CABINET NEGOTIATIONS.
Mrs. Hardinge tendered the resignation of the Government to the Emperor,
who at once sent for Lady Cairo, the leader of the Opposition. He asked
her to form an administration.
"Your Majesty," she said, "knows that, though I am in opposition to the
present Premier, I greatly admire both her ability and honesty of
purpose. I am not at all satisfied that she is called on to resign, or
that the small majority she had on the late resolution indicates that
she has not a large following on other questions."
"I hold," said the Emperor, "the balance evenly between the great
parties of the State; and I respect the functions of the Opposition no
less than those of the Government. It is the opinion of my present
advisers that a strong administration is necessary, and that, after such
a division as that of the other night, the Opposition should have the
opportunity offered to them of forming a Government."
"I respect," replied Lady Cairo, "Mrs. Hardinge's action, and under like
circumstances would have pursued a like course. But though Mrs. Hardinge
is right in offering us the opportunity, it does not follow that we
should be wise in accepting it."
"You are of that," replied the Emperor, "of course the best judge. But I
should not like so grave a step as the one which Mrs. Hardinge has felt
it her duty to take to be construed into a formality for effacing the
effect of a vote of the House. I am averse," said the wise ruler, "to
anything which might even remotely make me appear as the medium of, or
interferer with, parliamentary action. I esteem Mrs. Hardinge, and I
esteem you, Lady Cairo; but if the resignation now tendered to me went
no further than at present, it might justly be surmised that I had
permitted myself to be the means of strengthening what Mrs. Hardinge
considered an insufficient parliamentary confidence. I therefore ask you
not to give me a hasty answer, but to consult your friends and endeavour
to form a strong Government."
No more could be said. Lady Cairo, with becoming reverence, signified
her submission to the Emperor's wishes. She summoned her chief friends
and colleagues, and had many earnest conferences with them separately
and collectively. It was readily admitted that, if they formed a
Government, there was a considerable number of members who, though not
their supporters, would protect them in a fair trial. It was indeed
certain that Mrs. Hardinge would be too generous to indulge in factious
opposition, and that, if they avoided any notoriously controversial
measure, she would herself help them to get through the session. But
Lady Cairo was a large-minded statesman. She loved power, but, because
she loved it, was averse to exercising it on sufferance. She could not
but be sensible such would be her position, and that she would have to
trust less to the strength of her own party than to the forbearance of
her opponents. Besides, there was a point about which a great difference
of opinion existed. She could not attempt to form a Government unless in
combination with Lord Reginald, who moved the resolution. The animosity
he had displayed to the Government made it probable, almost certain,
that he would do what he could to aid her; it might even be expected
that he would induce all or nearly all of his followers to come over to
her; but again and again she asked herself the question would such an
alliance be agreeable to her? Joint action during an animated debate was
widely different from the continued intimacy of official comradeship.
She liked Lord Reginald no better than other persons liked him. She had
very clear perceptions, and was of a high and honourable nature. Lord
Reginald inspired her with distrust. It was his misfortune to awaken
that feeling in the minds of those persons with whom he came into
contact. Her most trusted colleagues were generally of the same opinion,
though several prominent members of the party thought it a mistake not
to accept the opportunity and test its chances.
Her intimate friends expressed their opinion with diffidence. They would
not accept the responsibility of dissuading her from taking office. They
knew that it was a high position and one to which individually she would
do justice, and they knew also that many contingencies might convert a
Government weak at the outset into a strong one. But she could read
between the lines, the more especially that she shared the distrust at
which they hinted. Two of the colleagues she most valued went so far as
to leave her to understand that they would not join her Government,
though of course they would support it. They excused themselves on
private grounds; but she was shrewd enough to see these were the
ostensible, not the real, reasons. Lady Cairo was not one of those
persons who habitually try to persuade themselves to what their
inclinations lead. What she had said to the Emperor satisfied the most
fastidious loyalty. She was perfectly free to take office. No one could
question either her action or her motive. She need not fear the world's
opinion if she consulted her own inclination, and nineteen out of twenty
persons would have been satisfied. She was not; she still saw before her
the necessity of acting with one colleague at least, Lord Reginald, who
would be distasteful to her: and as a strong party statesman, she was
not well disposed generally to the bulk of his followers, whose
inclination led them to endeavour to hold the balance of power between
contending parties. She determined on consulting her aged mother, now a
confirmed invalid, but once a brilliant and powerful statesman, noted
for her high sense of honour.
"My dear," said this helpless lady when she had heard all her daughter
had to tell her, "no one but yourself can measure the strength or the
justice of the distaste you feel for the alliance you must make if you
accept the splendid responsibilities offered to you. But the distaste
exists, and it is not likely to become less. I doubt if you are
justified in disregarding it. Your time will come, my dear; and it will
be a pleasure to you to think that you have not sought it at the expense
of a personal sacrifice of doubts, that would not exist if all grounds
for them were wanting. You must decide. I will go no further than to say
this. I cannot persuade you to allow your inclination for office to
overrule your disinclination to a powerful section of those who must
share your responsibilities. It is sadly often the case that the
instinct to sacrifice inclination is more reliable than the disposition
to follow it."
Three days after their last interview the Emperor again received Lady
Cairo.
"Your Majesty, I have to decline, with great respect and much gratitude
for the confidence you reposed in me, the task of forming a Government
with which you graciously charged me."
"Is this your deliberate decision? I am told that you would have no
difficulty in carrying on the business of the session if Lord Reginald
and his party supported you.'
"That is a contingency, Sir, on which I could not count."
"How! He has not promised to support you?"
"I have not asked him. Our chance presence in the same division lobby
did not appear to me a sufficient basis of agreement."
"Then," said the Emperor, "the mover of the resolution that has
occasioned so much trouble has not been consulted?"
"It is so, your Majesty, as far as I am concerned. I did not understand
that you made coalition with him a condition of my attempt to form a
Government. I hope, Sir, you acquit me of having disregarded your
wishes."
"I do, Lady Cairo. I made no conditions, nor was I entitled to do so. I
left you quite free. Only it seemed to me you must act with the support
of Lord Reginald and his following, and that therefore you would
necessarily consult him."
"I would not say anything in disparagement of Lord Reginald; but may it
not be that my party do not think there has been such habitual agreement
with him as to warrant our assuming that a coalition would be for the
public interest, to say nothing of our own comfort?"
"I see," muttered the Emperor in barely audible voice, "always the same
distrust of this man, able and brave though he be." Then aloud, "Lady
Cairo, what am I to do? Should I send for Lord Reginald and ask him to
attempt to form a Government?"
"I implore your Majesty not to ask me for advice. Mrs. Hardinge is still
in power. May I," she said in a tone of pathetic entreaty, "utter half a
dozen words not officially, but confidentially?"
"Certainly you have my permission."
"Then, Sir, you will understand me when I say that personal opinions,
confidence, trust, and liking may have so much to do with the matter
that it will be graciously kind of your Majesty to allow me to state
only this much in my place in the House: that, after considering the
charge you entrusted to me, I felt compelled to refuse it, not believing
that I could form a Government which would enjoy the confidence of a
majority of the House."
"Let it be so," said the Emperor good-humouredly. "That may be your
version. I must not put my troubles upon you."
"Your Majesty is most good, most kind. I can never be sufficiently
grateful."
The Emperor had gained one more devoted admirer. Few who came into
personal contact with him failed to be fascinated by his wonderful
sympathy and grace. All human character appeared an open book to his
discernment.
He sent for Mrs. Hardinge. "I fear," he said, "you will not be pleased
at what I am about to say. Lady Cairo has declined to form a Government.
I may have to refuse to accept your resignation, or rather to ask you to
withdraw it. First, however, I wish your advice; but before I formally
seek it tell me would it be distasteful to you to give it."
He paused to afford an opportunity to Mrs. Hardinge to speak, of which
she did not avail herself.
"Lady Cairo," he continued, "did not communicate at all with the mover
of the resolution, Lord Reginald. Will you be averse to my asking you to
advise me on the subject?"
It will be observed that he did not ask for the advice. He well knew, if
he did so, Mrs. Hardinge would be bound to declare that he had asked for
advice, and whether she gave it or not, would still be unable to conceal
that it was sought from her. The Emperor now only put his question on
the footing of whether she was willing that he should seek her opinion.
Mrs. Hardinge appreciated his consideration. It all came back to the
point that the objection to Lord Reginald was of a personal nature, and
as such it was in the last degree distasteful to every one to be mixed
up with its consideration.
"Your Majesty," said Mrs. Hardinge, "has a claim to seek my advice on
the subject; but there are reasons which make me very averse to giving
it. If I can avoid doing so, you will make me very grateful."
The Emperor mused. "Whatever the special reasons may be, why should I
force on so valuable a public servant the necessity of making a lifelong
enemy of this unscrupulous man? To me his enmity matters little. I will
myself decide the point. Lord Reginald did not carry his resolution, and
Mrs. Hardinge need not have tendered her resignation. She did offer it;
and, guided by constitutional rule, I sent for the leader of the
Opposition. I did not take advice from Mrs. Hardinge as to whether I
should send for Lord Reginald or Lady Cairo. I acted on my own
responsibility, as in such cases I prefer doing. I am opposed to the
principle of a retiring Minister selecting his or her successor. I had
the right to suppose that Lady Cairo would consult Lord Reginald, though
not to complain of her failing to do so. If I send for Lord Reginald, it
must be of my own initiative There is no reason why I should consult
Mrs. Hardinge now, seeing that I did not consult her at first. So much
then is settled. Now I must myself decide if I will send for Lord
Reginald. It will be distasteful to me to do so. I have no confidence in
the man, and it would be a meaningless compliment, for he cannot form a
Government. Why should I make a request I know cannot be complied with?
Constitutional usage does not demand it; in fact, the precedent will be
injurious. Because of a sudden accidental combination, the
representative of a small party has no right to be elevated into the
most important leader. Such a practice would encourage combinations
injurious to party government. If I had intended to send for Lord
Reginald, I ought to have summoned him before I sought Lady Cairo. I am
quite satisfied that the course I pursued was constitutional and wise,
and I should throw doubt upon it by sending for Lord Reginald now."
These reflections were made in less time than it takes to write them
down.
"Mrs. Hardinge," said the Emperor, "we now begin our official
interview. Be kind enough to efface from your mind what has hitherto
passed. I have to ask you to withdraw your resignation. Lady Cairo, the
leader of the Opposition, has declined to act, on the ground that she
cannot form a Government which will sufficiently possess the confidence
of a majority of the House."
"It shall be as your Majesty wishes," said Mrs. Hardinge.
When the House met, Mrs. Hardinge, by agreement with Lady Cairo, merely
stated that, after the division of last week, she had felt it her duty
to tender the resignation of her Government to the Emperor.
Lady Cairo in very few words explained that the Emperor had sent for her
and entrusted her with the formation of a Government, and that, after
sufficient consideration, she resolved it was not desirable she should
undertake the task, as she could not rely on a majority in the House and
could not submit to lead it on sufferance.
Mrs. Hardinge again rose, and explained that, at the request of the
Emperor, she had withdrawn her resignation. Loud cheers from all sides
of the House followed the intimation.
Public feeling during the week had abundantly shown itself to be against
a change of government upon what really amounted to a theoretical
question, as the matter was not before the House upon which the
resolution was nearly carried. It was argued that even if carried it
would have been a most unsatisfactory reason for a change of government.
There was one member in the Chamber to whom all that had passed was gall
and wormwood. Lord Reginald left the House last week a marked and
distinguished man. For the first twenty-four hours he received from
those persons throughout the Empire who made it their business to stand
well with "the powers that be" congratulations of a most flattering
description. To-day there was "none so poor to do him reverence."
The change was intolerable to a man of his proud and haughty
disposition. The worst feature of it was that he could not single out
any one specially for complaint. There was no disguising from himself
what every one in the House knew, and what every one throughout the
Empire soon would know: that the Emperor himself and the leaders of both
the great parties did not think him worthy of consideration. As we have
seen, there was no actual slight; that is to say, constitutional usages
had been followed. But to his mind he had been slighted in a most marked
and offensive fashion. Why was he not sent for at first? Why did not
Lady Cairo consult him? Why was Mrs. Hardinge asked to withdraw her
resignation without his assistance being sought--he, the mover of the
resolution; he, the man who brought on the crisis about which miles of
newspaper columns had since been written? He forgot that no one had
asked him to take the action he did, that he had sought no advice on the
subject, and that politicians who elect to act on their own account have
no right to complain of the isolation they court. Scarcely any one spoke
to him. A member near him, noticing his extreme pallor, asked him if he
was unwell; but no one seemed to care about him or to remember that he
had had anything to do with the crisis which, to the rejoicing of all
sides, was over. "The newspapers," he thought, "will not forget." They
had blamed him during the last week; now they would ridicule and laugh
at him. He writhed at the reflection; and when he reached the quiet of
his own home, he paced his large study as one demented. "I will be
revenged," he muttered over and over again. "I will show them I am not
so powerless a being; they shall all repent the insult they have put on
me: and as for that girl, that image of snow--she has set Mrs. Hardinge
against me. She shall grovel at my feet; she shall implore me to marry
her."