Book XLII.

_Quintus Fulvius Flaccus, the censor, spoiled the temple of Juno at

Lacinium of the marble tiles, to roof a temple which he was

dedicating. The tiles were returned by a decree of the senate.

Eumenes, the king of Asia, complained before the senate of Perseus,

the king of Macedon; the outrages of the latter are laid before the

Roman people. And when a war was proclaimed against him on account

of these, Publius Licinius Crassus, the consul to whom it was

intrusted, passed over into Macedon, and in trifling expeditions

and cavalry actions, fought with Perseus in Thessaly, by no means

successfully. An arbiter was appointed by the senate to decide

concerning land disputed between Masinissa and the Carthaginians.

Ambassadors were sent to request of the allied states and kings,

that they would abide by their agreements, as the Rhodians wavered.

The lustrum was closed by the censors. Two hundred and fifty-seven

thousand two hundred and thirty-one citizens were rated. It

includes besides, the successes gained over the Corsicans and

Ligurians._

1. When Lucius Postumius Albinus and Marcus Popilius Lænas brought

before the senate first of all the distribution of the provinces,

Liguria was assigned the joint province of both, with directions that

they should enlist new legions, by which they would hold that province

(two were decreed to each); and also ten thousand foot and six hundred

horse of the Latin confederates; and as a supplement to the army in

Spain, three thousand Roman foot and two hundred horse. One thousand

five hundred Roman foot and one hundred horse were ordered to be raised;

with which the prætor, to whose lot Sardinia might fall, should cross

over to Corsica, and carry on the war there; and it was further ordered,

that in the mean time the former prætor, Marcus Atilius, should obtain

the province of Sardinia. The prætors then cast lots for their

provinces. Aulus Atilius Serranus obtained the city jurisdiction; Caius

Cluvius Saxula, that between natives and foreigners; Numerius Fabius

Buteo, Hither Spain; Marcus Matienus, Farther Spain; Marcus Furius

Crassipes, Sicily; and Caius Cicereius, Sardinia. The senate resolved

that, before the magistrates went abroad, Lucius Postumius should go

into Campania, to fix the bounds between the lands which were private

property and those which belonged to the public; for it was understood

that individuals, by gradually extending their bounds, had taken

possession of a very considerable share of the common lands. He, being

enraged with the people of Præneste because, when he had gone thither as

private individual to offer sacrifice in the temple of Fortune, no

honour had been paid him, either in public or private, by the people of

Præneste, before he set out from Rome, sent a letter to Præneste,

ordering the chief magistrate to meet him, and to provide him lodging at

the public expense; and that, at his departure, cattle should be ready

to carry his baggage. No consul before him ever put the allies to any

trouble or expense whatever. Magistrates were furnished with mules,

tents, and every other requisite for a campaign, in order that they

might not make any such demands. They had private lodgings, in which

they behaved with courtesy and kindness, and their houses at Rome were

always open to their hosts with whom they used to lodge. Ambassadors

indeed sent to any place, on a sudden emergency, demanded each a single

horse in the several towns through which their journey lay; but the

allies never contributed any other portion of the expense of the Roman

magistrates. The resentment of the consul, which, even if well founded,

ought not to have been exerted during his office, and the too modest or

too timid acquiescence of the Prænestines, gave to the magistrates, as

if by an approved precedent, the privilege of imposing orders of this

sort, which grew more burdensome daily.

2. In the beginning of this year the ambassadors, who had been sent to

Ætolia and Macedon, returned, and reported that “they had not been able

to obtain an interview with Perseus, as some of his court said that he

was abroad, others that he was sick; both of which were false pretences.

Nevertheless, that it was quite evident that war was in preparation, and

that he would no longer put off the appeal to arms. That in Ætolia,

likewise, the dissensions grew daily more violent; and the leaders of

the contending parties were not to be restrained by their authority.” As

a war with Macedon was daily expected, the senate resolved, that before

it broke out all prodigies should be expiated, and the favour of such

gods, as should be found expressed in the books of the Fates, invoked by

supplications. It was said that at Lanuvium the appearance of large

fleets was seen in the air; that at Privernum black wool grew out of the

ground; that in the territory of Veii, at Remens, a shower of stones

fell; and that the whole Pomptine district was covered with clouds of

locusts; also that in the Gallic province, where a plough was at work,

fishes sprung up from under the earth as it was turned. On account of

these prodigies the books of the Fates were accordingly consulted, and

the decemvirs directed both to what gods and with what victims,

sacrifices should be offered; likewise that a supplication should be

performed, in expiation of the prodigies; and also that another, which

had been vowed in the preceding year for the health of the people,

should be celebrated, and likewise a solemn festival. Accordingly,

sacrifices were offered in accordance with the written directions of the

decemvirs.

3. In the same year, the temple of Juno Lacinia was uncovered. Quintus

Fulvius Flaccus, the censor, was erecting a temple to Equestrian

Fortune, which he had vowed when prætor during the Celtiberian war, with

anxious desire that it should not be surpassed by any other at Rome,

either in size or magnificence. Thinking that he would add a very great

ornament to this temple if the tiles were marble, he went to Bruttium,

and stripped, off about the half of those belonging to the temple of the

Lacinian Juno; for he computed that so many would be sufficient to cover

the one he was building. Ships were in readiness to take on board the

materials, while the allies were deterred by the authority of the censor

from preventing the sacrilege. When the censor returned, the marble was

landed and carried to the temple; but though he made no mention of the

place from which it was brought, yet such an affair could not be

concealed. Accordingly, considerable murmuring arose in the senate; from

all sides of the house a demand was made that the consuls should lay

that matter before the senate. When the censor, on being summoned,

appeared in the senate-house, they all, both separately and in a body,

inveighed against him with great asperity. They cried out that “he was

not content with violating the most venerable temple in all that part

of the world, a temple which neither Pyrrhus nor Hannibal had violated;

but he had stripped it shamefully, and almost demolished it. Though

created censor for the purpose of regulating men’s manners, and bound in

duty, according to long-established rules, to enforce the repairing of

edifices for public worship, and the keeping them in due order, he had

nevertheless gone about through the cities of the allies, stripping the

roofs of their sacred buildings, and even demolishing them. In a word,

what might be deemed scandalous if practised on private houses, he

committed against the temples of the immortal gods; and that he involved

the Roman people in the guilt of impiety, building temples with the

ruins of temples; as if the deities were not the same in all places, but

that some should be decorated with the spoils of others.” When it was

evident what were the sentiments of the senators, before their opinion

was asked; when the question was put, they unanimously concurred in

voting, that a contract should be entered into for carrying the tiles

back to the temple, and that atonements should be offered to Juno. What

regarded the atonements was carefully executed; the contractors made a

report that they were obliged to leave the marble in the court of the

temple, because no workman could be found who knew how to replace the

same.

4. Of the prætors who set out for the provinces, Numerius Fabius, on his

way to Hither Spain, died at Marseilles. Therefore when this was

announced by envoys from Marseilles, the senate resolved that Publius

Furius and Cneius Servilius, to whom successors had been sent, should

cast lots to determine which of them should hold the government of

Hither Spain, with a continuation of authority; and the lot determined,

very fortunately, that Publius Furius, whose province it had formerly

been, should continue. During the same year, on its appearing that large

tracts of land in Gaul and Liguria, which had been taken in war, lay

unoccupied, the senate passed a decree, that those lands should be

distributed in single shares; and Aulus Titilius, city prætor, in

pursuance of the said decree, appointed ten commissioners for that

Purpose, namely, Marcus Æmilius Lepidus, Caius Cassius, Titus Æbutius

Carus, Caius Tremellius, Publius Cornelius Cethegus, Quintus and Lucius

Appuleius, Marcus Cæcilius, Caius Salonius, and Caius Munatius. They

apportioned ten acres to each Roman, and three to each Latin colonist.

During the same time in which these transactions took place, ambassadors

came to Rome from Ætolia with representations of the quarrels and

dissensions subsisting in that country; likewise Thessalian ambassadors,

announcing the transactions in Macedon.

5. Perseus, revolving in his mind the war, which had been resolved on

during the life-time of his father, endeavoured, by sending embassies,

and by promising a great deal more than he performed, to attach to

himself not only the commonwealth of Greece, but also each particular

state. However the feelings of the majority were inclined in his favour,

and much better disposed towards him than Eumenes, although all the

states of Greece, and most of the leading men, were under obligations to

the latter for benefits and gifts; and although he so conducted himself

in his sovereignty, that the cities which were under his dominion would

not exchange their condition for that of any free state. On the

contrary, there was a general report that Perseus, after his father’s

death, had killed his wife with his own hand; that Apelles, formerly the

agent of his treachery in the destruction of his brother, and on that

account sought anxiously by Philip, for punishment, being in exile, was

invited by him, after the death of his father, by great promises, to

receive a guerdon for rendering so important services, and was secretly

put to death. Although he had rendered himself infamous by many other

murders, both of his own relations and of others, and possessed not one

good quality to recommend him, yet the Grecian states in general gave

him the preference to Eumenes who was so affectionate towards his

relations, so just toward his subjects, and so liberal towards all

mankind; either because they were so prejudiced by the fame and dignity

of the Macedonian kings, as to despise a kingdom lately formed, or were

led by a wish for a change in affairs, and wished him to be exposed to

the arms of the Romans. The Ætolians were not the only people in a state

of distraction, on account of the intolerable burden of their debts: the

Thessalians were in the same situation; and the evil, acting by

contagion like a pestilence, had spread into Perrhæbia also. As soon as

it was known that the Thessalians were in arms, the senate sent Appius

Claudius, as ambassador, to examine and adjust their affairs. He

severely reprimanded the leaders of both parties; and after cancelling

so much of the debts as had been accumulated by iniquitous usury, which

he did with the consent of the greater part of the creditors themselves,

he ordered the remaining just debts to be discharged by annual payments.

Affairs in Perrhæbia were arranged in the same manner by the same

Appius. In the mean time, Marcellus, at Delphi, gave a hearing to the

disputes of the Ætolians, which they maintained with no less hostile

acrimony than they had shown against each other in the heat of their

civil war. Perceiving that they vied with each other in inconsiderate

violence, he did not choose to make any determination, to lighten or

aggravate the grievances of either party, but required of both alike to

cease from hostilities, and, forgetting what was past, to put an end to

their quarrels. The good faith of the mutual reconciliation was

confirmed by a reciprocal exchange of hostages.

6. Corinth was agreed upon as the place where the hostages should be

lodged. Marcellus crossed over from Delphi, and the Ætolian council,

into Peloponnesus, where lie had summoned a diet of the Achæans. There,

by the praises which he bestowed on that nation, for having resolutely

maintained their old decree, which prohibited the admission of the

Macedonian kings within the limits of their territories, he manifested

the inveterate hatred of the Romans towards Perseus; and this hatred

broke out into effect the sooner, in consequence of king Eumenes coming

to Rome, and bringing with him a written statement of the preparations

made for war, which he had drawn up, after a full inquiry into every

particular. Five ambassadors were now sent to the king, in order to take

a view of affairs in Macedon. The same were ordered to proceed to

Alexandria to Ptolemy, to renew the treaty of friendship. These were

Caius Valerius, Cneius Lutatius Cerco, Quintus Bæbius Sulca, Marcus

Cornelius Mammula, and Marcus Cæcilius Denter. About the same time, came

ambassadors from king Antiochus; and the principal of them, called

Apollonius, being admitted to an audience of the senate, presented, on

behalf of his king, many and reasonable apologies for paying the tribute

later than the day appointed. “He now brought,” he said, “the whole of

it, that the king might require no favour except the delay of time. He

brought besides a present of gold vases, in weight five hundred pounds.

Antiochus requested, that the treaty of alliance and amity, which had

been made with his father, might be renewed with him; and that the Roman

people might demand from him every service which might be required from

a king who was a good and faithful ally: that he would never be remiss

in the performance of any duty. Such had been the kindness of the senate

towards him when he was at Rome, such the courtesy of the young men,

that, among all ranks of men, he was treated as a sovereign, not as a

hostage.” A gracious answer was returned to the ambassadors, and Aulus

Atilius, city prætor, was ordered to renew with Antiochus the alliance

formerly made with his father. The city quæstors received the tribute,

and the censors the golden vases; and the business of placing them in

whatever temples they should judge proper, was assigned to them. One

hundred thousand _asses_[81] were presented to the ambassador, and a

house at the public cost was given him for his accommodation, and it was

ordered that his expenses should be paid as long as he would remain in

Italy. The ambassadors, who had been in Syria, represented him as

standing in the highest degree of favour with the king, and a very warm

friend to the Roman people.

7. The following were the events in the provinces during this year.

Caius Cicereius, prætor in Corsica, fought the enemy in a pitched

battle, in which seven thousand of the Corsicans were slain, and more

than one thousand seven hundred taken. During the engagement the prætor

vowed a temple to Juno Moneta. Peace was then granted to the Corsicans,

on their petitioning for it, and a contribution was imposed, of two

hundred thousand pounds’ weight of wax. Cicereius crossed over from

Corsica, which he had reduced to subjection, to Sardinia. In Liguria,

also, a battle was fought in the territory of Satiella, at the town of

Carystas. A large army of Ligurians had assembled there, who, for some

time after Marcus Popilius’ arrival, kept themselves within the walls;

but afterwards, when they perceived that the Roman general would lay

siege to the town, they marched out beyond the gates, and drew up in

order of battle. The consul did not decline an engagement, as that was

the object which he endeavoured to gain by threatening a siege. The

fight was maintained for more than three hours, in such a manner, that

the hope of victory leaned to neither side; but when the consul

perceived that the Ligurian battalions no where gave ground, he ordered

the cavalry to mount their horses, and charge in three places at once,

with all possible violence. A great part of the horse broke through the

middle of the enemy’s line, and made their way to the rear of the troops

engaged, owing to which manœuvre, terror was struck into the Ligurians.

They fled in different directions on all sides. Very few ran back into

the town, because in that quarter, chiefly, the cavalry had thrown

themselves in their way. So obstinate a contest swept off great numbers

of the Ligurians, and many perished in the flight; ten thousand of them

are said to have been killed, and more, than seven hundred taken, in

various places; besides which, the victors brought off eighty-two of

their military standards. Nor was the victory gained without loss of

blood; above three thousand of the conquerors fell in the conflict; for

as neither party gave way, the foremost on both sides were cut off.

8. When the Ligurians re-assembled in one body, after their scattered

flight, they found that a much greater number of their countrymen were

lost than left alive (for there were not above ten thousand men

surviving); on which they surrendered. They did not stipulate for any

terms, yet entertained hopes that the consul would not treat them with

greater severity than former commanders. But he immediately took their

arms from them, razed their town, and sold themselves and their effects;

and he then sent a letter to the senate, relating the services which he

had performed. When Aulus Atilius, the prætor, read this letter in the

council, (for the other consul, Postumius, was absent, being employed in

surveying the lands in Campania,) the proceeding appeared to the senate

in a heinous light; “that the people of Satiella, who alone, of all the

Ligurian nation, had not borne arms against the Romans, should be

attacked, when not offering hostilities, and even after surrendering

themselves in dependence on the protection of the Roman people, should

be butchered and exterminated, that so many thousands of innocent

persons suffering, who had implored the protection of the Roman people,

established the worst possible precedent, calculated to deter any one

from ever venturing to surrender to them; dragged as the were away into

various parts of the country, and made slaves to those who were formerly

the avowed enemies of Rome, though now reduced to quiet. That for these

reasons the senate ordered, that the consul, Marcus Popilius, should

reinstate the Ligurians in their liberty, repaying the purchase-money to

the buyers, and should likewise use his best endeavours to recover and

restore their effects. That arms should be made for them, as soon as

possible; and that the consul should not depart from his province before

he restored to their country the Ligurians that had surrendered. That

victory derived its lustre from conquering the enemy in arms, not from

cruelty to the vanquished.”

9. The consul exerted the same ferocious spirit in disobeying the

senate, which he displayed towards the Ligurians. He immediately sent

the legions into winter quarters at Pisæ, and, full of resentment

against the senators and the prætor, went home to Rome; where, instantly

assembling the senate in the temple of Bellona, he used many invectives

against the prætor, who, “when he ought to have proposed to the senate

that thanksgiving should be offered to the immortal gods, on account of

the happy successes obtained by the Roman arms, had procured a decree of

the senate against him, in favour of the enemy, by which he might

transfer his victory to the Ligurians; and, though only a prætor, he had

ordered the consul, in a manner, to be surrendered to them: he therefore

gave notice, that he would sue to have him fined. From the senate he

demanded, that they should order the decree of the senate passed against

him to be cancelled; and that the thanksgiving, which they, though they

were far from him, ought to have voted on the authority of his letter,

sent from abroad, with an account of the success of the arms of the

commonwealth, should, now when he was present, be voted; first, in

consideration of the honour due to the immortal gods, and next, out of

some kind of regard to himself.” Being censured to his face no less

severely than in his absence, in the speeches of several of the

senators, and having obtained neither request, he returned to his

province. The other consul, Postumius, after spending the whole summer

in surveying the lands, without even seeing his province, came home to

Rome to hold the elections. He appointed Caius Popillius Lænas and

Publius Ælius Ligus, consuls. Then Caius Licinius Crassus, Marcus Junius

Pennus, Spurius Lucretius, Spurius Cluvius, Cneius Sicinius, and Caius

Memmius, a second time, were elected prætors.

10. The lustrum was closed this year. The censors were Quintus Fulvius

Flaccus and Lucius Postumius Albinus, the latter of whom performed the

ceremony. In this survey were rated two hundred and sixty-nine thousand

and fifteen Roman citizens. The number was considerably less, because

the consul Lucius Postumius, gave public orders, in assembly, that none

of the Latin allies (who, according to the edict of the consul, Caius

Claudius, ought to have gone home) should be surveyed at Rome, but all

of them in their respective countries. Their censorship was conducted

with perfect harmony and zeal for the public good. They disfranchised

and degraded from their tribes every one whom they expelled the senate,

or from whom they took away his horse; nor did either approve a person

censured by the other. Fulvius, at this time, dedicated the temple of

Equestrian Fortune, which he had vowed six years before, and when

proconsul in Spain, during the battle with the Celtiberians; he also

exhibited stage-plays, which lasted four days, in one of which the

performance was in the circus. Lucius Cornelius Lentulus, decemvir in

religious matters, died this year, and Aulus Postumius Albinus was

substituted in his room. Such great crowds of locusts were suddenly

brought by the wind over the sea into Apulia, that they covered the

country far and wide with their swarms. In order to remove this pest, so

destructive to the fruits of the earth, Caius Sicinius, prætor elect,

was sent in command, with a vast multitude of people assembled, to

gather them up, and spent a considerable time in that business. The

beginning of the year in which Caius Popillius and Publius Ælius were

consuls, was employed in the disputes which had arisen in the last. The

senators were desirous that the business respecting the Ligurians should

be re-considered, and the decree renewed. Ælius, the consul, was willing

to propose it, but Popillius warmly interceded for his brother, both

with his colleague and the senate; and by giving notice, that if they

would pass any vote on the subject he would enter his protest, he

deterred him from proceeding in the matter. The senate being hereby

equally incensed against them, persisted the more obstinately in their

intention; and when they took into consideration the distribution of the

provinces, although Macedon was earnestly sought by the consuls, because

a war with Perseus was daily expected, yet the Ligurians were assigned

as the province of both. They declare that they would not vote Macedonia

to them, unless the question were put on the affair of Marcus Popilius.

The consuls afterwards demanded that they might be authorized to raise

either new armies, or recruits to fill up the old; both demands were

refused. To the prætors also, when seeking a reinforcement for Spain, a

refusal is given: to Marcus Junius for Hither Spain, and to Spurius

Lucretius for the Farther. Caius Licinius Crassus obtained by lot the

city jurisdiction; Cneius Sicinius, the foreign; Caius Memmius, Sicily;

and Spurius Cluvius, Sardinia. The consuls, enraged against the senate

on account of this conduct, having proclaimed an early day for the Latin

festival, declared openly that they would go away to their province, and

would not transact any kind of business, except what belonged to their

own government.

11. Valerius Antias writes, that, in this consulate, Attalus, brother to

king Eumenes, came to Rome as ambassador, to lay heavy charges against

Perseus, and give an account of his preparations for war. But the

greater number of historians, and those deemed most worthy of credit,

assert, that Eumenes came in person. Eumenes then, on his arrival, being

received with every degree of respect which the Roman people judged

suitable, not merely to his deserts, but also to their own former

favours, bestowed on him in great abundance, was introduced to the

senate. He said, that “The cause of his coming to Rome, besides his wish

to visit those gods and men who had placed him in a situation beyond

which he could not presume to form a wish, was, that he might in person

forewarn the senate to counteract the designs of Perseus.” Then,

beginning with the projects of Philip, he mentioned his murder of

Demetrius, because that prince was averse to a war with Rome; that the

Bastarnian nation was summoned from their homes, that, relying on their

aid, he might pass over into Italy. While his thoughts were busied in

plans of this sort, he was surprised by the approach of death, and left

his kingdom to the person whom he knew to be, of all men, the bitterest

foe to the Romans. “Perseus therefore,” said he, “having received this

scheme of a war, as a legacy bequeathed by his father, and descending to

him along with the crown, advances and improves it, as his primary

object, by every means that he can devise. He is powerful, in respect of

the number of his young men, since a long peace has produced a plentiful

progeny; he is powerful in respect to the resources of his kingdom, and

powerful, likewise, in respect to his age. And as, at his time of life,

he possesses vigour of body, so his mind has been thoroughly trained,

both in the theory and practice of war; for even from his childhood he

became inured to it, in his father’s tent, not only in the wars against

the neighbouring states, but also against the Romans, being employed by

him in many and various expeditions. Already, since he has received the

government, he has, by a wonderful train of prosperous events,

accomplished many things which Philip, after using his best efforts,

could never effect, either by force or artifice.

12. “There is added to his strength such a degree of influence as is

usually acquired, in a great length of time, by many and important

kindnesses. For, in the several states throughout Greece and Asia, all

men revere the dignity of his character; nor do I perceive for what

deserts, for what generosity, such uncommon respect is paid him; neither

can I with certainty say whether it occurs through some good fortune

attending him, or whether, what I mention with reluctance a general

dislike to the Romans attaches men to his interest. Even among sovereign

princes he is great by his influence. He married the daughter of

Seleucus, a match which he did not solicit, but to which he was

solicited by her friends; and he gave his sister in marriage to Prusias,

in compliance with his earnest prayers and entreaties. Both these

marriages were solemnized amidst congratulations and presents from

innumerable embassies, and were escorted by the most renowned nations,

acting as bridal attendants. The Bœotians could never be brought, by all

the intrigues of Philip, to sign a treaty of friendship with him; but

now, a treaty with Perseus is engraved at three different places, at

Thebes, in Delos, in the most venerable and celebrated temple, and at

Delphi. Then, in the diet of Achaia, (only that the proceeding was

quashed by a few persons, threatening them with the displeasure of the

Roman government,) the business was nearly effected of allowing him

admission into Achaia. But, as to the honours formerly paid to myself,

(whose kindness to that nation have been such, that it is hard to say

whether my public or private benefactions were the greater,) they have

been lost, partly through neglect, and partly by hostile means Who does

not know that the Ætolians, lately, on occasion of their intestine

broils, sought protection, not from the Romans, but from Perseus? For,

while he is upheld by these alliances and friendships, he has at home

such preparations of every requisite for war, that he wants nothing from

abroad. He has thirty thousand foot and five thousand horse, and is

laying up a store of corn for ten years, so that he can be independent

of his own territory or that of his enemies with respect to provisions.

He has amassed money to such an amount, as to have in readiness the pay

of ten thousand mercenary soldiers, besides the Macedonian troops, for

the same number of years, as well as the annual revenue accruing from

the royal mines. He has stored up arms for three times that number of

men; and has Thrace under subjection, from which, as a never-failing

spring, he can draw supplies of young men if ever Macedon should become

exhausted.”

13. The rest of his discourse contained exhortations to timely

exertions: “Conscript fathers,” said he, “I make these representations

to you, and they are not founded on uncertain rumours, and too readily

believed by me, because I wished such charges against my enemy to be

true; but on a clear discovery of the facts, as if I had been sent by

you to reconnoitre, and I were now relating what took place before my

eyes. Nor would I have left my kingdom, which you have rendered ample

and highly respectable, and crossed such a tract of sea, to injure my

own credit by offering you unauthenticated reports. I saw the most

remarkable states of Asia and Greece, every day, gradually unfolding

their sentiments, and ready to proceed, shortly, to such lengths as

would not leave them room for repentance. I saw Perseus, not confining

himself within the limits of Macedonia, but seizing some places by force

of arms, and seducing, by favour and kindness, those which could not be

subdued by force. I perceived the unfair footing on which matters stood,

while he was preparing war against you, and you bestowing on him the

security of peace; although, to my judgment, he did not appear to be

preparing, but rather waging war. He dethroned Abrupolis, your ally and

friend. He put to death Artetarus, the Illyrian, another ally and friend

of yours, because he heard that some information had been written to you

by him. He managed that Eversa and Callicrates, the Thebans, who were

leading men in their state, should be taken off, because, in the council

of the Bœotians, they had spoken with more than ordinary freedom against

him and declared that they would inform you of what was going on. He

carried succour to the Byzantians, contrary to the treaty. He made war

on Dolopia. He overran Thessaly and Doris with an army, in order to take

advantage of the civil war then raging, and by the help of the party

which had the worst cause to crush the other which had more justice on

its side. He raised universal confusion and disorder in Thessaly and

Perrhæbia, by holding out a prospect of an abolition of debts, that, by

the means of the multitude of debtors thereby attached to his interest,

he might overpower the nobles. Since he has performed all these acts

with your acquiescence and silent endurance, and has seen Greece yielded

up to him by you, he firmly believes that he will not meet with one

opponent in arms, until he arrives in Italy. How safe or how honourable

this might be for you, you yourselves may consider; for my part, I

thought it would certainly reflect dishonour on me, if Perseus should

come into Italy to make war, before I, your ally, came to warn you to be

on your guard. Having discharged this duty, necessarily incumbent on me,

and, in some measure, freed and exonerated my faith; what can I do

further, but beseech the gods and goddesses that you may adopt such

measures as will prove salutary to yourselves, to your commonwealth, and

to us your allies and friends who depend upon you?”

14. His discourse made a deep impression on the senate. However, for the

present, no one, without doors, could know any thing more than that the

king had been in the senate-house, in such secrecy were the

deliberations of the senate involved; and it was not until after the

conclusion of the war, that the purport of king Eumenes’ speech, and the

answer to it, transpired. In a few days after, the senate gave audience

to the ambassadors of Perseus. But their feelings as well as their ears

were so prepossessed by king Eumenes, that every plea offered in his

justification by the ambassadors, and every argument to alleviate the

charges against him, were disregarded. They were still further

exasperated by the immoderate presumption of Harpalus, chief of the

embassy, who said, that “the king was indeed desirous and even anxious

that credit should be given to him when pleading in his excuse that he

had neither said nor done any thing hostile; but that if he saw them

obstinately bent on finding out a pretence for war, he would defend

himself with determined courage. The fortune of war was open to all and

the issue uncertain.” All the states of Greece and Asia were full of

curiosity to learn what the ambassadors of Perseus, and what Eumenes,

had effected with the senate; and most of them, on hearing of the

latter’s journey to Rome, which they supposed might produce material

consequences, had sent ambassadors thither who pretended other business.

Among the rest came an embassy from Rhodes, at the head of which was a

person named Satyrus, who had no kind of doubt but that Eumenes had

included his state in the accusations brought against Perseus. He

therefore endeavoured, by every means, through his patrons and friends,

to get an opportunity of debating the matter with Eumenes in presence of

the senate. When he obtained this, he inveighed against that king with

intemperate vehemence, as having instigated the people of Lycia to an

attack on the Rhodians, and as being more oppressive to Asia than

Antiochus had been. He delivered a discourse flattering indeed, and

acceptable to the states of Asia, (for the popularity of Perseus had

spread even to them,) but very displeasing to the senate, and

disadvantageous to himself and his nation. This apparent conspiracy

against Eumenes, increased, indeed, the favour of the Romans towards

him; so that every kind of honour was paid, and the most magnificent

presents were made him; among which were a curule chair and an ivory

sceptre.

15. After the embassies were dismissed, when Harpalus went back into

Macedon with all the haste he could, and told the king that he had left

the Romans, not indeed making immediate preparations for war, but in

such an angry temper, that it was very evident they would not defer it

long; Perseus himself, who all along believed that this would be the

case, now even wished for it, as he thought himself at the highest pitch

of power that he could ever expect to attain. He was more violently

incensed against Eumenes than against any other; and being desirous of

commencing the war with his bloodshed, he suborned Evander, a Cretan,

commander of the auxiliaries, and three Macedonians, who were accustomed

to the perpetration of such deeds, to murder that king; and gives them a

letter to a woman called Praxo, an acquaintance of his, the wealthiest

and most powerful person at Delphi. It was generally known that Eumenes

intended going up to Delphi to sacrifice to Apollo. The assassins having

reconnoitred the around with Evander, sought for nothing else than a fit

place to execute their design. On the road from Cirrha to the temple,

before you come to the places thickly inhabited, there was a wall on the

left side of a narrow path projecting a little from the foundation, by

which single persons could pass; the part on the right formed a

precipice of considerable depth by the sinking of the ground. Behind

this wall they concealed themselves, and raised up steps to it, that

from thence, as from a fortress, they might discharge their weapons on

the king, as he passed by. At first, as he came up from the sea, he was

surrounded by a multitude of his friends and attendants; afterwards the

increasing narrowness of the road made the train thinner about him. When

they arrived at the spot where each was to pass singly, the first who

advanced on the path was Pantaleon, an Ætolian of distinction, who was

at the time in conversation with the king. The assassins now, starting

up, rolled down two huge stones, by one of which the head of the king

was struck, and by the other the shoulder; and being stunned by the

blow, many stones having been cast on him after falling, he tumbled from

the sloping path down the precipice. The rest of his friends and

attendants, on seeing him fall, fled different ways; but Pantaleon, with

great intrepidity and resolution, kept his ground, in order to protect

the king.

16. The assassins might, by making a short circuit of the wall, have run

down and completed their business; yet they fled off towards the top of

Parnassus with such precipitation, that as one of them, by being unable

to keep up with the rest through the pathless and steep grounds,

retarded their flight, they killed him lest he should be taken, and a

discovery ensue. The friends, and then the guards and servants of the

king, ran together and raised him up, while stunned by the wound, and

quite insensible. However, they perceived, from the warmth of his body,

and the breath remaining in his lungs, that he was still alive, but had

little or no hopes that he would ever recover. Some of his guards having

pursued the tracks of the assassins, when they had reached even as far

as the summit of Parnassus, and had fatigued themselves in vain,

returned without being able to overtake them. As the Macedonians set

about the deed injudiciously so, after making the attempt with boldness,

they abandoned it in a manner both foolish and cowardly. His friends on

the next day bore to his ship the king, now in possession of his

faculties, and then, having drawn their vessel, across the neck of the

isthmus, they cross over to Ægina. Here his cure was conducted with such

secrecy, his attendants admitting no one, that a report of his death was

carried into Asia. Attalus also gave more ready credence to it than was

worthy the harmony of brothers; for he talked, both to Eumenes’ consort,

and to the governor of the citadel, as if he had actually succeeded to

the crown. This, afterwards, came to the knowledge of the king; who,

though he had determined to dissemble, and to pass it over in silence,

yet could not refrain, at their first meeting, from rallying Attalus, on

his premature haste to get his wife. The report of Eumenes’ death spread

even to Rome.

17. About the same time, Caius Valerius, who had been sent ambassador to

examine the state of Greece, and to observe the movements of king

Perseus, returned from that country, and made a report of all things,

which agreed with the accusations urged by Eumenes. He brought with him

from Delphi, Praxo, the woman whose house had served as a receptacle for

the assassins; and Lucius Rammius, a Brundusian, who was the bearer of

the following information. Rammius was a person of the first distinction

at Brundusium, accustomed to entertain in his house the Roman

commanders, and such ambassadors as came that way from foreign powers,

especially those of the kings. By these means he had formed an

acquaintance with Perseus, although he was distant from him; and in

consequence of a letter from him, which gave hopes of a more intimate

friendship, and of great advantages to accrue to him, he went on a visit

to the king, and, in a short time, found himself treated with particular

familiarity, and drawn, oftener than he wished, into private

conversations. Perseus, after promises of the highest rewards, pressed

him, with the most earnest solicitations, “as all the commanders and

ambassadors of the Romans used to lodge at his house, to procure poison

to be given to such of them as he should point out by letter;” and told

him, that, “as he knew the preparation of poison to be attended with the

greatest difficulty and danger, and that ordinarily it could not be

administered without the privity of several; besides, the issue was

uncertain, whether doses sufficiently powerful to produce the desired

effect or calculated to escape detection, might be given;—he would,

therefore, give him some which neither in administering nor when

administered could be discovered by any means.” Rammius dreading, lest,

in case of refusal, he should himself be the first on whom the poison

would be tried, promised compliance, and departed; but did not wish to

return to Brundusium, without first holding a conference with Caius

Valerius, the ambassador, who was said to be at that time in the

neighbourhood of Chalcis. Having first laid his information before him,

by his order he accompanied him to Rome, where, being brought before the

senate, he gave them an account of what had passed.

18. These discoveries were added to the information which had been given

by Eumenes, and effected, that Perseus should the sooner be judged an

enemy; as the senate perceived that he did not content himself with

preparing, with the spirit of a king, for a fair and open war, but

pushed his designs by all the base clandestine means of assassination

and poison. The conduct of the war is conferred on the new consuls; but,

in the mean time, an order was given, that Cneius Sicinius, the prætor,

whose province was the jurisdiction between natives and foreigners,

should raise soldiers who should be led with all expedition to

Brundusium, and thence carried over into Apollonia in Epirus, in order

to secure the cities on the sea-coasts; in order that the consul, who

should have Macedon as his province, might put in his fleet with safety,

and land his troops with convenience. Eumenes was detained a long time

at Ægina, by a dangerous and difficult cure; but, as soon as could

remove with safety, he went home to Pergamus, and set on foot the most

vigorous preparations for war, since the late atrocious villany of

Perseus now stimulated him, in addition to the ancient enmity which

subsisted between them. Ambassadors soon came from Rome, with

congratulations on his escape from so great a danger. When the war with

Macedon was deferred to the next year, (the other prætors having gone

away to their provinces,) Marcus Junius and Spurius Lucretius, to whom

the Spanish affairs had fallen, by importuning the senate with frequent

repetitions of the same request obtained at last that a reinforcement

for their army should be given them, viz. three thousand foot and one

hundred and fifty horse, for the Roman legions; they are ordered to

levy, from the allies, for the confederate troops, five thousand foot

and three hundred horse: these forces were carried by the new prætors

into Spain.

19. In the same year, because, in consequence of the inquiries made by

the consul Postumius, a large portion of the lands of Campania, which

had been usurped by private persons indiscriminately, in various parts,

had been recovered to the public, Marcus Lucretius, plebeian tribune,

published a proposal for an order of the people, that the censors should

let the Campanian land to farm; a measure which had been omitted during

so many years, since the taking of Capua, that the greediness of

individuals might have clear room to work in. After war, though not yet

proclaimed, had been resolved on, while the senate was anxious to know

which of the several kings would espouse their cause, and which that of

Perseus, ambassadors came to Rome from Ariarathes, bringing with them

his younger son. The purport of their message was, that “the king had

sent his son to be educated at Rome, in order that he might even from

childhood be acquainted with the manners and the persons of the Romans;

and he requested, that they would allow him to be not only under the

protection of his particular friends, but likewise the care, and in some

measure the guardianship, of the public.” This embassy was highly

pleasing to the senate; and they ordered, that Cneius Sicinius, the

prætor, should hire a furnished house for the accommodation of the young

prince and his attendants. Then that which they sought was given to

ambassadors of the Thracians, who were disputing among themselves, and

requesting the friendship and alliance of the Roman people, and presents

of the amount of two thousand _asses_[82] were sent to each, for the

Romans were rejoiced that these states were gained as allies the more

so, as they lay at the back of Macedon. But, in order to acquire a clear

knowledge of every thing in Asia and in the islands, they sent

ambassadors, Tiberius Claudius Nero and Marcus Decimus, with orders to

go to Crete and Rhodes, to renew the treaties of friendship, and at the

same time to observe whether the affections of the allies had been

tampered with by Perseus.

20. While the minds of the public were in a state of extreme anxiety and

suspense with respect to the impending war, in consequence of a storm

happening in the night the pillar in the Capitol, ornamented with beaks

of ships, _which had been erected_ in the first Punic war by the consul

_Marcus Æmilius_, whose colleague was Servius Fulvius, was shattered to

pieces, even to the very foundation, by lightning. This event, being

deemed a prodigy, was reported to the senate, who ordered, that it

should be laid before the aruspices, and that the decemvirs should

consult the books. The decemvirs, in answer, directed that the city

should be purified; that a supplication, and prayers, for the averting

of misfortunes should be offered, and victims of the larger kinds

sacrificed both in the Capitol at Rome, and at the promontory of Minerva

in Campania; and that games should be celebrated as soon as possible in

honour of Jupiter supremely good and great, during ten days. All these

directions were carefully executed. The aruspices answered, that the

prodigy would prove happy in the issue; that it portended extension of

territory and destruction of enemies; for those beaks of ships which the

storm had scattered were spoils. There were other occurrences which

occasioned religious apprehensions: it was said, that at the town of

Saturnia showers of blood fell during three successive days; that an ass

with three feet was foaled at Calatia; that a bull, with five cows, were

killed by one stroke of lightning; and that a shower of earth had fallen

at Auximum. On account of these prodigies, also, public worship was

performed, and a supplication and festival observed for one day.

21. The consuls had not yet gone to their provinces; for they would not

comply with the senate, in proposing the business respecting Marcus

Popilius; and, on the other hand, the senate was determined to proceed

on no other until that was done. The general resentment against Popilius

was aggravated by a letter received from him, in which he mentioned

that he had, as proconsul, fought a second battle with the Ligurians of

Statiella, six thousand of whom he had killed. On account of the

injustice of this attack, the rest of the states of the Ligurians took

up arms. Then not only was Popilius, in his absence, severely censured

in the senate, for having, contrary to all laws, human and divine, made

war on a people who had submitted to terms, and stirred up to rebellion

states that were disposed to live in peace, but also the consuls for not

having proceeded to that province. Encouraged by the unanimous opinion

of the senators, two plebian tribunes, Marcus Marcius Sermo and Quintus

Marcius Sylla, declared publicly that they would institute a suit for a

fine to be laid on the consuls, if they did not repair to their

destination. They likewise read before the senate a proposal for an

order of the people respecting the Ligurians, which they intended to

publish. By it a regulation was made, “that in case any of the

surrendered Statiellans should not be restored to liberty before the

calends of August, then next ensuing, the senate, on oath, should

appoint a magistrate to inquire into the business, and to punish the

person through whose wicked practices he had been brought into slavery;”

and accordingly, by direction of the senate, they proclaimed the same in

public. Before the departure of the consuls, the senate gave audience,

in the temple of Bellona, to Caius Cicereius, prætor of the former year.

After recounting what he had performed in Corsica, he demanded a

triumph; but this being refused, he rode in state on the Alban mount; a

mode of celebration for victory without public authority, which had now

become usual. The people, with universal approbation, passed and

ratified the order proposed by Marcius, respecting the Ligurians; and in

pursuance of this resolution of the people, Caius Licinius, prætor,

desired the senate to appoint a person to conduct the inquiry, according

to the order; whereupon the senate directed that he himself should

conduct it.

22. The consuls repaired, at last, to their province, and received the

command of the army from Marcus Popilius. But the latter did not dare to

go home to Rome, lest he might plead his cause while the senate were so

highly displeased with him, the people still more exasperated, and

before a prætor likewise who had taken the opinion of the senate on an

inquiry pointed against him. The tribunes of the people met his evasion

by the menace of another order,—that if he did not come into the city of

Rome before the ides of November, Caius Licinius should judge and

determine respecting him, though absent. When he, dragged by this

fetter, had returned, his presence in the senate called forth general

hatred. There, when he was censured by the severe reproaches of many, a

decree was passed, that the prætors, Caius Licinius and Cneius Sicinius,

should take care that such of the Ligurians as had not been in open arms

since the consulate of Quintus Fulvius and Lucius Manlius, should all be

restored to liberty; and that the consul, Caius Popilius, should assign

them lands on the farther side of the Po. By this decree many thousands

were restored in this manner, led beyond the Po, and received portions

of land accordingly. Marcus Popilius, being tried by the Marcian law,

twice pleaded his cause before Caius Licinius; but at a third hearing,

the prætor, overcome by his regard for the absent consul, and the

prayers of the Popilian family, ordered the defendant to appear on the

ides of March, on which day the new magistrates were to enter into

office; so that he, being then in a private capacity, could not preside

at the trial. Thus was the order of the people, respecting the

Ligurians, eluded by artifice.

23. There were at this time in Rome ambassadors from Carthage, and also

Gulussa, son of Masinissa, between whom very warm words passed, in

presence of the senate. The Carthaginians complained that, “besides the

district, about which ambassadors were formerly sent from Rome, to

determine the matter on the spot, Masinissa had, within the last two

years, by force of arms, possessed himself of more than seventy towns

and forts in the Carthaginian territories. This was easy for him, who

cared for nothing. But the Carthaginians, being tied down by treaty,

were silent; for they were prohibited from carrying arms beyond their

own frontiers; and although they knew that if they forced the Numidians

thence, they would wage the war within their own territory, yet they

were deterred by another clause in the treaty, too clear to be mistaken,

in which they were expressly forbidden to wage war against the allies of

the Roman people. But the Carthaginians could not longer endure his

pride, his cruelty, and his avarice. “They were sent,” they said, “to

beseech the senate to grant them one of these three things: either that

they should fairly decide what belonged to each, as became an ally of

both; or give permission to the Carthaginians to defend themselves in a

just war against unjust attacks; or finally, if favour swayed more with

them than the truth, to fix at once how much of the property of others

they wished should be bestowed on Masinissa. That the senate would

certainly be more moderate in their grants, and they themselves would

know the extent of them; whereas, he would set no limits but the

arbitrary dictates of his own ambition. If they could obtain none of

these, and if they had, since the peace granted by Publius Scipio, been

guilty of any transgression, they begged that the Romans themselves

would rather inflict the punishment. They preferred a secure bondage

under Roman masters, to a state of freedom exposed to the injustice of

Masinissa. It was better for them to perish at once, than to continue to

breathe under the will of “an executioner.” After these words, they

burst into tears, prostrated themselves on the ground, and, in this

posture, excited both compassion for themselves, and _no less

displeasure_ against the king.

24. It was then voted, that Gulussa should be asked what answer he had

to make to these charges; or that, if it were more agreeable to him, he

should first tell on what business he had come to Rome. Gulussa said,

that “it was not easy for him to speak on subjects concerning which he

had no instructions from his father; and that it would have been hard

for his father to have given him instructions, when the Carthaginians

neither disclosed the business which they intended to bring forward, nor

even their design of going to Rome. That they had, for several nights,

held private consultations, composed of nobles, in the temple of

Æsculapius, from whence ambassadors were despatched with secret

information to Rome. This was his father’s reason for sending him into

Italy, that he might entreat the senate not to give credit to the common

enemy accusing him, whom they hated for no other cause than his

inviolable fidelity to the Roman people.” After hearing both parties,

the senate, on the question being put respecting the demands of the

Carthaginians, ordered this answer to be given, that “it was their will

that Gulussa should, without delay, return to Numidia, and desire his

father to send ambassadors immediately to the senate, to answer the

complaints of the Carthaginians, and to give notice to that people to

come and support their allegation. They had hitherto paid to Masinissa,

and would continue to pay him, all the honour in their power; that they

could not sacrifice justice to favour. Their wish was, that the lands

should every where be possessed by the real owners; nor did they intend

to establish new boundaries, but that the old ones should be observed.

When they vanquished the Carthaginians, they left them in possession of

cities and lands, not with the purpose of stripping them by acts of

injustice in time of peace of what they had not taken from them by the

right of war.” With this answer the Carthaginians, and the prince, were

dismissed. The customary presents were sent to both parties, and the

other attentions which hospitality inquired were performed with all

courtesy.

25. About this time Cneius Servilius Cæpio, Appius Claudius Centho, and

Titus Annius Luscus, who had been sent ambassadors to Macedonia, to

demand restitution and renounce the king’s friendship, returned, and

inflamed to a still greater degree the senate, already predisposed to

hostilities against Perseus, by relating, in order, what they had seen

and heard. They said, that “through all the cities of Macedonia they saw

preparations for war, carried on with the utmost diligence. When they

arrived at the residence of the king, they were refused admission to him

for many days; at last, when, despairing of a conference, they were just

setting out, then at length they were called back from their journey and

brought before him. That the leading subjects in their discourse were,

the treaty concluded with Philip, and, after his father’s death, renewed

with himself; in which he was expressly prohibited from carrying his

arms beyond his own dominions, and, likewise, from making war on the

allies of the Roman people. They then laid before him, in order, the

true and well-authenticated accounts which they themselves had lately

heard from Eumenes, in the senate. They took notice, besides, of his

having held a secret consultation, in Samothracia, with ambassadors from

the states of Asia; and told him, that the senate thought proper that

satisfaction should be given for these injuries, as well as restitution,

to them and their allies, of their property, which he held contrary to

the tenor of the treaty. On this the king, being inflamed, spoke at

first harshly, frequently upbraiding the Romans with pride and avarice,

and with ambassadors coming one after another to pry into his words and

actions; and with thinking proper that he should speak and do all things

in compliance with their nod and order. After speaking a long time with

great loudness and violence, he ordered them to return the next day, for

he intended to give his answer in writing. Then the written answer was

given to them; of which the purport was, that the treaty concluded with

his father in no respect concerned him; that he had suffered it to be

renewed, not because he approved of it, but because, being so lately

come to the throne, he had to endure every thing. If they chose to form

a new engagement with him, they ought first to agree on the terms; if

they could bring themselves to make a treaty on an equal footing, he

would consider what was to be done on his part, and he was convinced

that they would provide for the interests of their own state. After

this, he hastily turned away, and they were desired to quit the palace.

They then declared, that they renounced his friendship and alliance; at

which he was highly exasperated, stopped, and with a loud voice charged

them to quit his dominions within three days. They departed accordingly;

and neither on their coming, nor while they staid, was any kind of

attention or hospitality shown them.” The Thessalian and Ætolian

ambassadors were then admitted to audience. It pleased the senate, that

a letter should be sent to the consuls, directing, that whichever of

them was most able should come to Rome to elect magistrates, in order

that they might know what commanders the state was about to employ.

26. The consuls, during that year, performed no business of the republic

that deserved much notice. It appeared more advantageous to the

republic, that the Ligurians, who had been highly exasperated, should be

pacified and appeased. While a Macedonian war was expected, ambassadors

from Issa gave them reason to suspect the inclinations of Gentius, king

of Illyria; for they complained that “he had, a second time, ravaged

their country;” affirming likewise, that “the kings of Macedon and

Illyria lived on terms of the closest intimacy; that both were

preparing, in concert, for war against the Romans, and that there were

then in Rome Illyrian spies, under the appearance of ambassadors, and

who were sent thither by the advice of Perseus, to ascertain what was

going on.” The Illyrians, being called before the senate, said, that

they were sent by their king, to justify his conduct, if the Issans

should make any complaint against him. They were then asked why they had

not applied to some magistrate, that they might, according to the

regular practice, be furnished with lodging and entertainment, that

their arrival might be known, and the business on which they came; when

they hesitated in their reply, they were ordered to retire out of the

senate-house. It was not thought proper to give them any answer, as

delegates, because they had not applied for an audience of the senate;

they resolved, “that ambassadors should be sent to the king, to announce

to him the complaints made by the allies of his having ravaged their

country; and that he acted unjustly, since he did not refrain from

offering injury to their allies.” On this embassy Aulus Terentius Varro,

Caius Plætorius, and Caius Cicereius, were sent. The ambassadors, who

had been sent to the several kings in alliance with the state, came home

from Asia, and reported that “they had conferred in it with Eumenes; in

Syria, with Antiochus; and at Alexandria, with Ptolemy; all of whom,

though strongly solicited by embassies from Perseus, remained perfectly

faithful to their engagements, and gave assurances of their readiness to

execute every order of the Roman people. That they had also visited the

allied states; that all were firm in their attachment, except the

Rhodians, who seemed to be wavering, and infected by the counsels of

Perseus.” Ambassadors had come from the Rhodians, to exculpate them from

the imputations which, they knew, were openly urged against them; but a

resolution was made, that “an audience of the senate should be given,

when the new magistrates came into office.”

27. The senate were of opinion, that the preparations for war should be

deferred no longer. The duty is assigned to Caius Licinius, that out of

the old galleys laid up in the docks at Rome, which might be rendered

serviceable, he should refit and get ready for sea fifty ships. If any

were wanting to make up that number, that he should write to his

colleague, Caius Memmius, in Sicily, directing him to repair and fit out

such vessels as were in that province, so that they might be sent, with

all expedition, to Brundusium. Caius Licinius, the prætor, was ordered

to enlist Roman citizens of the rank of freed-men’s sons, to man

twenty-five ships; Cneius Sicinius, to levy, from the allies, an equal

number for the other twenty-five, and likewise to require from the Latin

confederates eight thousand foot and four hundred horse. Aulus Atilius

Serranus, who had been prætor the year before, was commissioned to

receive these troops at Brundusium, and transport them to Macedon; and

Cneius Sicinius, the prætor, to keep them in readiness for embarkation.

By direction of the senate, Caius Licinius, the prætor, wrote to the

consul, Caius Popilius, to order the second legion, which was the oldest

then in Liguria, together with four thousand foot and two hundred horse,

of the Latin nation, to be in Brundusium on the ides of February, With

this fleet, and this army, Cneius Sicinius, being continued a year in

command for the purpose, was ordered to take care of the province of

Macedon until a new governor should arrive. All these measures, which

the senate voted, were vigorously executed; thirty-eight quinqueremes

were drawn out of the docks; Lucius Porcius Licinus was appointed to the

command, with directions to conduct them to Brundusium, and twelve were

sent from Sicily; three commissaries were despatched into Apulia and

Calabria, to buy up corn for the fleet and army; these were Sextus

Digitius, Titus Juventius, and Marcus Cæcilius. When all things were in

readiness, the prætor, Cneius Sicinius, in his military robes, set out

from the city and went to Brundusium.

28. The consul, Caius Popilius, came home to Rome when the year had

almost expired, much later than had been directed by the vote of the

senate; to whom it had seemed advantageous to the republic, that

magistrates should be elected as soon as possible, when so important a

war was impending. Therefore the consul did not receive a favourable

hearing from the senate, when he spoke in the temple of Bellona of his

acts among the Ligurians. There were frequent interruptions and

questions, why he had not restored to liberty the Ligurians, who had

been oppressed by his brother? The election was held on the day

appointed by proclamation, the twelfth before the calends of March. The

consuls chosen were, Publius Licinius Crassus and Caius Cassius

Longinus. Next day were elected prætors, Caius Sulpicius Galba, Lucius

Furius Philus, Lucius Canuleius Dives, Caius Lucretius Gallus, Caius

Caninius Rebilus, and Lucius Villius Annalis. The provinces decreed to

these prætors were, the two civil jurisdictions in Rome, Spain, Sicily,

and Sardinia; and one of them was kept disengaged, that he might be

employed wherever the senate should direct. The senate ordered the

consuls elect, that, on whatever day they would enter on their office,

having sacrificed victims of the larger kind, they should pray to the

gods that the war, which the Roman people intended to engage in, might

prove fortunate in the issue. On the same day the senate passed an

order, that the consul, Caius Popilius, should vow games, of ten days’

continuance, to Jupiter supremely good and great, with offerings in all

the temples, if the commonwealth should remain for ten years in its

present state. Pursuant to this vote, the consul made a vow in the

Capitol, that the games should be celebrated, and the offerings made, at

such expense as the senate should direct, when not less than a hundred

and fifty persons were present. That vow was expressed in terms dictated

by Lepidus, the chief pontiff. There died this year, of the public

priests, Lucius Æmilius Papus, decemvir of religious rites, and Quintus

Fulvius Flaccus, a pontiff who had been censor the year before. The

latter died in a shocking manner: he had received an account, that, of

his two sons who were in the army in Illyria, one was dead, and the

other labouring under a heavy and dangerous malady: his grief and fears,

together, overwhelmed his reason, and his servants, on going into his

chamber in the morning, found him hanging by a rope. There was a general

opinion, that, since his censorship, his understanding had not been

sound; and the report was popular, that the resentment of Juno Lacinia,

for the spoil committed on her temple, had caused the derangement of his

intellects. Marcus Valerius Messala was substituted decemvir in the

place of Æmilius; and Cneius Domitius Ænobarbus, though a mere youth,

was chosen into the priesthood as pontiff in the room of Fulvius.

29. In this consulate of Publius Licinius and Caius Cassius, not only

the city of Rome, but the whole of Italy, with all the kings and states

both in Europe and in Asia, had their attention fixed on the approaching

war between Rome and Macedon. Not only old hatred, but also recent

anger, because by the villany of Perseus he had been almost slaughtered

like a victim at Delphi, urged Eumenes against him. Prusias, king of

Bithynia, resolved to keep clear of hostilities, and to wait the event;

for as he did not think it proper to carry arms on the side of the

Romans against his wife’s brother, so he trusted that, in case of

Perseus proving victorious, his favour might be secured through the

means of his sister. Ariarathes, king of Cappadocia, besides having, in

his own name, promised aid to the Romans, had, ever since he was allied

by affinity to Eumenes, united with him in all his plans, whether of war

or peace. Antiochus indeed entertained designs on the kingdom of Egypt,

since he despised the unripe age of Ptolemy, and the inactive

disposition of his guardians, and thought that he might, by raising a

dispute about Cœle-Syria, find sufficient pretext for proceeding to

extremities, and carry on a war there without any impediment, while the

Roman arms were employed against Macedon: yet, by his ambassadors to the

senate, and to their ambassadors sent to him, he made the fairest

promises. Ptolemy, on account of his age, was then influenced by the

will of others; and his guardians, at the same time while they were

preparing for war with Antiochus, to secure possession of Cœle-Syria,

promised the Romans every support in the war against Macedon. Masinissa

both assisted the Romans with supplies of corn, and prepared to send

into the field, to their assistance, a body of troops and a number of

elephants, with his son Misagenes. He so arranged his plans as to answer

every event that might take place; for if success should attend the

Romans, he judged that his own affairs would rest in their present

state, and that he ought to seek for nothing further, as the Romans

would not suffer violence to be offered to the Carthaginians; and if the

power of the Romans, which at that time protected the Carthaginians,

should be reduced, then all Africa would be his own. Gentius, king of

Illyria, had indeed given cause of suspicion to the Romans; but he had

not yet determined which party to espouse, and it was believed that he

would join either one or the other through some sudden impulse of

passion, rather than from any rational motive. Cotys, the Thracian king

of the Odrysians, was openly in favour of the Macedonians.

30. Such were the inclinations of the several kings, while the free

nations and states the plebeians, favouring as usual the weaker cause,

were almost universally inclined to the Macedonians and their king; but

among the nobles might be observed different views. One party was so

warmly devoted to the Romans, that, by the excess of their zeal, they

diminished their own influence. Of these a few were actuated by their

admiration of the justice of the Roman government; but by far the

greater number supposed that they would become powerful in their state,

if they displayed remarkable exertions. A second party wished to court

the king’s favour, as debt, and despair of their affairs, while the same

constitution remained, urged them hastily to complete revolution; and

others, through a fickleness of temper, followed Perseus as the more

popular character. A third party, the wisest and the best, wished, in

case of being allowed the choice of a master, to live under the Romans

rather than under the king. Yet, could they have had the free disposal

of events, they wished that neither party should become more powerful by

the destruction of the other, but rather that, the strength of both

being uninjured, peace should continue on that account; for thus the

condition of their states would be the happiest, as one party would

always protect a weak state from any ill treatment intended by the

other. Judging thus, they viewed in silence from their safe position the

contest between the partisans of the two contending powers. The consuls,

having on the day of their entering on office, in compliance with the

order of the senate, sacrificed victims of the larger kinds in all the

temples where the lectisternium was usually celebrated for the greater

part of the year, and having from them collected omens that their

prayers were accepted by the immortal gods, reported to the senate that

the sacrifices had been duly performed, and prayers offered respecting

the war. The aruspices declared, that “if any new undertaking was

intended, it ought to be proceeded in without delay; that victory,

triumphs, and extension of empire were portended.” The senate then

resolved, that “the consuls should, on the first proper day, propose to

the people assembled by centuries,—that whereas Perseus, son of Philip,

and king of Macedon, contrary to the league struck with his father, and

after Philip’s death renewed with himself, had committed hostilities on

the allies of Rome, had wasted their lands, and seized their towns, and

also had formed a design of making war on the Roman people, and had for

that purpose prepared arms, troops, and a fleet; unless he gave

satisfaction concerning those matters, that war should be proclaimed

against him.” The question was carried among the commons. Then a decree

of the senate was passed, that “the consuls should settle between

themselves, or cast lots, for the provinces of Italy and Macedon; that

the one to whose lot Macedon fell should seek redress by force of arms

from king Perseus, and all who concurred in his designs, unless they

made amends to the Roman people.”

31. It was ordered that four new legions should be raised, two for each

consul. This in particular was assigned to the province of Macedon, that

although five thousand foot and two hundred horse were assigned to the

other consul’s legions, according to the ancient practice, six thousand

foot and three hundred horse were ordered to be enlisted for each of the

legions that were to serve in Macedonia. Of the allied troops also, the

number was augmented in the army ordered into Macedon,—namely, sixteen

thousand foot and eight hundred horse, besides the six hundred horsemen

carried thither by Cneius Sicinius. For Italy, twelve thousand foot and

six hundred horse of the allies were deemed sufficient. The following

remarkable concession was made to the service in Macedon; the consul was

authorized to enlist at his option veteran centurions and soldiers, as

old as fifty years. An unusual mode of proceeding with regard to the

military tribunes was also introduced on the same occasion: for the

consuls, by direction of the senate, recommended to the people, that,

for that year, the military tribunes should not be created by their

suffrages; but that the consuls and prætors should exercise their

judgment and discrimination in their selection. Their respective

commands were assigned to the prætors in the following manner: he to

whose lot it fell to be employed wherever the senate should direct, had

orders to go to Brundusium, to the fleet, that he might then review the

crews, and, dismissing such men as appeared unfit for the service,

enlist in their places sons of freed-men, taking care that two-thirds

should be Roman citizens, and the remainder allies. For supplying

provisions to the ships and legions, from Sicily and Sardinia, it was

resolved, that the prætors who obtained the government of those

provinces should be enjoined to levy a second tenth on the Sicilians and

Sardinians, and that this corn should be conveyed into Macedon, to the

army. The lots gave Sicily to Caius Caninius Rebilus; Sardinia, to

Lucius Furius Philus; Spain, to Lucius Canuleius; the city jurisdiction,

to Caius Sulpicius Galba; and the foreign, to Lucius Villius Annalis.

The lot of Caius Lucretius Gallus was to be employed wherever the senate

should direct.

32. The consuls had a slight dispute, rather than a great contest, about

their province. Cassius said, that “he would select Macedon without

casting lots, nor could his colleague, without perjury, abide their

determination. When he was prætor, to avoid going to his province, he

made oath in the public assembly, that he had sacrifices to perform on

stated days, in a stated place, and that they could not be duly

performed in his absence; and surely they could no more be performed

duly in his absence when he was consul, than when he was prætor. If the

senate thought proper to pay more regard to what Publius Licinius

wished, in his consulship, than to what he had sworn in his prætorship,

he himself, for his part, would at all events be ruled by that body.”

When the question was put, the senators thought it would be a degree of

arrogance in them to refuse a province to him, since the Roman people

had not denied him the consulship. They, however, ordered the consuls to

cast lots. Macedonia fell to Publius Licinius, Italy to Caius Cassius.

They then cast lots for the legions: when it fell to the lot of the

first and third to go over into Macedonia; and of the second and fourth,

to remain in Italy. The consuls held the levy with much greater care

than usual. Licinius enlisted even veteran centurions and soldiers; and

many of them volunteered, as they saw that those men who had served in

the former Macedonian war, or in Asia, had become rich. When the

military tribunes cited the centurions, and especially those of the

highest rank, twenty-three of them, who had held the first posts,

appealed to the tribunes of the people. Two of that body, Marcus Fulvius

Nobilior and Marcus Claudius Marcellus, wished to refer the matter to

the consuls; “the cognizance of it ought to rest with those to whom the

levy and the war were intrusted:” but the rest declared, that since the

appeal had been made to them, they would examine into the affair; and,

if there were any injustice in the case, would support their

fellow-citizens.

33. The business, therefore, came into the court of the tribunes.

Thither Marcus Popilius, a man of consular dignity, the centurions, and

the consul came. The consul then required that the matter might be

discussed in a general assembly; and, accordingly, the people were

summoned. On the side of the centurions, Marcus Popilius, who had been

consul two years before, argued thus: that “as military men they had

served out their regular time, and that they possessed bodies worn out

through age and continual hardships. Nevertheless, they did not refuse

to give the public the benefit of their services, they only entreated

that they might be favoured so far, that posts inferior to those which

they had formerly held in the army should not be assigned to them.” The

consul, Publius Licinius, first ordered the decree of the senate to be

read, in which war was determined against Perseus; and then the other,

which directed that as many veteran centurions as could be procured

should be enlisted for that war; and that no exemption from the service

should be allowed to any who was not upwards of fifty years of age. He

then entreated that, “at a time when a new war was breaking out so near

to Italy, and with a most powerful king, they would not either obstruct

the military tribunes in making the levies, or prevent the consul from

assigning to each person such a post as best suited the convenience of

the public; and that, if any doubt should arise in the proceedings, they

might refer it to the decision of the senate.”

34. When the consul had said all that he thought proper, Spurius

Ligustinus, one of those who had appealed to the plebeian tribunes,

requested permission from the consul and tribunes to speak a few words

to the people. By the permission of them all he spoke, we are told, to

this effect: “Romans, I am Spurius Ligustinus, of the Crustuminian

tribe, and I sprung from the Sabines. My father left me one acre of

land, and a small cottage, in which I was born and educated, and I dwell

there to-day. As soon as I came to man’s estate, my father married me to

his brother’s daughter, who brought nothing with her but independence

and modesty; except, indeed, a degree of fruitfulness that would have

better suited a wealthier family. We have six sons and two daughters;

the latter are both married; of our sons, four are grown up to manhood,

the other two are as yet boys. I became a soldier in the consulate of

Publius Sulpicius and Caius Aurelius. In the army which was sent over

into Macedon I served as a common soldier, against Philip, for two

years; and in the third year, Titus Quintius Flamininus, in reward of my

good conduct, gave me the command of the tenth company of spearmen. When

Philip and the Macedonians were subdued, and we were brought back to

Italy and discharged, I immediately went as a volunteer, with the consul

Marcus Porcius into Spain. Those who have had experience of him, and of

other generals in a long course of service, know that no single

commander living was a more accurate observer and judge of merit. This

commander judged me deserving of being set at the head of the first

company of spearmen. A third time I entered as a volunteer in the army

which was sent against the Ætolians and king Antiochus; and Manius

Acilius gave me the command of the first company of first-rank men.

After Antiochus was driven out of the country, and the Ætolians were

reduced, we were brought home to Italy, where I served the two

succeeding years in legions that were raised annually. I afterwards made

two campaigns in Spain; one under Quintus Fulvius Flaccus, the other

under Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus, prætors. I was brought by Flaccus

among others whom he brought home from the province to attend his

triumph, out of regard to their good services. At the request of

Tiberius Gracchus, I went with him to his province. Four times within a

few years was I first centurion of my corps; thirty-four times I was

honoured by my commanders with presents for bravery. I have received six

civic crowns, I have fulfilled twenty-two years of service in the army,

and I am upwards of fifty years of age. But, if I had neither served out

all my campaigns, nor was entitled to exemption on account of my age,

yet Publius Licinius, as I can supply you with four soldiers instead of

myself, it were reasonable that I should be discharged. But I wish you

to consider these words merely as a state of my case; as to offering any

thing as an excuse from service, that is what I will never do, so long

as any officer, enlisting troops, shall believe me fit for it. What rank

the military tribunes may think I deserve, rests with their power. That

no one in the army may surpass me in a zealous discharge of duty, I

shall use my best endeavours; and that I have always acted on that

principle, my commanders and my comrades can testify. And now,

fellow-soldiers, you who assert your privilege of appeal, as you have

never, in your youthful days, done any act contrary to the directions of

the magistrates and the senate, now too you ought to be amenable to the

authority of the senate and consuls, and to think every post honourable

in which you can act for the defence of the commonwealth.”

35. Having finished his speech, he was highly commended by the consul,

who led him from the assembly into the senate-house, where, by order of

the senate, he again received public thanks; and the military tribunes,

in consideration of his meritorious behaviour, made him first centurion

in the first legion. The rest of the centurions, dropping the appeal,

submissively answered to their names in the levy. That the magistrates

might the sooner go into their provinces, the Latin festival was

celebrated on the calends of June; and as soon as that solemnity was

ended, Caius Lucretius, the prætor, after sending forward every thing

requisite for the fleet, went to Brundusium. Besides the armies which

the consuls were forming, Caius Sulpicius Galba, the prætor, was

commissioned to raise four city legions, with the regular number of foot

and horse, and to choose out of the senate four military tribunes to

command them; likewise, to require from the Latin allies fifteen

thousand foot, with twelve hundred horse; that this army should be

prepared to act wherever the senate should order. At the desire of the

consul, Publius Licinius, the following auxiliaries were ordered to join

the army of citizens and allies under his command: two thousand

Ligurians; a body of Cretan archers (whose number was not specified, the

order only mentioning whatever succours the Cretans, on being applied

to, should send); likewise the Numidian cavalry and elephants. To settle

concerning these last, ambassadors were sent to Masinissa and the

Carthaginians,—Lucius Postumius Albinus, Quintus Terentius Culleo, and

Caius Aburius: also, to Crete,—Aulus Postumius Albinus, Caius Decimius,

and Aulus Licinius Nerva.