PARTIAL VICTORY.
Parliament was about to meet, and the Emperor was to open it with a
speech delivered by himself. Much difference of opinion existed as to
whether reference should be made to the question of altering the nature
of the succession. The Emperor desired that all reference to it should
be omitted. He told Mrs. Hardinge frankly he had decided not to agree to
an alteration, but he said his greatest pain in refusing was the
consciousness that it might deprive him of his present advisers. If the
recommendation were formally made, he should be compelled to say that he
would not concur until he had recourse to other advisers. He wished her
not to impose on him such a necessity.
"But," said Mrs. Hardinge, "your Majesty is asking us to hold office at
the expense of our opinions."
"Not so," replied his Majesty. "All pressing need of dealing with the
question is over. I have resolved to break off the negotiations with the
President of the United States for her daughter's hand. I do not think
the union would be happy for either, and I take exception to the strong
terms in which the President has urged a change in the succession of our
imperial line. You see that the question is no longer an urgent one."
"I hardly know to which direction our duty points," Mrs. Hardinge said.
"We think the question urgent whether or not your Majesty marries at
once."
"Pray do not take that view. There is another reason. I have determined,
as I have said, not to accept such advice without summoning other
advisers. In adopting this step, I am strictly within my constitutional
rights; and I do not say, if a new Cabinet also recommends an alteration
in the law of succession I will refuse to accept the advice. I will
never voluntarily decline to recognise the constitutional rights which
I have sworn to uphold. So it might be that a change of Cabinet would
not alter the result, and then it would be held that I had strained my
constitutional power in making the change. I do not wish to appear in
this or any other question to hold individual opinions. Frankly I will
tell you that I doubt if you have the strength to carry your proposed
change even if I permitted you to submit it. If I am correct in my
conjecture, the question will be forced on you from the other side; and
you will be defeated on it. In that case I shall not have interfered;
and, as I have said, I prefer not to do so. So you see, Mrs. Hardinge,
that I am selfish in wishing you to hold back the question. It is in my
own interest that I do so, and you may dismiss all feeling of
compunction."
"Your Majesty has graciously satisfied me that I may do as you suggest
without feeling that I am actuated by undue desire to continue in
office. I agree with your Majesty the parliamentary result is doubtful.
It greatly depends on the line taken by Lord Reginald Paramatta and the
forty or fifty members who habitually follow him."
The Emperor's speech was received with profound respect. But as soon as
he left the council-chamber a murmur of astonishment ran round. It was
generally anticipated that the announcement of the royal marriage would
be made.
The Federal Chamber was of magnificent dimensions. It accommodated with
comfort the seven hundred and fifty members and one thousand persons
besides. The Chamber was of circular shape. A line across the centre
divided the portion devoted to the members from that occupied by the
audience. The latter were seated tier on tier, but not crowded. The
members had each a comfortable chair and a little desk in front, on
which he could either write or by the hand telegraph communicate
telegrams to his friends outside for retransmission if he desired it. He
could receive messages also, and in neither case was the least noise
made by the instrument.
The council-chamber possessed astonishing acoustic powers. Vast as were
its dimensions, a comparatively feeble voice could be clearly heard at
the remotest distance. As soon as some routine business was concluded
the leader of the Opposition, a lady of great reputation for
statesmanship, rose, and, partly by way of interrogation, expressed
surprise that no intimation had been made respecting the future
happiness of the reigning family. This was about as near a reference to
the person of the Sovereign as the rules of the House permitted. Mrs.
Hardinge curtly replied that she had no intimation to make, a reply
which was received with a general murmur of amazement. The House seemed
to be on the point of proceeding to the ordinary business, when Lord
Reginald Paramatta rose and said "he ventured to ask, as no reference
was made to the subject in the speech, what were the intentions of the
Government on the question of altering the law of succession of the
imperial family."
This interruption was received with much surprise. Lord Reginald had
long been a member possessed of great influence. He had a considerable
following, numbering perhaps not less than fifty. His rule of conduct
hitherto had been to deprecate party warfare. He tried to hold the
balance, and neither side had yet been able to number him and his
following as partisans. That he should lead the way to an attack of an
extreme party character seemed most astonishing. The few words that he
had uttered were rapidly translated into meaning that he intended to
throw in his lot with the Opposition. Mrs. Hardinge, however, appeared
to feel no concern as she quietly replied that she was not aware that
the question pressed for treatment. "I am afraid," said Lord Reginald,
"that I am unable to agree with this opinion; and it is my duty to test
the feelings of the House on the subject." Then he read to the intently
listening members a resolution of which he gave notice that it was
desirable, in order that no uncertainty should exist on the subject, to
record the opinion of the House that the law of succession should not
be altered. Loud cheers followed the announcement; and the leader of the
Opposition, who was equally taken by surprise, congratulated Lord
Reginald, with some little irony, on the decided position he had at last
assumed. Mrs. Hardinge, without any trace of emotion or anxiety, rose
amidst the cheers of her side of the House. The noble and gallant
member, she said, had given notice of a resolution which the Government
would consider challenged its position. It would be better to take it
before proceeding to other business, and if, as she expected, the reply
to the Imperial speech would not occasion discussion, to-morrow could be
devoted to it. Lord Reginald replied to-morrow would suit him, and the
sitting soon came to an end.
Mrs. Hardinge could not but feel surprise at the accuracy of the
Emperor's anticipation. She was sure he was not aware of Lord Reginald's
intention, and she knew that the latter was acting in revenge for the
slight he had received at the hands of Hilda Fitzherbert. She felt that
the prospect of the motion being carried was largely increased through
Lord Reginald having so cleverly appropriated it to himself. But it was
equally evident from the cordiality with which the proposal was received
that, if Lord Reginald had not brought it on, some one else would. She
saw also that the Countess of Cairo (the leader of the Opposition) had
rapidly decided to support Lord Reginald, though she might have
reasonably objected to his appropriating the subject. "He is clever,"
Mrs. Hardinge reflected. "He accurately gauged Lady Cairo's action. What
a pity neither Hilda nor I can trust him! He is as bad in disposition as
he is able in mind."
The next day, after the routine business was disposed of, Lord
Reginald's resolution was called on. That it excited immense interest
the crowded state of the hall in every part attested. Two of the
Emperor's aides-de-camp were there, each with a noiseless telegraph
apparatus in front of him to wire alternately the progress of the
debate. Reporters were similarly communicating with the _Argus_, _Age_,
and _Telegraph_ in Melbourne, and with the principal papers in Sydney,
Brisbane, Adelaide, and New Zealand.
Lord Reginald rose amidst loud cheers from the Opposition side of the
House. He made a temperate but exceedingly able speech. He would explain
before he concluded why he had taken the lead in bringing the question
on. Hitherto he had not sought to take a prominent place in politics. He
was a soldier by profession, and he would infinitely prefer
distinguishing himself as a soldier than as a politician; and, as he
would show, it was as a soldier that he came forward. He disclaimed any
hostility to the equality of the sexes or any objection to the
increasing power in public affairs to which women were attaining. He
fully recognised that the immense progress of the world during the last
hundred years was largely due to the intellectual advancement of women.
He equally rejected the idea that women were unfitted to rule over a
constitutionally governed empire.
Then he dwelt at great length on the inexpediency of permitting the
Constitution to be altered in any one particular, and this part of his
speech was warmly cheered by a considerable section on each side of the
Chamber. The effect of these remarks was, however, marred as far as the
Government party were concerned by a sneering reference to their
disposition to changes of all kinds; and he attempted a feeble joke by
insinuating that the most desirable change of all might be a change of
government.
Then he came to his main argument and explained that it was this
consideration which had impelled him to take up the question. He was, as
he had said, a soldier; but he was not one who overlooked the misery
caused by war. He did not long for war, nor did he think that war was a
probable contingency; but he felt that the British Empire should always
be ready for war as the best means of avoiding it, and as a soldier he
believed no greater prestige could be given to the forces of their vast
dominions than the knowledge that the Emperor was ready to lead them in
person. "I would not," he said, "exclude the female line; but I would
not give it larger probabilities of succession than it enjoys at
present. Again, as a soldier I declare that the interests of the Empire
forbid our doing anything to limit the presence at the head of his
forces of the ruler of the Empire."
Lord Reginald sat down amidst cheers. He had been listened to with
profound attention, and parts of his speech were warmly applauded.
Still, on the whole, the speech was not a success. Every one felt that
there was something wanting. The speaker seemed to be deficient in
sincerity. The impression left was that he had some object in view. The
malign air with which the little joke was uttered about a change of
government was most repelling. It came with singularly bad grace from
one who tried to make out that he was unwillingly forced into opposition
to a Government with which he had been friendly.
Mrs. Hardinge rose amidst loud and continuous cheers. She combated each
argument of the last speaker. She admitted her great disinclination to
change the Constitution, but, she asked, was reverence for the
Constitution promoted by upholding it on the ground not of its merits,
but of the inexpediency of varying it? She freely admitted that her
feelings were in favour of changing the laws of succession, but she had
not brought forward any proposal to that effect, nor, as an advocate of
a change, did she see any immediate or early need of bringing down
proposals. Was it a good precedent to make great Ministerial changes
depend on resolutions affecting not questions before the House, not
proposals made by the Government, but sentiments or opinions they were
supposed to entertain? This was a great change in parliamentary
procedure, a larger one than those changes which the noble lord had
sneeringly credited her with advocating. Then she gave Lord Reginald a
very unpleasant quarter of an hour. She pictured him as head of the
Government in consequence of carrying his resolution; she selected
certain unpopular sentiments which he was known to entertain, and,
amidst great laughter, travestied Lord Reginald's defence of his fads
in response to resolutions of the same kind as they were now discussing.
She grew eloquent even to inspiration in describing the abilities of the
female Sovereigns of the past. And as to the soldier's point of view she
asked did not history tell them that the arms of the country had been as
successful under female as under male rulers? The noble lord, she said,
amidst roars of laughter, had intended to come forward as a soldier;
but, for her part, she thought he had posed as a courtier, and
sarcastically she hinted that he was as able in one capacity as the
other. "He is sad, sir," she continued, "over the possibility that any
one but the Emperor should lead the forces; but if all that is said as
to the noble lord's ambition be correct, he would prefer leading the
troops himself to following the lead of the most exalted commander." She
concluded with an eloquent appeal to her own party. She did not deny the
opinions of her colleagues and herself, but asked was it wise to allow a
great party to be broken up by a theoretical discussion upon a subject
not yet before the country, and which for a long while might not come
before it? Mrs. Hardinge's speech was received most enthusiastically,
and at its conclusion it was clear that she had saved her party from
breaking up. Not a vote would be lost to it. The result merely depended
on what addition Lord Reginald's own following could bring to the usual
strength of the Opposition. After some more debating a division ensued,
and the resolution was lost by two votes only. Both sides cheered, but
there was breathless silence when Mrs. Hardinge rose. She made no
reference to the debate beyond the very significant one of asking that
the House should adjourn for a week.