggots of dry bushes, and standing with burning torches in their hands,

they often threatened to set them on fire, in order that, being covered

from the enemy by the smoke and flames, they might have time to throw up

a wall in the inside. But a casualty prevented this plan from

succeeding; for there fell suddenly such a quantity of rain, as hindered

the faggots from being kindled; thus a passage was laid open by drawing

the smoking faggots aside; and while all were attending to the defence

of one particular spot, the walls were mounted by escalade in many

places at once. In the first tumult of storming the town the old men and

children, whom chance threw in the way, were put to the sword

indiscriminately, while the men who carried arms fled into the citadel.

Next day, these, having no remaining hope, surrendered, and were sold by

public auction. Their number was about two thousand five hundred. The

ornaments of the city, consisting of statues and pictures, with all the

valuable booty, were carried off to the ships, and the city was razed to

the ground. The prætor then led his army into Thebes, which fell into

his hands without a dispute; when he gave the city in possession to the

exiles, and the party that sided with the Romans; and sold, as slaves,

the families of those who were of the opposite faction, and favoured the

king and the Macedonians. After performing these acts in Bœotia, he

returned to the sea-coast to his fleet.

64. Whilst these events were taking place in Bœotia, Perseus lay a

considerable time encamped at Sycurium. Having learned there that the

Romans were busily employed in collecting corn from all the adjacent

grounds, and that when it was brought in, they cut off the ears with

sickles, each before his own tent, in order that he might thresh it the

cleaner, and had by this means formed large heaps of straw in all

quarters of the camp: he, supposing that he might set it on fire,

ordered torches, faggots, and bundles of tow, dipped in pitch, to be got

ready; and thus prepared, he began his march at midnight, that he might

make the attack at the first dawn, and without discovery. But his

stratagem was frustrated: the advanced guards, who were surprised,

alarmed the rest of the troops by the tumult and terror among them:

orders were given to take arms with all speed, and the soldiers were

instantly drawn up on the rampart and at the gates in readiness to

defend the camp. Perseus immediately ordered his army to face about; the

baggage to go foremost, and the battalions of foot to follow, while

himself, with the cavalry and light infantry, kept behind, in order to

cover the rear; for he expected, what indeed happened, that the enemy

would pursue and harass his rear. There was a short scuffle between the

light infantry, mostly in skirmishing parties. The infantry and cavalry

returned to their camp, without any disturbance. After reaping all the

corn in that quarter, the Romans removed into the territory of Cranno,

which was yet untouched. While they were encamped there, deeming

themselves secure on account of the distance between the camps, and the

difficulty of the march, through a country as destitute of water as was

that between Sycurium and Cranno, the king’s cavalry and light infantry

appeared suddenly, at the dawn of day, on the nearest hills, and caused

a violent alarm. They had marched from Sycurium at noon the preceding

day, and had left their infantry at the dawn in the next plain. Perseus

stood a short time on the hills, in expectation that the Romans might be

induced to come to a cavalry action; but after they did not move, he

sent a horseman to order the infantry to return to Sycurium, and he

himself soon followed. The Roman horse pursued at a small distance, in

expectation of being able to attack such as might disperse and separate;

but seeing them retreat in close order, and attentive to their standards

and ranks, they desisted, and returned to their camp.

65. The king, disliking the length of the march, removed his camp from

Sycurium to Mopsilum; and the Romans, having cut down all the corn about

Cranno, marched into the lands of Phalanna. When Perseus learnt from a

deserter that they carried on their reaping there, without any armed

guard, straggling at random through the fields, he set out with one

thousand horsemen and two thousand Thracians and Cretans, and after

marching with all the speed that he possibly could, unexpectedly fell on

the Romans. Nearly a thousand carts, with horses harnessed to them, most

of them loaded, were seized, and about six hundred men were taken. The

charge of guarding this booty, and conducting it to the camp, he gave

to a party of three hundred Cretans, and calling in the rest of his

infantry and the cavalry who were spread about, killing the enemy, he

led them against the nearest station, thinking that it might be

overpowered without much difficulty. Lucius Pompeius, a military

tribune, was in command; who led his men, who were dismayed by the

sudden approach of the enemy, to a hill at a little distance, hoping to

defend himself by means of the advantage of the ground, as he was

inferior in number and strength. There he collected his men in a

circular body, that, by closing their shields, they might guard

themselves from arrows and javelins; on which Perseus, surrounding the

hill with armed men, ordered a party to strive to climb it on all sides,

and come to close fighting, and the rest to throw missile weapons

against them from a distance. The Romans were environed with dangers, in

whatever manner they acted; for they could not fight in a body, on

account of the enemy who endeavoured to mount the hill; and, if they

broke their ranks in order to skirmish with these, they were exposed to

the arrows and javelins. They were galled most severely by the

Cestrospendana. A dart, two palms in length, was fixed to a shaft, half

a cubit long, and of the thickness of a man’s finger; round this, which

was made of pine, three feathers were tied, as is commonly done with

arrows. To throw this they used a sling, which had two beds, unequal in

size and in the length of the strings. When the weapon was balanced in

these, and the slinger whirled it round by the longer string and

discharged it, it flew with the rapid force of a leaden bullet. When one

half of the soldiers had been wounded by these and other weapons of all

kinds, and the rest were so fatigued that they could hardly bear the

weight of their arms, the king pressed them to surrender, assured them

of safety, and sometimes promised them rewards; but not one could be

prevailed on to yield; and hope now dawned on them determined to die.

For when some of the foragers, fleeing back to the camp, had announced

to the consul that the party was surrounded; alarmed for the safety of

such a number of his countrymen, (for they were near eight hundred, and

all Romans,) he set out with the cavalry and light infantry, joined by

the newly arrived Numidian auxiliaries, horse, foot, and elephants, and

ordered the military tribunes, that the battalions of the legions should

follow. He himself, having strengthened the light-armed auxiliaries

with his own light infantry, hastened forward at their head to the hill.

He was accompanied by Eumenes, Attalus, and the Numidian prince,

Misagenes.

66. When the standards of the Romans first came in sight of the

surrounded troops, their spirits were raised from the depth of despair.

Perseus’s best plan would have been to have contented himself with his

accidental good fortune, in having killed and taken so many of the

foragers, and not to have wasted time in attacking this detachment of

the enemy; or, after he had engaged in the attempt, as he was sensible

that he had not a proper force with him, to have gone off, while he

might, with safety; instead of which, intoxicated with success, he

waited for the arrival of the enemy, and sent messengers in haste to

bring up the phalanx, which would have been too late for the emergency.

The men must have engaged in all the disorder of a hurried march,

against troops duly formed and prepared. The consul, arriving first,

proceeded instantly to action. The Macedonians, for some time made

resistance; afterwards, when they were equal to their enemies in no

respect, having lost three hundred foot, and twenty-four of the best of

their horse, of what they call the Sacred Cohort, (among whom fell

Antimachus, who commanded that body,) they endeavoured to retreat: but

this march back was more disorderly and confused than the battle itself.

When the phalanx, being summoned by a hasty order, was marching at full

speed, it met first, in a narrow pass, the carts laden with corn, with

the mass of prisoners. These they put to the sword, and both parties

suffered great annoyance; but none waited till the troops might pass in

some sort of order, but the soldiers tumbled the loads down a precipice,

which was the only possible way to clear the road, and the horses, when

they were goaded, pushed furiously through the crowd. Scarcely had they

disentangled themselves from the disorderly throng of the prisoners,

when they met the king’s party and the discomfited horsemen. And now the

shouts of the men, calling to their comrades to go back, raised a

consternation not unlike a total rout; insomuch, that if the enemy had

ventured to enter the defile, and carry the pursuit a little farther,

they might have done them very great damage. But the consul, when he had

relieved his party from the hill, content with that moderate share of

success, led back his troops to the camp. There are writers who state

that a general engagement took place that day, in which eight thousand

of the enemy were killed, among whom were Sopater and Antipater, two of

the king’s generals, and about two thousand eight hundred taken, with

twenty-seven military standards; and that it was not a bloodless

victory, for that above four thousand three hundred fell, and five

standards of the left wing of the allies were lost.

67. This day revived the spirits of the Romans, and struck Perseus with

dismay: to such a degree that, after staying at Mopsilum a few days,

chiefly out of anxiety to bury his dead, he left a very strong garrison

at Gonnus, and led back his army into Macedon. He left Timotheus, one of

his generals, with a small party at Phila, ordering him to endeavour to

gain the affection of the Magnesians, by his proximity to them. On his

arrival at Pella, he sent his troops to their winter quarters, and

proceeded with Cotys to Thessalonica. There an account was received that

Atlesbis, a petty prince of Thrace, and Corragus, an officer belonging

to Eumenes, had made an inroad into the dominions of Cotys, and seized

on the district called Marene. Supposing, therefore, that he must send

Cotys home to defend his own territories, he honoured him at his

departure with very magnificent presents, and paid to his cavalry two

hundred talents,[83] which was but half a year’s pay, though he had

agreed to give them the pay of a whole year. The consul, hearing that

Perseus had left the country, marched his army to Gonnus, in hopes of

being able to take that town: which standing directly opposite to the

pass of Tempe, at its entrance, serves as the safest barrier to Macedon,

and renders a descent into Thessaly easy. But the city, from the nature

of its situation and the strength of the garrison, was impregnable; he

therefore gave up the design, and turning his route to Perrhæbia, having

taken Mallæa at the first assault, he demolished it; and after reducing

Tripolis, and the rest of Perrhæbia, returned to Larissa. From that

place he sent home Eumenes and Attalus, and quartered Misagenes and his

Numidians, for the winter, in the nearest towns of Thessaly. One half of

his army he distributed through Thessaly, in such a manner that all had

commodious winter quarters, and served at the same time as a defence to

the cities. He sent Quintus Mucius, lieutenant-general, with two

thousand men, to secure Ambracia, and dismissed all the allied troops

belonging to the Grecian states, except the Achæans. With the other half

of his army he marched into the Achæan Phthiotis; where, finding Pteleum

deserted by the inhabitants, he levelled it to the ground. He received

the voluntary surrender of Antron, and he then marched against Larissa:

this city was likewise deserted, the whole multitude taking refuge in

the citadel, to which he laid siege. First the Macedonians, who

constituted the king’s garrison, withdrew through fear; and then the

townsmen, on being abandoned by them, surrendered immediately. He then

hesitated whether he should first attack Demetrias, or take a view of

affairs in Bœotia. The Thebans, being harassed by the Coronæans, pressed

him to go into Bœotia; wherefore, in compliance with their entreaties,

and because that country was better adapted for winter quarters than

Magnesia, he led his army thither.