BAFFLED REVENGE.
Hilda's most confidential secretary was her sister, Maud Fitzherbert.
She was some two or three years younger, a lovely, graceful girl, and
possessed of scarcely less intellectual power than Hilda. She had
perhaps less inclination for public life; but both the girls were
learned in physical laws, in mathematics, in living languages, in
everything, in short, to which they devoted their extraordinary mental
powers. They adored each other, and Maud looked up to Hilda as to a
divinity.
The latter was writing in her room. Maud came to her. "Lord Montreal is
most anxious to see you for a few minutes."
Lord Montreal was a fine-looking, handsome young man of twenty-five
years of age. He was a brave soldier, a genial companion, and a general
favourite. He was the second son of the Duke of Ontario. He had known
the Fitzherberts since they were children, and the families were
intimate. Hilda greeted him cordially.
"I will not detain you," he said; "but I have had important information
confided to me in strict secrecy. I cannot tell you who was my
informant, and you must not use my name. Will you accept the
conditions?"
"I must, I suppose, if you insist on them."
"I must insist on them. My information much concerns my commanding
officer, Lord Reginald Paramatta, with whom I am only on formal terms;
and therefore my name must not appear. As to my informant, his condition
was absolute secrecy as to his name. The gist of what he told me was
that Lord Reginald is organising a secret society, with objects
certainly not loyal to the Emperor, if indeed they are not treasonable.
I gathered that there is something more contemplated than theoretical
utterances, and that action of a most disastrous character may follow if
steps to arrest it be not at once taken. The information was imparted to
me in order that I might bring it to you. I feel that I have been placed
in a false position by being made the recipient without proof of
statements so damaging to my superior officer; and though I fear that I
may be placing a trouble upon you, I have on reflection not thought
myself warranted in withholding the statement, as it was made to me with
the object of its reaching you. Never again will I give assurances about
statements the nature of which I do not know."
Miss Fitzherbert seemed to be destined to annoyance through Lord
Reginald. She was now called to set the detective power in force against
a man who a few days since so eagerly sought her hand.
"I certainly wish," she said, "that you will not give promises which
will land you into bringing me information of this kind."
"You surely," said Montreal, "do not care for Lord Reginald?"
"I may not and do not care for him, but it is not agreeable to be asked
to search out criminal designs on the part of a person with whom one is
acquainted."
"Forgive me, Hilda," said Montreal. "It was thoughtless of me not to
think that I might give you pain. But, you see, I regard you as
indifferent to everything but public affairs. Now Maud is different;"
and he looked at the fair girl who still remained in the room, with eyes
in which warm affection was plainly visible.
"Maud has a heart, of course; but I have not," said Hilda, with more
irritation than she was accustomed to display.
The poor girl had suffered much annoyance during the last few days, and
the climax was attained that afternoon when she read in a paper
purposely sent to her a strangely inverted account of her relations with
Lord Reginald. According to this journal, Mrs. Hardinge had treated Lord
Reginald cruelly because she could not induce him to respond to the
affection which her protegée Hilda Fitzherbert felt for the great
soldier. In spite of, or perhaps on account of, her vast mental power,
Hilda was possessed of a singularly sensitive character. She gave
herself up to public affairs in the full conviction that women could do
so without sacrificing in the smallest degree their self-respect. She
had a high conception of the purity and holiness of woman's individual
existence, and it seemed to her a sacrilege to make the public life of a
woman the excuse for dragging before the eyes of the world anything that
affected her private feelings. She was intensely annoyed at this
paragraph. In the end, we may say in anticipation. Lord Reginald did not
come out of it with advantage. The next issue of the paper contained the
following passage: "In reference to what appeared in our columns last
week about Miss Fitzherbert, we must apologise to that lady. We are
informed by Mrs. Hardinge that the facts were absolutely inverted. It is
not Lord Reginald who is unwilling. It is Lord Reginald who has received
a _decidedly_ negative reply."
Hilda was not one to readily inflict her own annoyances on others. She
recovered herself in a moment as she saw the pained look on Maud's face.
"Forgive me, Montreal; forgive me, Maud," she said. "I have much to
disturb me. I did not mean to be unkind. Of course, Montreal, I should
have liked your aid in this matter; but as you cannot give it, I must
see what I can do without it. Good-bye, Montreal. Maud dear, send at
once to Colonel Laurient, and ask him if he will do me the kindness to
come to see me at once."
Colonel Laurient was a very remarkable man. He was on his mother's side
of an ancient Jewish family, possessing innumerable branches all over
the world. At various times members of the family had distinguished
themselves both in public life and in scientific, commercial, and
financial pursuits. Colonel Laurient was the second son of one of the
principal partners in the De Childrosse group, the largest and most
wealthy financial house in the world. When his education was completed,
he decided not to enter into the business, as his father gave him the
option of doing. He had inherited an enormous fortune from his aunt, the
most celebrated scientific chemist and inventor of her day. She had left
him all the law permitted her to leave to one relation. He entered the
army, and also obtained a seat in Parliament. As a soldier he gained a
reputation for extreme skill and discretion in the guerilla warfare that
sometimes was forced on the authorities in the British Asiatic
possessions. On one occasion by diplomatic action he changed a powerful
foe on the frontier of the Indian possessions to a devoted friend, his
knowledge of languages and Asiatic lore standing him in good stead. This
action brought him to the notice of the Emperor, who soon attached him
to his personal service, and, it was said, put more faith in his
opinions than in those of any person living. He was rather the personal
friend than the servant of the Emperor.
Some twenty years before the date of our story it was found necessary to
give to the then Sovereign a private service of able and devoted men.
It was the habit of the Emperor of United Britain to travel about the
whole of his vast dominions. The means of travelling were greatly
enlarged, and what would at one time have been considered a long and
fatiguing expedition ceased to possess any difficulty or inconvenience.
A journey from London to Melbourne was looked upon with as much
indifference as one from London to the Continent used to be. It became
apparent that either the freedom of the Emperor to roam about at
pleasure must be much curtailed, or that he must be able to travel
without encroaching on the ordinary public duty of his constitutional
advisers. Thus a species of personal bodyguard grew up, with the members
of which, according as his temperament dictated, the Sovereign became on
more or less intimate personal terms. The officers holding this coveted
position had no official status. If there was any payment, the Emperor
made it. There was no absolute knowledge of the existence of the force,
if such it could be called, or of who composed it. That the Sovereign
had intimate followers was of course known, and it was occasionally
surmised that they held recognised and defined positions. But it was
merely surmise, after all; and not half a dozen people outside of
Cabinet rank could have positively named the friends of the Emperor who
were members of the bodyguard.
Colonel Laurient retired from Parliament, where he had rather
distinguished himself in the treatment of questions requiring large
geographical and historical knowledge; and it was commonly supposed, he
wished to give more attention to his military duties. In reality he
became chief of the Emperor's bodyguard, and, it might be said, was the
eyes and ears of the Sovereign. With consummate ability he organised a
secret intelligence department, and from one end of the dominions to the
other he became aware of everything that was passing. Not infrequently
the Emperor amazed Cabinet Ministers with the extent of his knowledge of
immediate events. Colonel Laurient never admitted that he held any
official position, and literally he did not hold any such position. He
received no pay, and his duties were not defined. He loved the Emperor
personally for himself, and the Emperor returned the feeling. Really the
most correct designation to give to his position was to term him the
Emperor's most devoted friend and to consider that in virtue thereof the
members of the bodyguard regarded him as their head, because he stood to
them in the place of the Emperor himself.
Hilda Fitzherbert knew something, and conjectured more, as to his
position. She was frequently brought into communication with him, and
after she heard Lord Montreal's story she instantly determined to
consult him. He came quickly on her invitation. He was always pleased to
meet her.
Colonel Laurient was a tall, slender man, apparently of about
thirty-five years of age. His complexion was very dark; and his silky,
curly hair was almost of raven blackness. His features were small and
regular, and of that sad but intellectual type common to some of the
pure-bred Asiatic races. You would deem him a man who knew how to
"suffer and be strong;" you would equally deem him one whom no
difficulty could frighten, no obstacle baffle. You would expect to see
his face light up to enjoyment not because of the prospect of ordinary
pleasure, but because of affairs of exceeding gravity which called for
treatment by a strong hand and subtle brain. His manner was pleasing and
deferential; and he had a voice of rare harmony, over which he possessed
complete control. Cordial greetings passed between him and Miss
Fitzherbert. There was no affectation of apology being necessary for
sending for him or of pleasure on his part at the summons. Briefly she
told him of Lord Montreal's communication. He listened attentively, then
carelessly remarked, "Lord Reginald's conduct has been very peculiar
lately."
Do what she would, the girl could not help giving a slight start at this
remark, made as it was with intention. Colonel Laurient at once
perceived that there was more to be told than he already was aware of.
He knew a great deal that had passed with Lord Reginald, and guessed
more; and gradually, with an apparently careless manner, he managed to
elicit so much from Hilda that she thought it wiser to tell him
precisely all that had occurred, especially the account of her last
interview with Lord Reginald and his subsequent letter resigning his
appointment.
"Confidences with me," he said, "are entirely safe. Now I understand his
motives, you and I start on fair terms, which we could not do whilst you
knew more than I did."
Then they discussed what had better be done. "It may be," Colonel
Laurient said, "that there is nothing in it. There is a possibility that
it is a pure invention, and it is even possible that Lord Reginald may
have himself caused the invention to reach you for the purpose of giving
you annoyance. Montreal's informant may have been instigated by Lord
Reginald. Then there is the possibility--we may say probability--that
the purposes of the society do not comprise a larger amount of
disaffection or dissatisfaction than the law permits. And, lastly,
there is let us say the barest possibility that Lord Reginald, enraged
to madness, may have determined on some really treasonable action. You
know in old days it was said, 'Hell has no fury like a woman scorned;'
but in our time we would not give the precedence for wounded vanity to
woman; man is not wanting in the same susceptibility, and Lord Reginald
has passed through a whole series of humiliating experiences. I knew
some of them before I saw you this afternoon. You have filled up the
list with a bitter from which he doubtless suffers more than from all
the rest."
Miss Fitzherbert appeared to care little for this strain of conjecture.
"What is the use of it?" she said. "However infinitesimal the risk of
treasonable designs, the Emperor must not be allowed to run it."
"You are right," said Colonel Laurient. "I do not, as you know, appear
in these matters; but I have means of obtaining information of secret
things. Within twenty-four hours I will see you again and let you know
what it all means. We can then decide the course to take."
Some explanation is necessary to enable Colonel Laurient's remarks about
the limits of disaffection to be understood. Freedom of thought and
expression was amongst the cardinal liberties of the subject most
prized. In order to recognise its value, it was long since determined
that a line should be drawn beyond which the liberty should not extend.
It was argued that nothing could be more cruel than to play with
disaffection of a dangerous nature. Not only was it the means of
increasing the disaffection, but of gradually drawing eminent people
into compromising positions. The line then was drawn at this
point:--upon any subject that did not affect the fundamental principles
of the Constitution change might be permissible, but any advocacy or
even suggestion of destroying those fundamental principles was regarded
as treasonable. The Constitution was so framed as to indicate within
itself the principles which were susceptible of modification or change,
such, for example, as the conditions of the franchise and the modes of
conducting elections. But there were three fundamental points concerning
which no change was allowable, and these were--first, that the Empire
should continue an empire; secondly, that the sovereignty should remain
in the present reigning family; and thirdly, that the union of the
different parts of the dominion was irrevocable and indissoluble. It
will be remembered that a great aversion had been expressed by the
upholders of the Constitution to the proposal to change the law of
succession within the imperial family. It could not be said to touch on
the second fundamental principle, as it did not involve a change of
dynasty; yet many thought it too nearly approached one of the sacred,
unchangeable principles.
As regards the fundamental principles, no discussion was permissible. To
question even the wisdom of continuing the Empire, of preserving the
succession in the imperial family, or of permitting a separation of any
of the dominions was held to be rank treason; and no mercy was shown to
an offender. Outside of these points changes could be made, and
organisations to promote changes were legitimate, however freely they
indulged in plain speech. The conduct of the Emperor himself was
legitimately a subject of comment, especially on any point in which he
appeared to fail in respect to the Constitution he had sworn to uphold.
It need scarcely be said that the Constitution was no longer an
ill-defined and unwritten one. Such a Constitution worked well enough as
long as the different parts of the Empire were united only during
pleasure. When the union became irrevocable, it was a natural necessity
that the conditions of union should be defined.
It may be convenient here to state some of the broad features of the
governing and social system. It has already been said that, without
approaching to communism, it had long since been decided that every
human being was entitled to a share in the good things of the world, and
that destitution was abhorrent. It was also recognised that the
happiest condition of humanity was a reasonable amount of work and
labour. For that very reason, it was decided not to make the labour
distasteful by imposing it as a necessity. The love of work, not its
necessity, was the feeling it was desirable to implant. Manual work
carried with it no degradation, and there was little work to be done
which did not require intelligence. Mere brute force was superseded by
the remarkable contrivances for affording power and saving labour which
were brought even to the humblest homes. The waves, tides, and winds
stored up power which was convertible into electricity or compressed
air; and either of these aids to labour-saving could be carried from
house to house as easily as water. If men and women wished to be idle
and State pensioners, it was open to them to follow their inclination;
but they had to wear uniforms, and they were regarded as inferior by the
healthy body politic. The aged, infirm, and helpless might enjoy State
aid without being subjected to such a humiliation or to any disability.
The starting-point was that, if a person was not sufficiently criminal
to be the inmate of a prison, he should not be relegated to a brutal
existence. It was at first argued that such a system would encourage
inaction and idleness; the State would be deluged with pensioners. But
subtler counsels prevailed. Far-seeing men and women argued that the
condition of the world was becoming one of contracted human labour; and
if the viciously inclined refused to work, there would be more left to
those who had the ambition to be industrious. "But," was the rejoinder,
"you are stifling ambition by making the lowest round of the ladder so
comfortable and luxurious." To this was replied, "Your argument is
superficial. Survey mankind; and you will see that, however lowly its
lowest position, there is a ceaseless, persistent effort to rise on the
part of nearly every well-disposed person, from the lowliest to the most
exalted." Ambition, it was urged, was natural to man, but it was least
active amongst the poverty-crushed classes. Mankind as a whole might be
described as myriads of units striving to ascend a mountain. The number
of those contented to rest on the plateaus to which they had climbed was
infinitesimal compared with the whole. It would be as difficult to
select them as it would be to pick out a lazy bee from a whole hive.
Whether you started at the lowest class, with individuals always on the
point of starvation, with families herded together with less decency
than beasts of the fields, and with thousands of human beings who from
cradle to grave knew not what happiness meant, or made the start from a
higher elevation, upon which destitution was impossible, there would
still continue the climbing of myriads to greater heights and the
resting on plateaus of infinitesimally few; indeed, as poverty tended to
crush ambition, there would be a larger range of aspiration accompanying
an improvement in the condition of the lowliest class. And so it proved.
The system of government and taxation followed the theory of the range
above destitution. Taxes were exacted in proportion to the ability to
pay them. The payments for the many services the Post Office rendered
were not regarded as taxation. The customs duties were looked upon as
payments made in proportion to the desires of the people to use dutiable
goods. If high customs duties meant high prices, they also meant high
wages.
The Empire, following the practice of other countries, was utterly
averse to giving employment to the peoples of foreign nations. Every
separate local dominion within the Empire was at liberty to impose by
its legislature what duties it pleased as between itself and other parts
of the Empire, but it was imperatively required to collect three times
the same duties on commodities from foreign countries. This was of
course meant to be prohibitive of foreign importations, and was
practicable because the countries within the Empire could supply every
commodity in the world. It was argued that to encourage foreign
importations merely meant to pit cheap labour against the price for
labour within the Empire. Besides the customs duties, the revenue was
almost entirely made up of income tax and succession duties. Stamp
duties, as obstacles to business, were considered an evidence of the
ignorance of the past. The first five hundred pounds a year of income
was free; but beyond that amount the State appropriated one clear fourth
of all incomes. Similarly one quarter of the value of all successions,
real or personal, in excess of ten thousand pounds, was payable to the
State; and disposition by gifts before death came within the succession
values. A man or woman was compelled to leave half his or her property,
after payment of succession duty, in defined proportion to the children
and wife or husband, as the case might be, or failing these to near
relations; the other half he or she might dispose of at pleasure. It was
argued that to a certain extent the amasser of wealth had only a life
interest in it, and that it was not for the happiness of the successors
of deceased people to come into such wealth that the ambition to work
and labour would be wanting. The system did not discourage the amassment
of wealth; on the contrary, larger fortunes were made than in former
times. Higher prices gave to fortunes of course a comparatively less
purchasing power; but taking the higher prices into consideration, the
accumulation of wealth became a more honourable ambition and a
pleasanter task when it ceased to be purchased at the expense of the
comfort of the working classes.
The customs duties belonged to the separate Governments that collected
them, and the quarter-income tax and succession duties were equally
divided between the Imperial and the Dominion Governments. Thus the
friction between them was minimised. The Imperial Government and the
Dominion Governments both enjoyed during most years far more revenue
than they required, and so large a reserve fund was accumulated that no
inconvenience was felt in years of depression. Part of the surplus
revenues arising from the reserve fund was employed in large educational
and benevolent works and undertakings. The result of the system was that
pecuniary suffering in all directions was at an end; but the ambition to
acquire wealth, with its concomitant powers, was in no degree abated.
Of course there was not universal content--such a condition would be
impossible--but the controversies were, as a rule, less bitter than the
former ones which prevailed between different classes. The man-and-woman
struggle was one of the large points of constant difference, and again
there was much difference of opinion as to whether the quarter-income
and succession duties might be reduced to a fifth. It was argued, on the
one hand, that the reserve funds were becoming too large, and that the
present generation was working too much for its successors. On the other
hand, it was urged that the present generation in working for its
successors was merely perpetuating the gift which it had inherited, and
that by preserving the reserve funds great strength was given to contend
against any reverses that the future might have in store. Another point
of controversy was the strength of the naval and military forces. A
comparatively small school of public men argued that the cost and
strength might be materially reduced without risk or danger, but the
general feeling was not with them.
This has been a long digression, but it was necessary to the
comprehension of our story. It will easily be understood from what has
been said that, supposing the alleged action of Lord Reginald was
dictated by revenge, it was difficult to see, unless he resorted to
treasonable efforts, what satisfaction he could derive from any
agitation.
Colonel Laurient the next afternoon fulfilled his promise of waiting on
Hilda. She had suffered great anxiety during the interval--the anxiety
natural to ill-defined fears and doubts. He looked careworn, and his
manner was more serious than on the previous day. "I have found out all
about it," he said; "and I am sorry there is more cause for anxiety than
we thought yesterday. It is undoubtedly true that Lord Reginald is
organising some combination; and although the proof is wanting, there is
much reason to fear that his objects are not of a legitimate nature. It
is impossible to believe, he would take the trouble which he is
assuming, to deal only with questions to which he has never shown an
inclination. I am persuaded that behind the cloak of his ostensible
objects lies ambition or revenge, or perhaps both, pointing to extreme
and highly dangerous action."
"You are probably right," said Miss Fitzherbert, who knew from the
manner of the Emperor's favourite that he was much disturbed by what he
had heard. "But even so, what obstacle lies in the way of putting an end
to the projected action, whatever its nature?"
"There is a great obstacle," promptly replied the Colonel; "and that is
the doubt as to what the nature of the project is. Lord Reginald is a
clever man; and notwithstanding his late failure, he has plenty of
friends and admirers, especially among his own sex, and amongst
soldiers, both volunteers and regulars. I have ascertained enough to
show me that the leaders intend to keep within ostensibly legitimate
limits until the time comes to unfold their full design to their
followers, and that then they will trust to the comradeship of the
latter and to their fears of being already compromised."
Hilda was quick of apprehension. "I see they will organise to complain
perhaps of the nature of the taxation, and only expose their treasonable
objects at a later time."
Colonel Laurient gazed on her with admiration. "How readily you
comprehend!" he said. "I believe you alone can grapple with the
situation."
The girl flushed, and then grew pale. She did not know what physical
fear meant. Probably, if her feelings were analysed, it would have been
found that the ruling sensation she experienced was an almost delirious
pleasure at the idea that she could do a signal service to the Emperor.
She replied, however, with singular self-repression. "I am not quick
enough," she said, with a slight smile, "to understand how I can be of
any use."
"The organisation has been proceeding some time, although I fancy Lord
Reginald has only lately joined and accepted the leadership. It numbers
thousands who believe themselves banded together only to take strong
measures to reduce taxation, on the ground that the reserve funds have
become amply large enough to permit such reduction. But the leaders have
other views; and I have ascertained that they propose to hold a meeting
three days hence, at which it is possible--nay, I think, probable--there
will be an unreserved disclosure."
"Why not," said Miss Fitzherbert, "arrest them in the midst of their
machinations?"
"There lies the difficulty," responded the Colonel. "It entirely depends
on the nature of the disclosures whether the Government authorities are
entitled to take any action. If the disclosures fall short of being
treasonable, it would be held that there was interference of a most
unpardonable character with freedom of speech and thought; and the last
of it would never be heard. Dear Miss Fitzherbert," he said caressingly,
"we want some one at the meeting with a judgment so evenly balanced and
accurate that she will be able on the instant to decide if the
treasonable intentions are sufficiently expressed or if it would be
safer not to interfere. I know no one so quick and at the same time so
logical in her judgment as you. In vain have I thought of any one else
whom it would be nearly so safe to employ."
"But how could it be managed?" inquired Hilda. "Every one knows my
appearance. My presence would be immediately detected."
"Pray listen to me," said the Colonel, delighted at having met with no
strenuous opposition. He had feared, he would have great difficulty in
persuading Miss Fitzherbert to take the part he intended for her; and,
to his surprise, she seemed inclined to meet him half-way. Then he
explained that the meeting was to be held in the Parliamentary Hall, a
celebrated place of meeting. It had been constructed with the express
purpose of making it impossible that any one not inside the Hall could
hear what was taking place. The edifice was an enormous one of stone.
Inside this building, about fifteen feet from the walls all round, and
twenty feet from the roof, was a second erection, composed entirely of
glass. So that as long as the external building was better lighted than
the interior one the presence of a human being could be detected outside
the walls or on the roof of the hall of meeting. The chamber was
artificially cooled, as indeed were most of the houses in the cities of
Australia, excepting during the winter months.
"This is the place of all others," said Miss Fitzherbert, "where it
would be difficult for an unauthorised person to be present."
"Not so," replied Colonel Laurient. "The inside hall is to be in
darkness, and the exterior dimly lighted. Only the vague outlines of
each person's form will be revealed; and every one is to come cloaked,
and with a large overshadowing hat. From what I can gather, the
revelation is to be gradual and only to be completed if it should seem
to be approved during its progress. I expect Lord Reginald will be the
last to give in his adhesion, so that it might be said he was deceived
as to the purpose of the meeting if he should see fit to withdraw from
the declaration of its real object. Mind, you are to be sole judge as to
whether the meeting transgresses the line which divides the legitimate
from the treasonable."
"Why not act yourself?" said Hilda.
"If you think for a moment," he replied, "you will understand my
influence is maintained only so long as it is hidden. If I appeared to
act, it would cease altogether. Unfortunately I must often let others do
what I would gladly do myself. Believe me, it is painful to me to put
tasks on you of any kind, much less a task of so grave a nature. By
heavens!" he exclaimed, carried away for a moment, "there is a reason
known to me only why I might well dread for myself the great service you
will do the Emperor."
He was recalled to himself by the amazed look of the girl. "Forgive me,"
he ejaculated. "I did not mean anything. But there is no danger to you;
of that be assured."
"Colonel Laurient," said Hilda gravely, "you ought to know me well
enough not to suppose I am guided by fear."
"I do know it," he answered, "otherwise I should not have asked you to
undertake the great task I have set before you. No woman whose mind was
disturbed by alarm could do justice to it."
He told her that in some way, he did not mention how, he had control
over the manager of the building, who had let it under a false
impression, and asked her if she was aware of the comparatively late
discovery of how to produce artificial magnetism.
"I ought to be," she replied, with a smile, "for I am credited with
having been the first to discover the principle of the remote branch of
muscular magnetising electricity on which it depends."
"I had forgotten," he said, with an answering smile. "One may be
forgiven for forgetting for a moment the wide nature of your
investigations and discoveries."
Then he explained to her that the principle could be put into practice
with perfect certainty and safety, and that he would take care
everything was properly arranged. He would see her again and tell her
the pass-words, the part of the Hall she was to occupy, and the mode she
was to adopt to summon assistance.
The evening of the meeting came, and for half an hour there were
numerous arrivals at the many doors of the huge building. Each person
had separately to interchange the pass-words at both the outer and inner
doors. At length about twelve hundred people were assembled. The lights
outside the glass hall were comparatively feeble. The powerful electric
lamps were not turned on. The inner hall was unlighted, and received
only a dull reflection from the outer lights. Some surprise was
expressed by the usual frequenters of the Hall at the appearance inside
the glass wall of a wooden dais, sufficiently large to hold three or
four people, and with shallow steps on one side leading up to it.
Inquiry was made as to its object. The doorkeeper, suitably instructed,
replied carelessly it was thought, they might require a stage from which
the speakers could address the audience. The present meeting certainly
did not want it. The speakers had no desire to individually bring
themselves into notice. Hilda, muffled up as were the rest, quietly took
a seat close to the steps of the dais. No president was appointed; no
one appeared to have any control; yet as the meeting proceeded it was
evident that its tactics had been carefully thought out, and that most,
if not all, of the speakers were fulfilling the parts allotted to them.
First a tall, elderly man rose, and with considerable force and fluency
enlarged upon the evils of the present large taxation. He went into
figures, and his speech ought to have been effective, only no one seemed
to take any interest in it. Then there loomed on the meeting the person
apparently of a middle-aged woman. The cloaks and hats carefully
mystified the identities of the sexes and individual peculiarities. This
speaker went a little further. She explained that maintaining the Empire
as a whole entailed the sacrifice of regulating the taxation so as to
suit the least wealthy portions. She carefully guarded herself from
being more than explanatory. The comparative poverty of England and the
exactions of the self-indulgent Londoners, she said, necessitated a
scale of taxation that hardy and rich Australia, New Zealand, and Canada
did not require. Then a historically disposed young woman rose and dwelt
upon the time when England thought a great deal more of herself than of
the Colonies and to curry favour with foreign countries placed them on
the same footing as her own dominions. Little by little various speakers
progressed, testing at every step the feelings of the audience, until at
last one went so far as to ask the question whether the time would ever
come when Australia would be found to be quite large and powerful enough
to constitute an empire of itself. "Mind," said he, "I do not say the
time will come." Then an apparently excited Australian arose. She would
not, she said, say a word in favour of such an empire; but she, an
Australian bred and born, and with a long line of Australian ancestors,
was not going to listen to any doubts being thrown on Australia or
Australians. The country and the people, she declared, amidst murmuring
signs of assent, were fit for any destiny to which they might be called.
Then a logical speaker rose and asked why were they forbidden to discuss
the question as to whether it was desirable to retain the present limits
of the Empire or to divide it. He would not state what his opinion was,
but he would say this: that he could not properly estimate the arguments
in favour of preserving the integrity of the Empire unless he was at
liberty to hear the arguments and answer them of those who held an
opposite opinion. When this speaker sat down, there was a momentary
pause. It seemed as if there was a short consultation between those who
were guiding the progress of the meeting. Whether or not this was the
case, some determination appeared to be arrived at; and a short, portly
man arose and said he did not care for anybody or anything. He would
answer the question to which they had at length attained by saying that
in his opinion the present empire was too large, that Australia ought to
be formed into a separate empire, and that she would be quite strong
enough to take care of herself.
The low murmur of fear with which this bold announcement was heard soon
developed into loud cheers, especially from that part of the Hall where
the controlling influence seemed to be held. Then all restraint was cast
aside; and speaker after speaker affirmed, in all varieties of
eloquence, that Australia must be an empire. Some discussed whether New
Zealand should be included, but the general opinion appeared to be that
she should be left to her own decision in the matter. Then the climax
was approached. A speaker rose and said there appeared to be no doubt in
the mind of the meeting as to the Empire of Australia; he hoped there
was no doubt that Lord Reginald Paramatta should be the first Emperor.
The meeting seemed to be getting beyond the control of its leaders. It
did not appear to have been part of their programme to put forward Lord
Reginald's name at this stage. It was an awkward fix, for no person by
name was supposed to be present, so that he could neither disclaim the
honour nor express his thanks for it. One of the controllers, a grave,
tall woman, long past middle age, dealt with this difficulty. They must
not, she said, go too far at first; it was for them now to say whether
Australia should be an empire. She loved to hear the enthusiasm with
which Lord Reginald Paramatta's name was received. Australia boasted no
greater or more distinguished family than the Paramattas; and as for
Lord Reginald, every one knew that a braver and better soldier did not
live. Still they must decide on the Empire before the Emperor, and each
person present must answer the question was he or she favourable to
Australia being constructed into a separate empire? They could not in
this light distinguish hands held up. Each person must rise and throw
off his or her cloak and hat and utter the words, "I declare that I am
favourable to Australia being constituted an empire." Then, evidently
with the intention of making the controllers and Lord Reginald speak
last, she asked the occupant of the seat to the extreme left of the
part of the Hall most distant from her to be the first to declare.
Probably he and a few others had been placed there for that purpose. At
any rate, he rose without hesitation, threw off his cloak, removed his
hat, and said, "I declare myself in favour of Australia being
constituted an empire." Person after person from left to right and from
right to left of each line of chairs followed the same action and
uttered the same words, and throughout the Hall there was a general
removal of cloaks and hats. At length it came to Hilda Fitzherbert's
turn. Without a moment's hesitation, the brave girl rose, dropped her
cloak and hat, and in a voice distinctly heard from end to end of the
Hall said, "I declare I am not in favour of Australia being constituted
an empire."
For a second there was a pause of consternation. Then arose a Babel of
sounds: "Spy!" "Traitor!" "It is Hilda Fitzherbert;" "She must not leave
the Hall alive;" "We have been betrayed." Shrieks and sobs were amongst
the cries to be distinguished. Then there arose a mighty roar of "She
must die," and a movement towards her. It was stilled for a moment. Lord
Reginald rose, and, with a voice heard above all the rest, he thundered
forth, "She shall not die. She shall live on one condition. Leave her to
me;" and he strode towards her.
In one second the girl, like a fawn, sprang up the steps of the dais,
and touched a button concealed in the wall, and then a second button.
Words are insufficient to describe the effect.
The first button was connected with wires that ran through the flooring
and communicated to every being in the Hall excepting to Hilda, on the
insulated dais, a shock of magnetic electricity, the effect of which was
to throw them into instantaneous motionless rigidity. No limb or muscle
could be moved; as the shock found them they remained. And the pressure
of the second button left no doubt of the fact, for it turned on the
electric current to all the lamps inside and outside of the Hall, until
the chamber became a blaze of dazzling light. There was no longer
disguise of face or person, and every visage was at its worst. Fear,
terror, cruelty, or revenge was the mastering expression on nearly every
countenance. Some faces showed that the owners had been entrapped and
betrayed into a situation they had not sought. But these were few, and
could be easily read. On the majority of the countenances there was
branded a mixture of greed, thwarted ambition, personal malignity, and
cruelty horrible to observe. The pose of the persons lent a ludicrous
aspect to the scene. Lord Reginald, for instance, had one foot in front
of the other in the progress he was making towards Hilda. His body was
bent forward. His face wore an expression of triumphant revenge and
brutal love terrible to look at. Evidently he had thought there "was joy
at last for my love and my revenge." Hilda shuddered as she glanced down
upon the sardonic faces beneath her, and touched a third button. An
answering clarionet at once struck out the signal to advance, and the
measured tread of troops in all directions was heard. The poor wretches
in the Hall preserved consciousness of what was passing around, though
they could not exercise their muscular powers and felt no bodily pain.
An officer at the door close to the dais saluted Miss Fitzherbert. "Be
careful," she said, "to put your foot at once on the dais and come up to
me." He approached her. "Have you your orders?" she asked.
"My orders," he said, "are to come from you. We have photographers at
hand."
"Have a photograph," she instructed him, "taken of the whole scene, then
of separate groups, and lastly of each individual. Have it done
quickly," she added, "for the poor wretches suffer mental, if not
physical, pain. Then every one may go free excepting the occupants of
the three top rows. The police should see that these do not leave
Melbourne."
She bowed to the officer, and sprang down the steps and out of the Hall.
At the outer door a tall form met her. She did not require to look--she
was blinded by the light within--to be convinced that it was Colonel
Laurient who received her and placed her in a carriage. She was
overcome. The terrible scene she had passed through had been too much
for her. She did not faint; she appeared to be in a state of numbed
inertness, as if she had lost all mental and physical power. Colonel
Laurient almost carried her into the house, and, with a face of deathly
pallor, consigned her to the care of her sister. Maud had been partly
prepared to expect that Hilda would be strongly agitated by some painful
scene, and she was less struck by her momentary helplessness than by the
agonised agitation of that usually self-commanding being Colonel
Laurient. Probably no one had ever seen him like this before. It may be
that he felt concern not only for Hilda herself, but for the part he had
played in placing her in so agitating a position.