A few handfuls of the seeds are toasted in a frying pan and then pounded

in a rice mortar. Then ordinary earthworms, or even the intestines of a

bird, are cut into small bits and mixed with the poison. A deep quiet

pool in a river or a likely place in a lake is selected and the mixture

of worms and _lágtañg_ dropped into the water at the edge of the pool.

In less than five minutes the minnows and small fish rise to the

surface, and begin to circle around giddily. These are followed by the

larger ones but it is not an easy undertaking to catch them till they

have exhausted themselves in their giddy circles or die in the tall

_runo_ grass that grows along the banks.

This poison affects only such fish as eat the worms. People who eat fish

caught in this way seem to suffer no ill effects.

There are other vegetable poisons used in killing fish, but I remember

only the name of the tree called _tigaú_.

DRY SEASON LAKE FISHING[61]

[61] _Língig_.

The mass of lakes and channels in the central Agúsan dries up into mere

pools once a year, or once in a few years, and affords an admirable

opportunity for fishing on a large scale. Thousands of people from as

far south as Lankiláan, and from as far north as Guadalupe, from Los

Arcos on the east and from Walo on the west, troop to the lake region in

their boats. They bring with them their entire families, a supply of

salt, a little rice, if they have it, or the usual substitute (sago and

bananas), their earthen pots and pans, and their bolos. Upon arriving at

a suitable place, they erect a rude shack and start to work. Wading into

the mud and water now half-boiling under a torrid sun, they slash at

every fish that by his hurried dash makes known his presence. After the

fish have been chased in this manner for some time, some of them bury

themselves in the mud, whence they are easily removed with the hand. In

this manner a few men may secure hundreds of fish in a few hours, but

these are only of two species.[62] Other varieties of fish do not remain

in places that dry up to mere ponds. The _haú-an_ are known to leave the

torrid water by wriggling up on land and making their way to other

water. The fish after being caught are taken to the temporary shack and

placed in water[63] until such time as the owners are ready for the

cleaning and salting operations.

[62] The _ís-da_ or _haú-an_ and _pu-yo'-pu-yo_.

[63] It is believed that the flesh of fish will harden if they are left

in water after being caught.

The heads, except such few as are used for the family meals, are

discarded, but the roe and the intestines are carefully preserved as a

delicacy. The body is so cut that it can be spread out into one thin

piece and then salted, usually in a rather stingy way, about 3.5 liters

of salt being used for as many as 90 fish. The fish are then set up on

an elevated bamboo frame and left to dry for a whole day or more,

according to the strength of the sun.

Though the fishing season is one of the merriest of the year, yet it is

a time of work and of stench. It is no unusual thing for the whole

family to work till the late hours of the night in order to prevent the

fish from putrefying. The odor that prevails where thousands of fish

heads--that have not been consumed by the crocodiles that infest the

main channels--are rotting under a blazing sun is left to the reader's

imagination. The season may last as much as one month and one family may

have thousands of dried fish.[64] Ordinarily the lack of salt makes it

impossible for any of the Manóbos, except those of the better class, to

remain long, unless they choose to work for the Bisáyas.

[64] _Dá-ing_.

FISHING WITH NETS, TRAPS, AND TORCHES

Fishing with nets is not practiced except by a few Manóbos on the

seacoast or by the Christianized Manóbos who have learned the practice

from Bisáyas, though I have seen cast nets used on the upper Tágo, upper

Simúlao, and upper Agúsan.

The _búbo_ is a cigar-shaped trap made of slats of rattan, from 0.5 to 1

meter in length. The swifter the current, the smaller the trap used. The

large end has a cone with its apex pointing inward. It is made of bamboo

slats which are left unfastened at the apex of the cone so that the fish

may enter but not get out. This trap is set with its mouth facing either

up or down stream.

Another form of this trap[65] is cylindrical and not conical like the

_búbo_. It is set in swamps with an evil-smelling bait and quickly

becomes filled with a very savory mudfish.[66]

[65] _Bág-yas_.

[66] _Pán-tat_.

The _hí-pon_, _u-yáp_, and _u-yáp tá-na_ are varieties of small fish

that at fixed intervals make their way up the Agúsan to a distance of

from 20 to 30 miles in innumerable quantities. It is said that they

arrive at the expected date and hour. They are scooped into dugouts with

scoop nets in immense quantities and salted for sale. This method of

fishing is confined practically to Bisáyas, but a goodly number of

Christianized Manóbos who live in the vicinity of Butuán take part in it.

A fairly common method of fishing among the Christianized Manóbos, as

also among the pagan Manóbos who do not live in too warlike a country,

is by the use of a spear and torch. Going along the banks of the stream,

the fisherman lures the fish with the light and secures them with a jab

of his three-pronged spear. In this way he may secure enough for a meal

or two. Where the water is deep enough, this method of fishing is

attended with great danger from crocodiles, especially in the lake

region where they abound in numbers beyond conception.

CHAPTER XI

WEAPONS AND IMPLEMENTS

INTRODUCTORY REMARKS

There is no knowledge of a former use of stone implements in Manóboland.

During my peregrinations throughout eastern Mindanáo I saw no stone

implements except the ordinary whetstone, so universally used for

sharpening steel weapons and knives, the cooking stones upon which the

pots are placed, and the flint used in the production of fire. It is

true that there is a common rumor as to the existence of stone missiles

hurled in wrath by Anítan[1] at irreverent mortals, but I have never

seen these tokens of divine anger.

[1] One of the powerful spirits of the sky world.

Weapons and implements will be subdivided, the former into offensive and

defensive weapons, and the latter into agricultural, hunting, and

fishing implements.

OFFENSIVE WEAPONS

THE BOW AND ARROW

As the use of the bow and arrow in the Philippines is generally

considered by ethnologists to indicate Negrito influence, the subject

requires more than passing notice, especially as the geographical

distribution of this primitive weapon extends to not only every

non-Christian tribe and group east of the central Cordillera of

Mindanáo, except perhaps the Banuáons,[2] but, according to various

rumors, to the Manóbos occupying the central portion of Mindanáo in the

subprovince of Bukídnon.

[2] I am very much inclined to think that it exists among them as well.

The bow is a piece of _palma brava_,[3] or less frequently of bamboo[4]

varying in length between 1.2 and 2 meters and in thickness between 7

and 12 millimeters. In the center it is about 30 millimeters broad and

gradually tapers to a breadth of about 12 millimeters at each end.

Except on the upper Agúsan[5] no means are taken to strengthen this

stock by winding rattan around it, unless the bamboo or wood shows

indications of splitting, in which case a girdle of plaited rattan

obviates the danger. No attempt at ornamentation is made except the

smoothing and polishing of the wood. In the case of bamboo stocks, the

projecting pieces of the joints are not removed on the proximal side of

the bow. At about 2 or 3 centimeters from the extremities, two notches

are made to hold the string. At the extremity, which we will call the

upper one, from its being held up during use, one often sees a few

concentric incised circles in one of which is set a little ring of

steel, iron, or brass wire. The object of this is to increase the twang

of the bow upon the release of the arrow.

[3] _An-á-hau_.

[4] Of the species called _pa-túng_.

[5] Mandáya and Mañgguáñgan bows are smaller and neater than Manóbo

bows. They are made commonly of a piece of betel-nut palm and have

graceful lashings of rattan strips on the stock for the purpose of

imparting strength thereto.

The bowstring is nearly always a strip of rattan about 3 millimeters

broad. This is attached to the lower end of the stock by a simple series

of loops. To the upper extremity it is attached by a loop that slips

along the stock into the upper notch when the bow is strung for

shooting. It is needless to remark that the bowstring is about 2 or 3

centimeters shorter than the stock, which in the moment of stringing

must be bent to enable the upper extremity of the string to reach the

upper notch and thereby acquire a sufficient tension to propel the arrow.

Arrows are of several kinds according to the purpose for which they are

used, such as hunting, fishing, and fighting. Those intended for hunting

and fishing will be described in their proper places. The following

description applies exclusively to the offensive arrow used in fighting.

The shaft of this arrow consists of a reed of bamboo[6] about 8

millimeters in diameter and somewhat over a meter long, with a bamboo

head. The head is a sliver of bamboo[7] varying in length from 20 to 36

centimeters. On the upper Agúsan, where the Manóbos seem to have

assimilated much from the Mandáyas, both the head and the shaft of the

arrow are much shorter, much neater, and, in general, much handier. The

arrowhead is broadest at about two-thirds of its distance from the

point. From this broad part, or shoulder, as we might call it, the head

tapers to a sharp point at one end and to such a size at the other that

it can be inserted into the natural socket of the shaft. In this socket

it is retained by a lashing of fine rattan, which serves at once to

retain it in place and to prevent the frail bamboo shaft from splitting.

A coating of _tabon-tábon_[8] seed pulp over the lashing prevents it

from loosening or slipping and at the same time preserves it from

atmospheric action. Occasionally one sees arrowheads with square

shoulders that act as barbs. I have never seen steel arrowheads in use

among Manóbos, though it is certain that they are used by Mañgguáñgans

between the Agúsan and the Sálug.[9] It is not unlikely, moreover, that

they are used by the people of the Ihawán and Baóbo Rivers.

[6] Of the species known as _la-hí'_.

[7] _Da-mu-án_ species.

[8] _Parinarium mindanaense_ (_Rosaceae_).

[9] I purchased for the Bureau of Science Museum a unique specimen

which, besides having a steel head, is provided with an ugly spur. The

owner claimed that it was one of the arrows that had been shot at him

and the party that accompanied him by the people of a Mañgguáñgan

settlement. I was one of his party.

A very important feature from an ethnological standpoint is the

feathering of the arrow. The object of this is to steady the arrow in

its flight and thereby prevent windage. The method of feathering is as

follows: The quills of the wing feathers of a hornbill, or sometimes of

a fish eagle, are parted down the middle. Then three, or sometimes only

two, of these parted quills with their adhering vanes are placed

longitudinally at equal distances along the arrow shaft so that their

extremities are about 6 centimeters from the butt of the shaft and their

webs stand straight out from the surface of the reed, forming equal

obtuse angles to one another. These vanes are retained in this position

by windings of very light, flexible rattan at their extremities. As a

security against slipping or change of relative position, a coating of

the above-mentioned fruit pulp, often mixed with pot black, is applied.

The final preparation of the arrow consists in chopping off with a bolo

or small knife the outer edges of the vanes. This is done in a slightly

slanting direction within about 1 centimeter of the butt end of the

vanes, at which point they are cut in a direction transverse to the

length of the arrow shaft.

The feathering of the arrow is always done with precision, as the

accuracy of its flight, the uniformity of its rotation, the length of

its trajectory, and the consequent penetrative power are known to depend

upon proper care in this respect.

Unlike other bowmen, the Manóbo makes a notch in the butt end of his

arrow, but as far as my observations go, there are never any decorative

incisions and tracings on Manóbo arrows.[10]

[10] Among the Mandáyas arrow shafts frequently have ornamental wavy

lines and concentric circles incised along the length of the shaft, but

this decoration has been observed among no other tribe that I know of in

eastern Mindanáo.

There seem to be no special arrow makers. Nearly every adult Manóbo, who

has not relinquished the use of the bow and arrow, with no other tool

than his bolo and perhaps a small knife, can complete a bow and a bunch

of arrows in a relatively short time.

In stringing the bow it is grasped by the center of the stock with the

left hand and the top, where the loose loop of the bowstring is placed,

is held with the right hand. The bottom of the bow rests upon the ground

and is supported by the right foot. The right hand then, by a movement

toward the person, bends the stock sufficiently to allow the loop of the

bowstring to reach and slip into its notch, the left hand and foot

retaining the bow in a bent position. The bowman then grasps the central

part of the stock between the thumb and the four fingers of the left

hand and seizing the feathered part of the arrow between the first and

middle fingers of the right, he places the end of it at right angles to,

and in contact with, the center, or thereabouts, of the string. The part

of the arrow in front of the feathering rests upon the thumb and middle

finger and under the index finger of the left hand. Raising up the bow

and holding it inclined at an angle of about 20° from the vertical, the

top being toward the right, the string, with the arrow butt always

pressed against it, is drawn back sufficiently (about 30 centimeters) to

give the requisite tension. The string is then allowed to fly back,

while at the same time the bowman releases his hold upon the arrow butt,

and thus the arrow speeds on its way. When ready to be released the end

of the arrow points to the bowman's right shoulder.

The greatest range of a good arrow is about 75 meters. Its effective

range, however, is only about one-third of that.

I can not laud the expertness of the Manóbo as a bowman. Here and there

one meets a really good shot, but the average man can not score 50 per

cent at close range.

No quivers worthy of the name are used. When a war raid is undertaken,

the arrows are placed in a bamboo internode, which is carried in a

horizontal position at the bowman's side. Arrows are never poisoned. The

bamboo of which the spearhead is made seems to have a somewhat poisonous

effect as a wound caused by it is very painful and hard to cure.

THE BOLO AND ITS SHEATH

The next important offensive weapon used by the Manóbo is the bolo. It

is his inseparable companion by day and, in regions where the influence

of civil or military authority is not strongly felt, also by night.

As there are but two Manóbo blacksmiths that I know of, all bolos used

are imported, either from the Mandáyas or from the Banuáons, though one

sees from time to time a weapon that has made its way from the Bagóbos.

The prevailing bolo is of Mandáya workmanship and merits a more detailed

description.

It is a substantial steel blade varying in length from 30 to 45

centimeters. At its juncture with the handle it is about as broad as the

handle but narrows gradually on top, and less so on the lower edge, to a

breadth of 25 millimeters[11] at a point one-sixth of the length of the

blade from the handle. At this point the back of the bolo changes its

direction, running off at an angle to its previous direction of 15°. The

lower part or edge of the weapon gradually bellies out until the blade,

at a point one-fourth of its entire length from the tip attains its

maximum breadth (7 to 10 centimeters) whence it curves like the segment

of a circle to the point of the weapon.

[11] Figures given are approximate only. They vary in different bolos.

The type of bolo that is considered more pretentious, and that is more

common on the upper Agúsan, has a thin straight back[12] up to within 6

or 7 centimeters from the handle, at which point the direction of the

back is slightly changed. In other respects this bolo is similar to the

one described above.

[12] Hence it is called _li-kúd-li-kud_.

At the narrowest part of the bolo and on the underside there is

occasionally a serrated decoration in the steel, the significance of

which I do not know.

The handle is occasionally of ebony, but more commonly of some other

wood. The grasp for the hand is cylindrical. The handle is often bound

with a braid of rattan, or a band or two of steel or of brass, to

prevent splitting, or less commonly with silver bands for ornament's

sake. Curving downward beyond the grasp is a carved ornamentation that

suggests remotely the head of a bird with an upturned curving bill. This

is one continuous piece with the grasp. It is rare to find brass

ferrules and hand guards at the juncture of the blade with the handle.

The sheath, which is of Manóbo production, consists of two pieces of

thin light wood a little broader than the bolo. It is almost rectangular

in form for a distance equal to the length of the blade, and then the

edges become gradually narrower up to a point that is about 3

centimeters from the end; at this point they expand into a small square

with incurving sides.

The two pieces are held together closely by bands of rattan coiled

around them at equal intervals. A coating of beeswax serves to preserve

the wood and at the same time to impart a finished appearance to the

sheath. Frequently pot black is mixed with the beeswax, and on the upper

and central parts, and on the ends and edges, symmetrical bands of this

black paint are applied according to the fancy of the wearer. Other

decorations of beads, cotton tassels, and strips of a yellow parasitic

plant, are not at all infrequent.

The girdle, which is nearly always of braided _abaká_ fiber, frequently

multicolored, and which holds the weapon to the left side of the wearer,

passes through a hole on the outer side of the sheath. This hole is made

through the central embossed part of the outer piece of the sheath.

A noteworthy feature of the sheath is that it is so made that by pushing

the handle to the lower side of the aperture of the sheath, the weapon

remains locked and can not fall out or be withdrawn until the handle is

pushed back to the upper side of the aperture.

A MAGIC TEST FOR THE EFFICIENCY OF A BOLO

It is very interesting to observe the method pursued in determining the

value of the bolo. A piece of rattan the length of the weapon is cut

into small pieces, each one, excepting perhaps the last, exactly as long

as the maximum width of the bolo. These pieces are then placed in the

following positions and in the order indicated by the number. (See fig.

1.) It is obvious that, as a rule, there is one piece of rattan that is

not as long as the others. This piece is always set down last, and its

position is the determining factor of the test.

[FIGURE 1]

In Figure 1 _a_ all the pieces of rattan happen to be equal, there being

no short piece. Moreover, there are enough pieces to complete the

figure. This combination is not inauspicious in so far as it does not

augur evil, but it is thought to be a sure indication of a failure to

kill.[13]

[13] This combination is called _lí-mut_.

In Figure 1 _b_ all the pieces are of equal length, but there are not

enough to complete the figure as in figure 1 _a_. This is a doubtful

con-figuration. On the one hand the weapon may or may not kill, on the

other it will prove efficient to the owner in matters not connected with

fighting.

In Figure 1 _c_ we have only four pieces of rattan, three of which are

equal to the maximum width of the bolo and one of which is short. This

is a good combination. It indicates that in a fight the enemy will

suffer loss.[14]

[14] This formation is called _sá-kab_.

In Figure 1 _d_ we have the best conformation possible. The fact that

the short section falls, as it were, inside, indicates that a short

fight and speedy death may be expected. The owner of a weapon that

passes this test is reluctant to part with it unless very advantageous

offers are made to him.

A form of divination in which a suspended bolo, especially a consecrated

one, takes the part of the _deus ex machina_ is described in the chapter

on divination.

THE LANCE

The lance, like the bolo, is imported. It is of two kinds: (1) The

Mandáya lance, which is found everywhere except on the lower Agúsan and

on the upper reaches of the Umaíam, Argáwan, and Kasilaían, and in the

eastern Cordillera; (2) a lance, probably of Moro production, which is

said to come from the Pulángi River, and which is used in the regions

just mentioned where the Mandáya lance is not considered lucky or

effective. In general, lances consist of a steel head and a long shaft,

usually of _palma brava_, but rarely of some other species.[15] The head

is firmly attached to the shaft with a viscous substance.

[15] Wood of the tree _ku-li-pá-pa_ is used occasionally.

The lance is the inseparable companion of the Manóbo in his travels

through dangerous places, of which there are not a few in remote

regions. When he arrives at a house he sticks the lance in the ground,

head up, near the ladder. In traveling he carries it upon his right

shoulder, head forward, in a horizontal position and is ever ready to

throw it if he fears an ambush. I have frequently startled my Manóbo

friends while they were engaged in some occupation, such as fishing,

just to study their demeanor. The result was always the same--a quick

turn and an attitude of offense, with lance poised and defiant eye.

The lance is held during the poise in the upturned right hand under the

thumb and over the first and second fingers. The arm is extended in a

slight curve just in front of the line of the shoulders. In making a

thrust, the lance is darted parallel to the line of the shoulders and on

a level with them, the left side of the person being presented to the

adversary. The lance is not thrown, but is nearly always retained in the

hand.

The Mandáya lance merits most attention, as it is more generally used,

and is usually of better mechanical and ornamental workmanship. The

shaft is a piece of either _palma brava_ or of _kulipápa_ palm, varying

from 1.8 to 2.4 meters in length. It has a uniform diameter of about 16

millimeters for a distance equal to one-half of its length from, the

head; the other half tapers very gradually to about one-half of its

original thickness, ending in a fairly sharp point, which may be capped

with a conical piece of tin or of steel to protect the wood against

injury from stones.

The head is a long, slender, pointed blade. From the shoulders, which

are from 4 to 7 centimeters apart, it may taper uniformly to a point;

much more commonly, however, it tapers gradually to within about 25

millimeters of the extremity. Here its width is about 25 millimeters. At

this point the edges converge at an angle of 45° to the axis, until they

meet, forming the point of the lance. From the shoulders of the blade

the edges likewise slant inward to the neck at an angle of 45°. The neck

is a solid cylindrical piece, about 3 centimeters in length, nearly

always ornamented with embossed work, and ends in a rod or in a conical

socket about 7 centimeters long. It is very common to see ornamental

chisel work along the axis near the neck. The general outline of the

engraving is that of the spearhead in miniature, within which there are

often little leaflike puncturings.

When the lance head has a socket it is attached to the shaft with a

resinous substance similar to that used for bolos. When the lance head

ends in a solid cylindrical piece and must be inserted in the hollow

shaft, the end of the shaft is reinforced with a Moro brass ferrule, if

the possessor of the lance has been so lucky as to have acquired one, or

with coils of _abaká_ fiber over which has been wound _abaká_ cloth

stuck with the above mentioned resin.

Lances of the better style have ornamental rings of beaten silver,

sometimes amounting to as many as 15, placed at equal distances along

the shaft for a distance of as much as 30 centimeters from the juncture

of the head and the shaft.

A lance of another style is common among the highland Manóbos of the

central Cordillera, and is not infrequently found among the Manóbos of

Kantílan and Tágo. Though not so striking in dimensions and in general

appearance, it is preferred by the Manóbo, because it is said to cause a

more severe wound and because it is less liable to have the head

detached when driven through the floor or wall of a house. Its head is

much narrower at its broadest part than the one just described, is not

so long, and nearly always tapers to a point. It is without any

shoulders. It never has the conical steel socket that the Mandáya lance

sometimes has, is always straight edged, and is set into the shaft in

identically the same manner as the socketless Mandáya weapon. Another

point of distinction is the decorative scallop that runs parallel to the

edges of the head on each side. There is very seldom any decorative work

within the periphery of these scallops.

THE DAGGER AND ITS SHEATH

A weapon, whose distribution among Manóbos is limited almost exclusively

to Manóbos south of the 8° of latitude, is the Mandáya dagger, of

Mandáya workmanship, and indicative of Mandáya influence.[16]

[16] It is the Mandáya tribal weapon that never leaves its wearer's side

by night or by day, on the trail or in the house, whenever there is

apprehension of danger.

Its component parts are a thin laminated piece of steel from 15 to 25

centimeters long with a thin, tapering rod somewhat shorter, projecting

in the line of the axis, and a hilt of _banáti_ through which the

projection of the blade passes. It is carried in a sheath which is held

at the wearer's right side by a girdle.

The blade is two-edged, widening from a sharp point to two shoulders

from 3 to 4 centimeters apart, whence the edges incurve gradually and

finally end in two projecting spurs 3 or 4 centimeters apart. The rod

for the reception of the hilt extends from this point along the line of

the axis for a distance of from 6 to 8 centimeters.

From time to time one finds a blade that is inlaid with tiny pieces of

brass or silver, but there is never any other kind of ornamentation.

The handle is of a type that is unique, as far as I know, in the

Philippine Islands. In using the dagger the body of the hilt is seized

in the right hand, the index finger is inserted between one horn of the

crescent and the central steel tang, and the thumb between the latter

and the other point of the crescent, while the other three fingers hold

the weapon within the palm. This method seems clumsy, but nevertheless

it is the orthodox way of holding it. Fastened to the right side of the

wearer in a more or less horizontal position and with the handle

projecting forward, it is always at the owner's disposal for prompt and

deadly action, especially so as only a mere thread or two of _abaká_

fiber running from the handle to the under part of the sheath retains

the weapon in its sheath.

The handle is usually strengthened at the neck with plaited rings of

_nito_ fiber and may have ornamental silver work, both at that point and

on the horns, or even at times on the whole outer surface of it.

The sheath consists of two pieces of wood of an elongated rectangular

shape, spreading out at the extremity. Strips of rattan wound at

intervals hold the two pieces together and a paint of blended beeswax

and pot black is ordinarily employed to give a finish to it. But

occasionally one sees bands of beaten silver at the head of the sheath,

and, less frequently, a profusion of beautiful, artistic silverwork set

over the whole sheath.[17]

[17] The steelwork and silverwork are nearly always the production of

Mandáya smiths living in and beyond the southeastern Cordillera, though

on the Agúsan there are a few silversmiths.

Manóbos in general, with the exception of those who live on the upper

Agúsan, take but little care of their weapons, except to sharpen them.

In this respect they are very unlike the Mandáyas and the Debabáons, who

are most conscientious and incessant in the care of their bolos, lances,

and daggers. They keep these weapons burnished by rubbing them on a

board that has been covered with the dust from a pulverized plate, or if

they have rusted, by filing them with an imported file. A final touch is

given to them by rubbing them with the leaves of what we might call the

sandpaper plant.[18] Once burnished they are protected from rust by

applications of hog fat, a little piece of which is suspended from the

roof whenever a pig is killed. Another point of difference between the

Manóbos, not including those of the upper Agúsan, and the

above-mentioned peoples is the infrequency with which the former make

use of racks for their fighting weapons. The Mandáyas and the Debabáons

very commonly have ornamental racks in which they keep their weapons.

[18] _Ficus fiskei_ and _Ficus fiskei adorata_ (_moracae_).

DEFENSIVE WEAPONS

THE SHIELD

Two varieties of shield are in use, the Mandáya and the Manóbo. The

diffusion of the former is limited to the district south of the 8°

latitude, not including the Ihawán and Baóbo River district; the latter,

to the rest of the Agúsan Valley with the exception of the portion where

Banuáon influence is prevalent,[19] such as the upper Agúsan and rivers

to the north of it, which are the western tributaries of the Agúsan. In

general, shields are made of _kalántas_[20] wood, varying from 90 to 100

centimeters in length. In the center is a projecting knob resembling a

low truncated cone about 4 centimeters high and varying in width at the

base from 8 to 15 centimeters, and at the truncation from 7 to 8.5

centimeters. The inside of this knob is hollowed out in such a way that

a longitudinal piece is left on the inside of it for holding the shield.

The upper end has a transverse piece of the same material as the rest of

the shield dovetailed into the main body, the object being to prevent

the body of the shield, whose grain runs longitudinally, from splitting

as a result of a blow.

[19] The Banuáon types of shield seen by the writer were circular in

form, concave on the proximal side, and made of plaited rattan painted

with _tabon-tábon_ pulp.

[20] _La-níp-ga_.

As a further protection against splitting, two strips of _palma brava_

or of bamboo in upper Agúsan types, and in other types three strips as

wide as the shield itself are set horizontally on each side, facing each

other, and are held in position by sewings of rattan slips passing

through perforations in the wood.

The ornamentation of all shields consists of a coating of beeswax, and

of thin scallops painted with beeswax and pot black, passing in a single

series around the shield and near its edge, and in a double series

longitudinally down the center.

The operculum,[21] of a seashell, or very occasionally some bright

object, may set off the knob. Not infrequently tufts of human hair

secured in some war raid are stuck into holes at distances of about 3

centimeters on both sides of the shield, and are considered highly

ornamental and indicative of the valor of the owner of the shield. One

might be inclined to think that the employment of human hair is a relic

of head-hunting, but I was unable to find a single tradition of its

practice in eastern Mindanáo and I doubt if such ever existed.

[21] Called _pas-lí-tan_.

The typical Manóbo shield has a straight top about 35 centimeters broad.

From the corners the sides gradually curve inward for a distance

(measured upon the central longitudinal line of the shield) of about 25

centimeters, at which point they curve out to the original width at a

distance of about 10 centimeters farther on, where the strengthening

strips are fastened on both the inner and outer surfaces. Thence the

sides curve in to form the second segment, in the center of which is

situated the knob, and at the end of which are placed two more

sustaining crosspieces. Beyond this section, the sides gently curve to

the bottom of the shield, which is about 25 centimeters broad and

practically straight.

The Mandáya type, as adopted from the Mandáyas by the Agusánon

Manóbos[22] differs from the Manóbo shield in being generally

narrower--about 17 centimeters at the top and about 22 centimeters in

the central section. From the top, where the transverse protective piece

is placed the sides slope out gently to the first sustaining crosspiece

placed at a distance from the end of about one-fourth of the entire

length of the shield; thence they run parallel for a distance equal to

one-half of the shield length, forming to the eye an elongated

rectangle, in the center of which is the knob. The remaining quarter of

the shield is hyperbolic in form with a small lozenge-shaped protrusion

at the focus. The upper edge of the shield is not quite straight, an

ornamental effect being produced by slight curves. In the center of the

upper edge is a very small projection or sometimes a round incision,

that might serve as an eyehole.

[22] Also by the Mañgguáñgans and by the Debabáon and Mansáka groups.

The Manóbos and other peoples of the upper Agúsan call themselves

Agusánon.

Another difference in this type of shield is the addition of ornamental

toothlike tracings. These serrations are done with beeswax and pot

black, and are ordinarily set in groups of four at right angles to and

along the central and the lateral scallops.

The last distinction is the more noticeable longitudinal bend which the

Mandáya type has as compared with the Manóbo style, the top and the

bottom being inflected uniformly inward at an angle of about 15° to the

vertical.

Among the Mandáyas it is interesting to note that a broad shield is

looked down upon as indicative of cowardice, and that a narrow shield is

considered evidence of valor in its owner.

In using the shield it is held in the left hand by the grasp that is

located in the inner part of the hollow knob in the center. It is always

held in an upright position, the transverse piece being on top, at the

left side of the warrior, who never presents the front of his person to

the enemy. To protect the feet and legs he must crouch down.

I was a constant witness of mimic encounters, and occasionally of what

appeared to be the preliminaries to more serious affairs, and can bear

witness to the skill displayed in the manipulation of the shield. The

rapidity with which the warrior can move about, now advancing, now

retreating, now thrusting, now parrying, and all the time concealing the

whole of his person except a part of the head and one eye, is a marvel.

ARMOR

Another article used for defensive purposes is the _abaká_ armor.[23]

Whenever the warrior has been able to procure a piece of Mandáya skirt

fabric, he sews it into an ordinary coat with sleeves and, in lieu of

imported buttons, uses little slivers of bamboo or wood to keep it

closed. When, however, the Mandáya cloth is not to be had, his female

relatives braid for him a number of multicolored cords of _abaká_ fiber,

6 millimeters broad, which are sewn together in the form of an American

or European coat and answer the purpose perhaps better than the Mandáya

cloth.

[23] _Lim botung_.

This armor is intended to resist arrows, and is said to be efficient

when the wearer is at long range. At short range, however, it helps only

to lessen the penetration, as I had occasion to observe after an attack

on the upper Agúsan, in which one of my warrior friends was wounded on

the shoulder by an arrow. A band of Debabáons went to make a

demonstration at the house of one of their enemies on the River Nábuk.

The particular warrior chief referred to, desiring to initiate his young

son into the art of warfare, carried him on his back to the scene of the

demonstration. After surrounding the house, the attacking party broke

out into the war cry and challenged their foes to a hand-to-hand combat.

The surrounded party replied with a shower of arrows, one of which

struck the chief on the shoulder. As he explained to me, he was so

solicitous about guarding his child that he exposed his person and

received the arrow in his shoulder. The point, he said penetrated to a

depth of about 3 centimeters.

I once saw another form of protective clothing on the River Argáwan. It

was a very long strip of cotton cloth which, it was said, was used for

wrapping around and around the body before an attack. This article, as I

later ascertained, was of Banuáon manufacture and use.[24]

[24] As a further protection in war there is used, it is said, a conical

piece of wood on which the hair is bound up. I never saw this device in

use and doubt if it is employed commonly by Manóbos. It was reported to

me as also being of Banuáon origin and make.

TRAPS AND CALTROPS

The dwellings of Manóbos who live in actual fear of attack are always

surrounded by traps and by bamboo caltrops of one or two varieties.

These form an efficient and common means of defense.

The trap is of the type described in the chapter on hunting. When this

trap is used as a means of defense, the spear is set at such a height

that it will wound a human being between the shoulders and the thigh.

The traps are set in varying numbers in the immediate vicinity of the

house, though if an attack is considered imminent they are set on the

trails leading to the house and some distance away. They may be so set

that they will not strike the one who releases them but the first or

second person following him. It is always prudent for a white man in a

hostile country to so safeguard himself and his men that no one will be

injured by these traps.

The bamboo caltrops referred to are slivers of sharpened bamboo, about

60 centimeters long, set in the ground at an angle of 45°, and at some

point where the enemy has to descend to a lower level. A favorite spot

is behind a log or at the descent to a stream. They are carefully

concealed and, to a white man not aware of the use of such traps, a

dangerous device.

Another form of caltrops very common indeed, and very treacherous in its

character, consists of small spikes made of slivers of bamboo, about 18

centimeters long, or of pointed pieces of hardwood. These are set in

goodly numbers in the trails that lead from the adjoining forest to the

house. The peculiar danger of these is that they protrude only about 2

or 3 centimeters above the ground, the soil being loosened around them

so that the pressure of the wayfarer's foot presses down the loose soil,

thereby giving the treacherous spike an opportunity to pierce the foot

to a considerable depth.

AGRICULTURAL IMPLEMENTS

Implements of husbandry are few and far between. As there are no draft

animals in Manóboland, no plows, harrows, or other implements which

require animals are made use of.

THE AX

For felling the larger trees a simple steel ax is used. It is set in a

hole in a hardwood handle, usually of guava wood, and is retained in

place by a couple of plaits of rattan. The edge of the ax is only 6 or 7

centimeters long and yet it is surprising what the average Manóbo man

can accomplish with this insignificant-looking implement. Mounted upon

his frail scaffold he attacks the mighty trees of his forest home and

with unerring blow brings them down in a surprisingly short time.

THE BOLO

For cutting off the branches, the bolo, which may be at the same time

his weapon for attack or defense, is used. The work bolo is in no wise

distinguished from the fighting weapon except that the former has a

broad straight back. It is more usual to find a bolo of Bisáya

manufacture in use by Manóbos of the lower Agúsan. These bolos come from

Bohol or from Cebu and, being comparatively cheap and answering the

purpose equally well, are readily purchased.

THE RICE HEADER

During the harvest time the rice heads are cut with a header made of a

small piece of rattan or wood about 1.5 centimeters in diameter and

between 4 and 6 centimeters long. In the center of this and at right

angles to it is lashed a piece of tin or one of the valves of a common

shellfish.[25]

[25] _Bi-bi_.

FISHING IMPLEMENTS

THE FISHING BOW AND ARROW

The bow and arrow are used for fishing, wherever the Agúsan peoples,

Christian and non-Christian, have access to the lakes and pools that

abound in the central Agúsan.

The bow used in fishing and its accessories in nowise differs from the

more serious article intended for warfare, except that, due to its more

frequent use, it may be more dilapidated in appearance.

Fishing arrows, however, are different from those used in fighting. The

shaft of the former is a piece of bamboo,[26] varying in length from 1.2

to 1.5 meters and in maximum diameter from 7 to 12.5 millimeters.

[26] Of the variety called _lá-hi_ or _da-ga-sá'_.

The head is a 2-pronged piece of iron or steel about 17 centimeters

long, with barbs on the inner side of each prong, equidistant from the

extremity and facing each other. These two prongs unite to form a solid

neck that runs into the natural hole in the shaft, a ferrule of brass,

or more frequently a winding of rattan coated with _tabon-tábon_ seed

pulp, serving to prevent the splitting of the frail bamboo tube. The

head is attached to the shaft by a substantial string of _abaká_ fiber,

about 1.5 meters long, which is wound about the shaft, but which is

unwound by the fish in its frantic efforts to escape, leaving him with

the arrowhead in his body, and with the shaft breaking the water and

indicating to the fisherman the whereabouts of his victim. On the far

upper Agúsan the arrowhead is not of the 2-pronged type but is a thin,

laminated steel point that expands gradually to form the two lateral

barbs. It is of Mandáya manufacture and origin.

THE FISH SPEAR

The fish spear,[27] except on the far upper Agúsan, consists of a long

bamboo shaft from 1.5 to 2.25 meters in length with a heavy 3-pronged

barbed head set into a node at its larger end and with strengthening

girdles of rattan strips serving to reinforce it. The iron head is of

Bisáya or of Christian Manóbo workmanship. On the upper Agúsan the head

is 2-pronged and the shaft is frequently somewhat longer than that of

the spear used on the lower river. In other respects it is identical.

[27] _Sá-pang_.

FISHHOOKS

Large hooks are much more commonly used than small ones. Both are made

out of either brass wire or of iron, the latter often from the handle of

a kerosene can, and in general they resemble ordinary fishhooks such as

are made in civilized countries. The method of using the hook has been

described already under "Fishing."

For crocodiles a peculiar hook is used. It consists of a piece of _palma

brava_, sharpened at one end, and provided with a spur projecting

backward at an angle of about 30°. To this piece of wood is attached a

stout rope of _abaká_ fiber, which in its turn is tied to a piece of

stout bamboo about 1.8 meters long. The bamboo is then set firmly in the

ground, and the bait is allowed to hang within about 60 centimeters of

the water. The hungry crocodile, lured by the odor, springs at the bait,

and gets the hook between his jaws. It is seldom that by dint of frantic

pulling and wriggling he does not free the bamboo and rush off to one of

his favorite haunts, where, by the presence of the bamboo float above

him, he is discovered and dispatched.

HUNTING IMPLEMENTS

THE SPEAR

The chief weapon used in the chase is the spear. It consists of a stout,

wooden shaft between 2.1 and 2.4 meters long, which is set into the

hollow conical socket of a spearhead. The blade in general appearance

resembles the more serious weapon of war, but it is only about 10 or 12

centimeters long and makes no pretense to beauty, being fashioned solely

for utilitarian purposes. As a necessary accessory to the spear the

inseparable bolo is carried.

THE BOW AND ARROW

In the chapter on hunting reference has been made already to the hunting

bow and arrow. It is an ordinary bow, but the arrow differs in not being

feathered and finished like the arrow intended for human game.

A very effective and easily made arrow consists of a piece of bamboo

about 85 centimeters long and 3 to 4 millimeters in diameter, with a

sharp tapering point. In lieu of feathering, four or five tufts near one

extremity, set at a distance of about 2.5 centimeters from each other,

are made by scraping the surface so as to form little tufts of shavings.

This style of dart arrow is used principally for monkeys, but a supply

is always on hand for warlike purposes, when the more finished and

efficient arrows become exhausted.

Another difference in the hunting arrow is the 2-pronged bamboo head

formed either by splitting a regular bamboo arrow or, more commonly, by

lashing together two arrows. I saw on a few occasions _palma brava_

spike heads used by the Manóbos of the far upper Agúsan. These latter

forms are used exclusively for hornbills whose tough hide and abundant

plumage require something stronger than the ordinary arrow.

THE BLOWGUN

The blowgun[28] is used sporadically and perfunctorily on the far upper

Agúsan, but I have never seen it anywhere else among Manóbos.[29] It is

used for shooting small birds, chickens, and mice. It is made of an

internode of a variety of bamboo[30] about 1.2 meters long and 12.5

millimeters in diameter, to which is joined another internode about 20

centimeters long and of slightly larger diameter. This forms the

mouthpiece. I have never seen any decorative work on a blowpipe. The

dart is a thin tapering piece of bamboo about 35 centimeters long and

1.5 millimeters in diameter at the butt. Enough cotton to fill the bore

of the gun is fastened at the butt end of the dart. It is discharged by

the breath. The point is never poisoned, nor is there any tradition as

to the former use of poison on these darts.

[28] _Sum-pí-tan_.

[29] Its use by the Mandáyas of the Kati'il, Manorígau, and Karága

Rivers is very common, but so far as I know it is neither a defensive

nor an offensive weapon.

[30] _La-hi'_.

The blowgun, when in use, is held to the mouth with the right hand. The

maximum range is about 20 meters. I have seen very small birds killed at

a distance of about 8 meters.

CHAPTER XII

INDUSTRIAL ACTIVITIES

DIVISION OF LABOR

It is to be expected that among a people whose women have been obtained

practically by purchase the burden of work will fall on the woman. The

Manóbo man, however, at times performs an amount of heavy, hard work

that makes the division somewhat equitable.

MALE ACTIVITIES

House building, hunting, fishing, and trapping fall to the lot of the

man. When the rice-planting season is at hand, he fells the trees and

does the heavier work of clearing. An occasional war raid or an

occasional visit to some distant settlement for trading purposes may

impose upon him a few days of hard travel. Outside of these occupations

his work is comparatively light. He attends to his weapons, makes such

objects of wood or of bamboo as may be needed, and decorates them after

his style. He splits the rattan and does nearly all the plait work in

basket making. All the necessary implements for fishing, hunting, and

trapping are made by him, with the exception of steel weapons. He strips

the _abaká_ for the family clothes and procures the dye plants. In

certain districts he is the miner and in others he is the boat builder,

and in all districts he conducts trading transactions.

FEMALE ACTIVITIES

The Manóbo woman certainly has her share of work. She does all the

dyeing, weaving, and tailoring, besides attending to the various

household duties of providing fuel, food, and water. These latter

occupations impose upon her at least one trip daily to the _camote_

field, and several to the watering place, which in the mountainous

districts is ordinarily at a considerable distance down steep and rugged

trails. She attends to the children and cares for the sick, and day

after day dries, pounds, winnows and cooks the rice. When her helpmate

has felled the trees for the new farm, she does the looping, lighter

clearing, burning, sowing, weeding, tilling, and harvesting. In her

spare moments she makes mats, rice bags, and earthen vessels, braids an

occasional armlet, does the beadwork, and a thousand and one little

things according to the exigency of the moment or the requirements of

her spouse.

MALE INDUSTRIES IN DETAIL

The various operations of fishing, hunting, trapping, house building,

agriculture, and trading have been already described so that there

remain to be considered only boat building, mining, and plait work.

BOAT BUILDING

The art of boat building is known only to Manóbos who have been in

contact with Banuáons, so that one would be led to think that the art is

of Banuáon origin. It is confined practically to the Kasilaían, Líbang,

Maásam, Óhut, and Wá-wa Rivers, though one finds a boat builder here and

there on the Híbung River and on the Simúlau River, but only an

occasional one, if any, on the Argáwan, Umaíam, Ihawán, and upper Agúsan.

The boat is a dugout usually made of _magasinó'_, _kalántas_, or some

light durable wood. The tree is selected, hewed down with the simple ax,

and by dint of hard chopping hollowed out and shaped. In this way are

made nearly all the skiffs, canoes, and boats that ply up the network of

rivers in the Agúsan Valley. It is not uncommon to see a _banca_, or

large boat, 10 meters long by 1 meter beam.

MINING

Mining is confined to the Híbung River and its tributaries, to the Wá-wa

River, and to the Taligamán district, a few hours' walk to the southeast

of Butuán. It is a desultory occupation followed more at the request of

Bisáya traders, or in fulfillment of a contract, than out of any desire

for gold.

The time selected is usually after a flood. The gold is washed out with

a circular, hollow, wooden pan.[1] The operation has an established

religious procedure which, must be followed if one wishes to be

successful in the acquisition of the gold. The theory is as follows: The

gold is the property of a gold spirit, whose place in the Manóbo

pantheon I can not state. To enter upon his domains and to remove the

ore which is his without feasting him and making him a present of a

living victim for a future repast would provoke his wrath and result in

failure to obtain the object of the search. Hence the leader of the

miners upon arrival at the mining ground turns loose a white fowl and

kills a white pig in honor of the gold spirit. He also presents to the

spirit leaf packages of boiled native rice. The mining operations then

begin, but the peculiar feature of the whole procedure is that the rice

packages are purchased from the leader at the rate of 1

_ku-len-tás-on_[2] for two packages. Noise and merriment are interdicted

during the mining operations as being displeasing to the gold spirit,

but if, upon infringement of this taboo, further oblations of rice are

made to him he resumes his good humor and permits the gold to be found.

[1] _Bi-ling-án_.

[2] _Ku-len-tás-on_ are said to weigh one-half of the gold piece that

was in circulation in the Philippine Islands, in pre-American days, and

which was valued at 12.5 cents United States currency.

I found these beliefs to be held as far over as the upper Tágo River, on

the eastern side of the Pacific Cordillera.

PLAITING AND OTHER ACTIVITIES

The plaiting and braiding of such objects as arm and leg ligatures out

of _nito_ or other vegetable fiber nearly always falls to the lot of the

women. The plaiting of baskets out of rattan, as well as the making of

fish traps and pack baskets, is generally a male occupation.

The process of basket making is fairly simple. A more or less

cylindrical, solid piece of wood with flat bottom and top forms the mold

upon which the strips of rattan are interlaced. A circular band of

bamboo strengthens the upper rim, a coating of the pulp of the seed of

the _tabon-tábon_ fills up the crevices and makes the basket almost

perfectly water-tight.

Pack baskets that are used for carrying game and for general utility on

long voyages are of the open wickerwork description.

I know of only two Manóbo blacksmiths in the whole of Manóboland. They

learned the trade from Bisáyas and produce bolos much like the Bisáya or

Bohol type seen in the Agúsan Valley. Here and there one meets a Manóbo

who understands how to beat out a fish spear or a fishhook, or to make a

crude pipe, but, with these exceptions, the Manóbo knows nothing of

steel or iron work.

As to the decoration, it is manifest from what has been said that he can

do simple but creditable work. The ornaments on bamboo tubes, combs,

baskets, and certain other things are evidences of his skill. So are the

tattoo and embroidery designs described in a previous chapter.

FEMALE INDUSTRIES IN DETAIL

WEAVING AND ITS ACCESSORY PROCESSES

_Abaká_ fiber is stripped by men and delivered to the womenfolk. The

women pound it for a long time in a wooden mortar to soften it, then

patiently tie strand to strand, placing it carefully in small hollow

baskets, where it is free from danger of entangling. Sand is often

sprinkled on it as a further means of preventing tangling.

Cotton yarn is prepared from the native plant by means of a very

primitive spindle, which consists of a small rod of wood at the end of

which is a top-shaped piece of the same material which serves to sustain

the necessary rotation. A tuft of cotton is attached to the end of this

bar, and, as the top rotates the thread is twisted. When the thread is

sufficiently long it is wound around the handle and the operation is.

repeated. By this slow and tedious process a sufficient amount of yarn

is spun for the requirements of the spinner.

The dyeing process consists in boiling the _abaká_ yarn with finely

chopped pieces of various woods.[3] In order to produce a permanent dye,

the process of boiling must be repeated more than once with new dyeing

material. As the boiling apparatus consists nearly always of small

earthen pots and the boiling is continually interrupted by culinary

operations, it is obvious that the process is an inordinately slow and

unsatisfactory one. I am of the opinion that to produce a fast red dye

on sufficient yarn for about seven skirts, the boiling occupies the

better part of two wrecks.

[3] _Si-ká-lig_ root for red effects, pieces of _kanai-yum_ tree for

black and pieces of _du-au_ for yellow effects.

Cotton yarn is never dyed. Whenever colors are desired, imported cotton

must be obtained through Christian or Christianized intermediaries.

The weaving is performed on a simple, portable loom, consisting of two

internodes of bamboo, one at the back part and one at the front part.

The warp threads pass serially around these two pieces of bamboo and

between the slits of a primitive comb situated within arm reach of the

posterior bamboo internode. The comb consists of an oblong rectangle

about 80 by 5 centimeters, having a series of little reeds set parallel

at a distance of 1.5 millimeters from each other. Through these

interstices pass the warp threads. Just beyond this comb and farther

away from the weaver is a hardwood rood[sic], as wide as the weft,

around which are single loops of _abaká_ or other fiber. Through these

loops pass alternately the warp threads in such a way that when the

batten is inserted the upper and lower alternate warp threads are

reversed, thereby holding the weft threads in the position to which they

have been driven by the batten.

The weft thread is wound upon a bobbin made out of a slender piece of

rattan which has two slits at each end, through which the weft thread

passes. The bobbin is driven through by the hand from side to side and

between the upper and the lower warp threads. The heavy, hardwood, flat,

polished batten is then worked by the hand, driving the weft thread into

juxtaposition with the part of the fabric finished already. The weaver

then inserts the batten between the warp threads at the point where they

alternately pass up and down through the previously mentioned loops on

the distal side of the comb, and between it and the rod that holds the

loops. By pulling the comb back to the finished part of the fabric, the

warp threads are reversed and the last weft thread is securely held in

place. Thus the process is repeated over and over again until the fabric

is finished.

The setting up of a piece of skirt cloth would occupy some two whole

days of uninterrupted work and the weaving some three days, but as

multitudinous household duties call the woman away constantly, she

spends the better part of at least two weeks on one piece, this period

not including the preparation of the yarn by tying and dyeing.

In weaving the woman sits upon the floor and keeps the warp threads

stretched by a rope that passes round her back from each extremity of

the yarn beam. When not in use, the web and the finished fabric are

folded up around the beam.

The products of the Manóbo loom are not as numerous and artistic as

those of the Mandáyas. The cloth produced is of four kinds: (1) The

ordinary skirt or mosquito-bar cloth made out of _abaká_ fiber and

having white and black longitudinal warp stripes, alternating with the

stripes of the red background; (2) a closely woven but thin cloth of

_abaká_ having sometimes, as in the case of men's jackets, straight weft

stripes of imported blue cotton; (3) a cloth of the same material, but

so thin as to be diaphanous, and not adorned with any stripes; (4) a

cloth for trousers made out of an _abaká_ warp and a native cotton woof.

In the chapter on dress reference has been made to the elaborate and

beautiful effects produced by the Mandáyas on _abaká_ cloth. The Manóbo

woman has no knowledge of the process by which such effects are obtained.

It is interesting to note that the two yarn beams are cut in such a

manner as to emit a booming sound at each stroke of the batten. I have

seen an additional internode attached to the end yarn beam in a vertical

position, with a view to increasing the resonance. The object of these

sounders is to call attention to the industry and assiduity of the

weaver.

POTTERY

The whole pottery industry consists in the making of rude earthen pots

out of clay. It is confined to places near which the proper clay is

found. A piece of clay is kneaded and mixed with fine sand till it

attains the proper consistency. A piece is then laid over a round stone

and beaten gently till it becomes sufficiently dry and rigid to serve

for a bottom to which clay is added strip by strip, at first thick but

gradually thinned with the fingers, until the pot is completed. It is in

the union of these strips that defects are liable to occur. Hence the

best workers patiently sit for hours beating their pots with a little

wooden mallet. The pots are then put into a hot fire and burnt several

times till they become sufficiently brittle to resist the fire, but the

manufacturers seem to lack a proper test, because the cracking of a new

pot is an ordinary occurrence.

The pot is spherical in shape with a wide mouth and a neck which, by its

incurving, makes it possible to hang it up by means of a piece of rattan

when it is not in use. There may be a few indentations running around

the neck for the purpose of decoration. It is customary to provide the

pot with a crude cover, also made of sand and clay.

TAILORING AND MAT MAKING

Tailoring is such a simple affair in Manóboland that it hardly deserves

mention. Whenever an imported needle of European or American make is not

to be had, a piece of brass wire is filed down and an eye made in it.

With the simple utensil and with a thread of _abaká_ fiber, the garment

is sewn with a kind of a transverse cross-stitch. When imported cotton

is on hand, nearly all seams are covered with either a continuous fringe

of cotton in alternate colors or with neat wavy stitches, all of which

serve both to conceal the seams and to embellish the garment.

In making a garment the piece of cloth is folded into a rectangle which

forms the body of the garment. A piece large enough to make the sleeves

remains. No piece is thrown away, there being no superfluous clippings.

All cutting is done with a bolo.[4]

[4] In the chapter on dress reference has been made to the method of

embroidery and to the various designs in common use.

Mats and bags are made out of _pandanus_. The same methods so commonly

used throughout the Philippine Islands are employed by the Manóbos.

PART III. GENERAL SOCIOLOGICAL CULTURE

CHAPTER XIII

DOMESTIC LIFE AND MARITAL RELATIONS

ARRANGING THE MARRIAGE

Manóbo marriages, in general, may be said to be unions of convenience

sought with a view to extending the circle of relatives in such

directions as may result in an increase of power, prestige, protection,

and sundry other material advantages. An instance passed under my notice

in 1909 in which the daughter of a Mañgguáñgan warrior chief was

captured in marriage for the purpose of securing his aid against the

captor's enemies. The captor was a Manóbo-Mañgguáñgan of the upper

Agúsan.

SELECTION OF THE BRIDE

In the selection of his future wife, the Manóbo consults his own tastes

as far as he can, but he is influenced to a great extent by the opinion

of his parents and near relatives, all of whom ordinarily look to the

advantages to be derived from connection with powerful members of the

tribe. Hence rank and birth are nearly always a determining factor, and

where the wishes of the man's elders are in opposition to his own

natural choice, he yields and is contented to take the helpmate chosen

for him.

COURTSHIP AND ANTENUPTIAL RELATIONS

Sometimes the young man is bidden to take up his residence in the girl's

house, observe her general character and especially her diligence, find

out if she has been bespoken, gain the good will of her father and

relatives, and report to his people.

No communication of any kind takes place between him and his prospective

wife. When the subject is broached to the girl, she simply bids him see

her relatives. I have known of cases among the upper Agúsan Manóbos

where improper suggestions to the girl were at once reported by her to

her parents, and the author of them was at once brought to order with a

fine, the equivalent of P15 or P30. One white man is reported to have

met his death at the hand of a Manóbo for a mistake of this kind many

years ago. In deepest Manóboland, when the offense passes, however

slightly, the boundaries of suggestion, it becomes the source of many a

deadly feud. Happily, however, such cases are extremely rare.

BEGGING FOR THE HAND OF THE GIRL

Three, four, or five of the nearest male relatives of the man, after

procuring a little beverage, repair early some evening to the house of

the nearest relative of the girl. After they have partaken of the

inevitable betel-nut quid, and have offered a drink of sugarcane brew or

other beverage to the household, and have discussed a few topics of

daily life--it may be about the last wild boar killed, or the capture of

a polecat in the snares[1]--the prologue begins. This lasts from one to

two days, including often the better part of the nights. Each of the

visitors comes in his turn and rattles off, with many a significant haw

and cough, in good Manóbo style a series of periphrastic platitudes and

examples that apparently give no clue to the object of their visit. The

owner of the house and father, let us say, of the girl quickly

understands the situation and then assumes a most indifferent air. The

visitor who has taken up the discourse continues, with never a care for

the various household sounds, such as the chopping of wood, or the

yelping of dogs; and not even the announcement of supper, and the

partaking thereof, can stay his eloquence. The householder at times

emits a sleepy grunt of approval, relapses apparently into a drowse, and

after several hours, rolls into his mat and feigns sleep. At this

juncture one of the visitors hastens down the notched pole and gets the

silver-ferruled lance or silver-sheathed knife that has been left

concealed near the house. The spokesman of the visitors then offers it

to the father of the hoped-for bride on condition that he rise and

listen, for they have come with an object in view--to beg for the hand

of his daughter. It is then his turn to begin a painfully drawn-out

discourse, to which the visitors assent periodically with many an humble

and submissive "_ho_" and "_ha_," "_bai da man_" (yes, indeed), and so

forth. He strains and racks his brains to think of every imaginable

reason against the marriage, and finally, after he has exhausted every

resource, he bids his visitors go home and come back on such a day,

because he has to consult his relatives; but he can not get them to stir

until he gives them a counterpresent, which he claims is of much more

value than their present to him.

[1] _Lítag_.

On the appointed day the young man's relatives again proceed to the same

house, but in this case reinforced by all the relatives within reach,

each one carrying his present.

Upon the arrival the same performance is repeated and the same tactics

pursued as before, except that this time the visitors kill their fatted

pig and set it out, inviting the householder and all his relatives to

partake, but, lo and behold! no one will eat. No amount of persuasion

will induce them--they have eaten already--they are all sick--they do

not like to be invited to eat by their visitors, it being against all

the rules of hospitality, etc. To all of these objections the visitors

by turn answer, offsetting one reason by another and all the while

trying to put the other people into good humor and soften their hearts.

But no, the owner of the house and his party refuse, and all this while

the fatted pig lies in big black chunks on the floor, surrounded by rice

in platters, baskets, and leaves. At this point a few of the visitors

again hasten down the notched pole, and gather up out of the grass or

underbrush in the adjacent jungle the concealed presents. The arrival of

the presents is a grand moment for the father and relatives of the young

man. Even the future bride, who up to this time has coyly hidden away in

a corner, can not help stealing a few peeps at the display of spears,

bolos, daggers, plates, and jars.

Picking them up one by one the owner descants on their beauty, their

value (naming an outrageous sum), and his relatives express their sorrow

at parting with them. "But," he goes on to say, "it matters not,

provided that you see our good will and will join us in this banquet."

Whereupon he distributes among his guests according to the order of

their standing the array of presents, after which all squat down and

begin to eat, the visitors giving an extra dose of wassail to their

friends in order that under its warming influence they may soften and

yield.

During the course of the meal, the discussion is continued and every

appeal made to motives of friendship and self-interest, but in vain--the

other side shows no signs of yielding; they say that they can not yet

make a fixed contract, that the girl is too young, or that she does not

want the suitor; and so the hosts are bade to have patience and to go

their way. But now that they have spent an amount varying from P30 to

P50 they are not minded to lose it, but will persist in their suit for

years. I have heard of marriage transactions that covered 10 years and

have personal knowledge of numerous cases that have extended over 6.

The case of a Manóbo in Pilar, upper Agúsan, will illustrate the point.

His father, during the interregnum of 1898, first made the proposal for

the hand of the girl. It was refused until toward the end of 1904 the

parents finally yielded, but on condition that 10 slaves be paid. A few

months subsequently, after a course of hard haggling and cunning

bargaining, the contract was modified to four slaves plus the equivalent

of the value of six. Three slaves were delivered after a raid on a

Mañgguáñgan settlement on the middle Sálug (about April, 1905). The 6

"thirties,"[2] or P180, were paid in lances, knives, and other things

before the demise of the father toward the latter part of 1905, so that

one slave still remained to be delivered. On my last visit to Pilar

(February, 1910) the poor fiancé was still doing chores around his

mother-in-law's house, and the slave was still unpaid. If he can not

procure that slave it will probably cost him, in other effects, several

times the value of the slave.

[2] _Kat-lo-án_, meaning 30, is a monetary unit, representing the value

of a good slave.

Proceedings of the kind described before are repeated at frequent

intervals for a number of years, but with this exception, that on the

ensuing visits presents of no great value are bestowed on the father of

the expected bride--a bunch of bananas, a piece of venison, or a few

chickens, or some such offering are made, with a reiteration of the

petition. A capacious porker with a bounteous supply of sugar-cane brew

in big bamboo internodes is brought along occasionally to break down the

obdurateness of the householder's heart, until one fine day, under the

benign influence of "the cup that cheers," he yields, but intimating

that his petitioners can never afford the marriage payments.[3] He will

then probably recount the purchase price of this own wife, always with

exaggerations; descant on the qualities of his daughter, her strength,

her beauty, her diligence, her probable fecundity; and deplore the

grievous loss to be sustained by her departure from her parents' side.

Whereupon the visitors respond that they are willing to substitute a

number of slaves to make up for the loss of the daughter, but that in

any case she will not leave the paternal home and that the bridegroom

will take up his residence there and help his father-in-law in all

things; and so the matter is discussed and the payment of a certain

number of slaves is determined in the following manner:

DETERMINATION OF THE MARRIAGE PAYMENT

Determination of the marriage payment is the very soul of the whole

marriage proceeding. Years and years of service on the part of the

would-be husband, presents innumerable on the part of his relatives, and

feigned indifference or opposition on the other side have led up to this

moment. For the sake of clearness, let us call the father or nearest

male relative of the future bride A and the father or nearest male

relative of the bridegroom, B.

A, aided by all the cunning of his relatives, lays down as a condition,

let us say, seven slaves and one female relative of B, who is to be a

substitute for his daughter. To this B rejoins that it is a high price

and impossible of fulfillment, that he is not a warrior chief, nor a

_datu_, nor such a wealthy person as A, and that he can never satisfy

such a demand, giving a thousand and one reasons, such as sickness or

debt. A responds and belittles him for being so deficient in resources,

asks if B wants to get a wife for his son gratuitously, and tells him to

go home and buy a slave girl for him. He yells indignation at the top of

his voice, probably with his hand on his bolo, in a very menacing way.

B and his party, seeing that it is unavailing, go home, consult over the

matter, and during the course of a year or two take every possible means

to procure the necessary slaves. They may be successful in securing one

or more, let us say two, and at the same time may manage to get

together, say, 5 lances, 6 bolos, 2 jars, 30 plates, and 5 pigs; and so

one fine day they start off to A's for another trial.

B proceeds to make A feel merry before he reports his failure to comply

with the demand. This report is usually a tissue of the most atrocious

"oriental diplomacies" that the human mind can concoct. A listens to

this prologue, interlarded as it always is with ejaculations of

corroboration from B's party. Then A begins: It is an outrage, he will

have none of the pigs; the idea of selling his daughter for a bunch of

pigs! He gets up and says he will first kill the pigs and then the

owner, but his relatives make a pretense at restraining him. After a few

hours of this simulation, by which he has induced B to make many gifts,

he softens, but as the demand was not complied with to the letter, the

payment must be increased, he says, by 4 more pigs, a piece of Chinese

cloth, 8 Mandáya skirts, and 2 jars. At this point his relatives

interfere. His sister wants three pigs and four skirts. She was midwife

at the birth of the girl in question and, due to her contact with the

unclean blood, was approached by a foul spirit and fell sick. Surely she

deserves a big payment--1 female slave, 2 pigs, 2 shell bracelets, and a

piece of turkey red cloth. And the third cousin claims that she nursed

the child, the future bride, two months during the illness of its

mother, and demands two Mandáya skirts. And so the haggling is

continued, A and his party doling out the marriage effects as sparingly

as possible, taking care to make presents to the more vehement and

unyielding parties on the other side.

[3] _Ábat_.

This operation always lasts a few days, during which B keeps his

prospective relatives in high glee with pork and potations, until A

consents.

THE MARRIAGE FEAST AND PAYMENT

The marriage feast almost invariably takes place during the harvest, for

the simple reason that food is more abundant and also because the

harvest days are the gladdest of all the year. When the time for the

marriage is close at hand the father-in-law makes an announcement to

friends and neighbors, sending out messengers and leaving at each house

a rattan strip[4] to indicate the number of days to elapse before the

marriage. If his own house is not sufficiently large for the expected

attendance, he changes to another and awaits the eventful day.

[4] _Ba-lén-tus_.

The whole country flocks to the house at the appointed time, the

relatives of the bridegroom being loaded down with the marriage

presents, which are all carefully concealed in baskets, leaf wraps,

etc., and are deposited secretly in the woods adjoining the house. Of

course the omen bird must be consulted. On this occasion above all

others it is essential that the omens be favorable, as there are no

means, so I have been informed, to counteract an inauspicious marriage

omen. While preparations are being made for the banquet by the

bridegroom's party, the interminable parley[5] is continued. The bride's

father and relatives make their last efforts for securing all they can

in worldly effects. They almost repent of the bargain--it was too

cheap--think of the price paid for the bride's mother--the expenses

incurred during a long illness of the bride in her infancy--and compare

the modicum demanded for her marriage; it is outrageous! no, the

marriage can not go on, the girl is not in good health, and the ordeal

might increase her ailment. Every sort of trick is resorted to in order

that the other side may be more generous in the bestowal of gifts. The

discussion is thus one big tissue of simulation, and is carried on in

succession by the elders on each side. The bridegroom's father keeps

offering betel nut and brew to his new "cofather-in-law"[6] and selects

a favorable moment to make him a big present, possibly of an old

heirloom, a jar, or a venerable old spear, the value of which he

estimates at P50, although it may be worth only P8.

[5] _Bi-sä_.

[6] _Bá'-i_.

The meal is finally spread out on the floor. The roasted part of the pig

has been hacked into small chunks and is piled up on plates, leaves,

bark platters, and shallow baskets. The boiled portion remains in

charred bamboo internodes placed close at hand. The rice is loaded on

plates, or placed in large baskets lined with leaves, and the beverage

is put in the ancient family jars, or is left in long bamboos: The host,

in this case the bridegroom's father or nearest male relative, assisted

by a few others, distributes the meat, carefully selecting the pieces

according to weight, size, and quality, so that no one can complain of

not having had as good a share as his neighbor. Such toothsome parts as

the brains, heart, and liver are divided among the relatives who enjoy

greater prestige, the tougher and more gizzly[sic] pieces falling to the

lot of the people of lesser importance. This operation takes up the

better part of an hour. It is needless to say that a hubbub of voices

helps to give animation to the occasion. The Manóbo speaks in no angelic

whisper on ordinary occasions, but at a solemn time like this his vocal

chords twang with all the intensity of which they are capable.

Finally all squat down on the floor, armed with the inseparable bolo if

suspicious visitors are present. Hands are washed by pouring a little

water out of a bowl, tumbler, or bamboo joint; the mouth is rinsed, and

the meal is begun. With their right hands on their bolos, if they have

not ungirded[sic] them, they lay their left hands over their portions of

rice, knead handfuls of it into a compact mass, and raising their hands

to their mouths ram it in with the palms.

The two "cofathers-in-law" pay special attention to each other, each

trying to get the other intoxicated, and each feeding the other with

chunks of fat and other things. This custom is called _daiyápan_ and is

universal among the non-Christian tribes of the Agúsan Valley. It is a

mark of esteem and the highest token of hospitality. A few pieces of fat

and bone are scooped up, dipped in a mixture of red pepper, salt, and

water and thrust, nolens volens, into the mouth of the good fellow whom

it is desired to honor. And it is not good etiquette to remove it. It

must be gorged at once and the fortunate man must proceed to reciprocate

in the same way. The brew is distributed in tumblerfuls or in bamboo

joints holding about a tumblerful each. To refuse the allotted portion

would degrade one in the eyes of everyone, for here it is a sin to be

sober and a virtue to get drunk. Gluttony finds no place in a Manóbo

dictionary--one is merely full,[7] but always ready to go on; friend

divides his rice with friend, when he sees that the latter's supply is

getting low, and his own is immediately replenished by one of the

womenfolk, or slaves that attend to the culinary work. Nor must one

finish before anybody else. It is not polite. Nothing must be left on

the plate, a fact that each one makes clear by washing the plate clean

with water.

[7] _Mahántoi_.

The pandemonium increases in direct proportion as the brew diminishes.

One's neighbor may be yelling to somebody else at the other end of the

house while the latter is trying at the top of his voice to reach the

fellow that sits far away from him. Goodnatured, though rather

inelegant, jokes and jests are howled at the bride, who coyly conceals

herself behind a neighbor, and at the bridegroom, who does not seem at

all abashed. The women, who eat all together near the hearth, carry on

the same operations but in their own more gentle way, never falling

under the influence of the liquor. The meal is usually finished in about

three hours, when the pig and rice are exhausted.

After a chew of betel nut, comes the supreme moment for payment,[8]

ushered in by many a "_ho_" and "_ha_" with another discussion. The

tenor of this is that the father of the bridegroom is not as well

provided with goods[9] as he had desired to be, owing, let us say, to a

failure to obtain certain effects he had ordered from so-and-so,

together with numerous other pretexts and excuses that on the face of

them are untrue. Pointing out his slaves, he descants on them; and goes

on to explain how much trouble he had to get them; he could not value

them for less than P80 apiece. Or, if they are captives, he describes

the fatigues of his march and the imminent danger to which he was

exposed during the attack, together with such other reasons, mostly

fictitious, as would tend to enhance their value and thereby avoid

subsequent haggling. He then delivers the other goods demanded.[10]

Where two slaves had been asked he gives two kinds of goods,[11] say a

lance and a bolo, whereupon there is invariably a howl of

dissatisfaction, according to custom. But things are settled nicely

either by granting a few plates or some such thing for a solace, or by

playing on the good will or simplicity of the person who objected. The

distribution is not completed in one day. Usually about one-third of the

entire amount of goods is held over with a view to observing if there is

anyone who is not quite pleased with his portion, and also for the

purpose of keeping up their hopes.

[8] _Á-bat_.

[9] _Máng-gad_.

[10] By his cofather-in-law and relatives.

[11] _Da-dú-a no baíyo no máng-gad_.

THE RECIPROCATORY PAYMENT AND BANQUET

The following day, or whenever the payment has been completed, begins

the reciprocatory payment[12] in which the bride's relatives return to

those of the bridegroom a certain amount of goods varying in value, but

approximately one-half of what has been paid as the marriage portion. As

a soother, they also kill a pig and right earnestly set about putting

their new circle of relatives in good humor. It may be noted that the

duration of these feasts depends on the rapidity with which the pig is

dispatched. I have known a marriage feast to cover a period of seven

days, though it may be said that it is generally terminated the second

day, at least in the case of less well-to-do Manóbos.

[12] _Sú-bak_.

The reciprocatory payment being successfully carried through, it now

remains for the bridegroom's relatives to give the farewell feast and

carry off the bride. But it often happens that the girl's relatives have

ascertained that there are still a number of goods in the possession of

their new relatives and it is considered proper to secure them.

A few hours before departure the bride is decked out with all available

ornaments. Bead necklaces, with pendants of crocodile teeth and strips

of mother-of-pearl; bracelets of seashell,[13] large, white and heavy;

bracelets of vegetable fiber and of sea wood; a comb inlaid with

mother-of-pearl, and adorned with beads and tassels of cotton; leglets

of plaited jungle fiber--all these constitute her finery. During the

process of dressing, the bride's female relatives usually weep, while

the more distant ones set up a howl, often, I think, of ficticious[sic]

grief, in which the children, babies, and dogs may join. At this

juncture the female relatives of the bridegroom intercede and endeavor

to assuage their grief. It is only after numerous presents have been

given them that they become resigned, but at the last moment, when the

bride is about to be led away, they surround her and hold her and

perhaps repeat the wail till they receive more material consolation.

This necessitates another supply of presents. Then the children have to

be appeased. Finally the girl is led down the pole, but as her father

may have espied, let us say, a fine dagger, or a lance that struck his

fancy, nothing will satisfy him except to order them all back and tell

his cofather-in-law that he must needs have the lance or dagger, giving

some sly reason, as, for instance, that his wife had an ominous dream

last night. In one marriage feast that I witnessed, after all the

bridegroom's people had left the house, the bride's father told his son

to beat the dog. Whereupon he ordered the party back and told his

cofather-in-law that it was passing strange that the dog should have

howled just as they left the house and that he should leave his lance

and bolo as an offering to one of the family deities. It was done

accordingly and in all good nature. Then they started off again, but

were recalled because the old fox happened to remember that his

cofather-in-law had on several occasions during the early marriage

proceedings displeased him, and so it became necessary to atone for the

sin[14] by another gift. Finally they got a start, filched of all they

had. It happens frequently that the marriage suitors are deprived even

of their personal weapons and of part of their clothes. It may be

remarked that the bestowal of a person's upper garment is considered an

act of deep friendship, and is of fairly frequent occurrence.

[13] _Tak-ló-bo_ (_Tridacna gigas_).

[14] _Húgad to saí-ya_. This is another instance of that peculiar belief

in an atonement rite of which I can give no details.

The above is a description of the upper class marriage feast, but that

of the poorer class is carried on in much the same style, except that

the proceedings are much briefer. The bride's father and people on the

one hand strive by might and main to get the highest payment obtainable,

while the bridegroom's folk exert themselves to hold the price down.

Whatever is given in payment is overvalued--it is a keepsake, an

heirloom, would never be given away under any other circumstances--in

fact, may result in evil to the giver. On the other hand everything that

is received is depreciated--it is old, or of no use to the receiver. An

old trick is to return it, whereupon a little additional gift is made

for a consolation. But even then it is never admitted that the gift is

received for its intrinsic value, but rather out of good will.

MARRIAGE AND MARRIAGE CONTRACTS

THE MARRIAGE RITE

We will now follow the bride to her father-in-law's house and witness

the religious ceremony by which the hymeneal tie is indissolubly

knitted. It is essential that the omen bird should be favorable on the

trip to the bridegroom's house, otherwise the party must return. Usually

the parting injunction of the bride's father to his cofather-in-law

warns him to watch for the omen bird.

A pig is killed as soon as possible and set out in the usual style at

the house of the bridegroom. The bride and bridegroom sit side by side

on an ordinary grass mat. No special decorations have been made; no

bridal chamber has been prepared, except sometimes a rude stall of

slatted bamboo or of bark.

When the meal is ready, the bridegroom takes a handful of rice from his

plate and offers it to the bride while she also gives a similar portion

to him. Then he passes his rice from hand to hand behind his back seven

times, after which he says in a loud voice: "We are now married; let our

fame ascend."[15] The bride imitates him. Whereupon loud howls of assent

proclaim the consummation of the marriage contract.

[15] _Kanámi no miño nakalíbto ang bántug námi_.

The meal goes on in the same riotous style as described before. I seldom

witnessed a marriage during which the bridegroom did not become rather

hilarious toward the end of the meal, but never displayed anything but

feelings of delicacy and respect toward the bride. Instructions of a

kind that would be considered highly indecent, according to our

standards of morality, are howled out in the most candid way, so that

this ordeal proves embarrassing for the bride. She eats hastily and

retires to her female friends in the cooking portion of the house. I

have seen several cases where the girl, being a mere child, continued to

weep during the whole proceeding.

The feast being concluded a female priest takes the betel-nut omen.

Seven quids of betel nuts are placed by one of the family priestesses

upon a sacred dish.[16] She then sets it upon the head of the bridegroom

and falls into an ecstatic condition, steadying the plate with her hand.

Should one of the betel-nut slices become separated from its betel leaf,

the omen is considered unpropitious and is followed immediately by the

prophylactic rite--the fowl-waving ceremony.

[16] _A-púg'-an_.

The matter of overcoming the delicacy of the newly married maiden is not

infrequently attended with considerable difficulty. It is accomplished,

however, by means of an elderly relative of the girl, who occupies night

after night the mat between the newly married couple, until such time as

she thinks that her ward has become well enough acquainted with her

husband so that she will not run away. The go-between returns the

following day and claims her guerdon. Several cases passed under my

observation, in which the husband was unable to use his marital rights

for weeks owing to the timorousness and bashfulness of his youthful

spouse. In no case was anything but patience and gentleness displayed by

the husband.

MARRIAGE BY CAPTURE

The custom of wife capture is fairly frequent, especially in the upper

Agúsan where the Manóbo is within the Mandáya culture area. During my

last visit to the upper Agúsan (September, 1909, to February, 1910)

three cases occurred, and I had the pleasure of taking part in the

settlement of one of them.

The capture is effected by a band of some four to eight friends of the

party interested. They repair to the vicinity of the _camote_ patch,

which is almost invariably situated at some distance from the house of

its owner. Here a watch is kept until the intended captive, in company

probably with a few of her own tribe, appears upon the scene. Probably

it has been already ascertained that the male relatives have gone on a

hunting or fishing expedition, but to make assurance doubly sure one or

two of the party advance toward the women unarmed and make inquiries hi

an offhand way. If the absence of the male relatives is confirmed, they

thereupon seize the girl, and their companions rush out in full panoply

from their hiding places and carry off the fair prize. By the time the

girl's relatives become aware of the occurrence, the captors have eluded

all chance of discovery and the captive has probably resigned herself to

her fate, if she had not already consented by connivance.

With regard to wife capture it may be remarked that it is generally

resorted to under the advice and protection of some more powerful and

affluent personage. If undertaken on one's own initiative it might be

risky, and certainly always is a highly expensive affair. Even when

carried out with the connivance of a _datu_ or a warrior chief, it has

on occasions proved fatal, so I was assured.

The case referred to was that of the son of an influential Manóbo of the

Nábuk River, in the upper Agúsan Valley. His son had a few months before

my arrival lost his first wife in a raid made by a neighboring

settlement. He determined to avoid the prolixities and delay of the

ordinary matrimonial course, and, accordingly, captured the daughter of

a Mañgguáñgan warrior chief who lived near Pilar. I was in Compostela at

the time and on hearing that an expedition[17] to recapture the girl or

to collect the marriage payment would take place, I asked that I might

be allowed to accompany the party.

[17] _Duk-i-ús_. (Mandáya, _dúk-lus_).

We arrived at the house of the _datu_ and found everything and everybody

prepared for war. This _datu_ informed me that he anticipated trouble,

as the Mañgguáñgan was of a different breed, being at times altogether

unamenable to reason. During the rest of that day nothing occurred, but

no one ventured out of the clearing without a strong guard, and during

the night the strictest watch was maintained. The _datu_ said that among

Manóbos and Mandáyas a wife capture was easy of arrangement and was

never attended with any trouble, provided they had the wherewithal to

pay the marriage price, but that the Mañgguáñgan was an unruly character

and in a fit of rage or drunkenness was liable to commit acts of

atrocity even against his nearest relatives. He cited the case of a

Mañgguáñgan from Sálug who discovered the whereabouts of his son-in-law

and of the captured bride and killed them without further ado.

About 2 a. m. we were disturbed from our slumbers by one of the watchers

who had heard a distinct crackling in the adjoining forest. This report

brought everybody to his feet and provoked a chorus of yells of

intimidation, that never ceased till sunrise.

About 6 a. m. we espied forms in the forest, approaching from all sides.

When they, some 60 altogether, had taken up their positions on the edge

of the clearing wherein stood the house, they sounded their weird and

wild war whoop,[18] and four warriors, headed by the warrior chief

referred to, and armed with all the accouterments of war, rushed forward

toward the house, yelling, prancing around, defying, challenging, and

cursing. The warrior chief speared one of the two large pigs under the

house and proceeded, aided by his three companions to cut down the house

posts, never ceasing to yell in the most stentorian voice I ever heard.

At this juncture the _datu_ let down with a long strip of rattan a

silver-banded lance, a silver-sheathed war knife, and a silver-sheathed

Mandáya dagger. As everybody was howling, it was difficult to follow the

tenor of conversation, but I observed that the warrior chief accepted

the gift though he did not apparently relax his fury. He jumped around,

menacing, and animating his companions to fire the house. The _datu_

kept letting down presents of lances, Mandáya cloth, pigs, and other

things until everyone of the assailants had received a token of his good

will. Their fury very visibly diminished, and the _datu_ was finally

able to hold a colloquy with his new cofather-in-law, in which he

persuaded him to come up into the house and hold a conference[19] over

the matter. The latter, after numerous reiterations that he would never

enter the house except to chop heads off, finally ascended the notched

pole, followed by his braves. We of the house retired to the further

half, all armed, while the newcomers squatted in that portion of the

house near the ladder. Then began the conference which lasted till

breakfast was ready. It resembled in all respects the usual marriage

haggling, except that the warrior chief asseverated persistently that

the act of the _datu's_ son was deception and robbery, and that only

blood would atone for it. His companions howled assent and clutching

their bolos, half rose as if to begin a massacre. They were invited to

sit down and regale themselves, but that only made them howl all the

more. Finally the _datu_ ordered out a stack of weapons and other

presents, and made another allotment to the visitors, in due proportion

to relationship. This had a soothing effect and induced them to drink

copious draughts of sugarcane brew, which kept on soothing them more and

more as the end of the meal approached. During all this time special

attention was paid to the warrior chief, so that before long he was

feeling so happy that he ordered his followers to remove all weapons

from their persons, and began to feed huge chunks of half-raw hog meat

into the mouth of the _datu_ according to the immemorial custom.

[18] _Pa-nad-jáu-an_.

[19] _Bisa_.

After the feast I returned to the Agúsan but learned later that

everything had been settled amicably, the _datu_ having provided a

superabundance of wordly[sic] effects, in payment for the captured

woman. Among them were two slaves valued at P30 apiece.

PRENATAL MARRIAGE CONTRACTS AND CHILD MARRIAGE

Prenatal marriage contracts have been made in the upper Agúsan,

especially when it was desired to secure the friendship of some more

powerful chieftain. I was informed by a _bagáni_ of the upper Sálug that

it is not an uncommon thing for two warrior chiefs or other powerful men

to make such contracts in order to cement the friendship between

themselves and between their respective clans. He cited several

instances, in some of which the sex of the child proved an impediment to

the carrying out of the prenatal marriage contract. Child marriages,

however, are not uncommon. I know of two cases in Compostela, in one of

which the boy husband was minor, the girl having already attained the

age of puberty at the time of the marriage. In the other case both were

mere children. It is needless to say that cohabitation was not permitted

in the latter case. The marriage payment had been made in the usual way

and the bride delivered over to her father-in-law.

According to my observation, the young man is married somewhere between

the ages of 17 and 20, and the woman from 13 to 16. The effect of these

early marriages is very apparent in the physical appearance of the wife

after a few years of married life. On account of the onerous duties that

fall to the lot of the woman, only a staunch constitution can maintain

unblemished the bloom of youthful beauty. I am of the opinion that the

average woman reaches her prime at about 25 years of age.

POLYGAMY AND KINDRED INSTITUTIONS

It may be said that the Manóbo is in practice a monogamist, but polygamy

is permitted with the consent of the first wife and, in cases that I

have known, by her direction and even according to her selection. She

finds her work too burdensome and directs her husband to get another

helpmate. As a rule, however, it is only a warrior chief who has more

than one wife, as he is in a better position to procure the wherewithal

to pay the purchase price, namely, slaves. I am acquainted with a number

of warrior chiefs, both Manóbo and Mandáya, who have as many as four

wives, all dwelling in the same house, each having her little stall[20]

and living in perfect peace and happiness with her sister wives. There

appear to be no jealousy and no family broils, the wish of the first

wife being paramount in all things.

[20] _Sin-á-bung_.

I found the abhorrence to polyandry so great and so universal that all

tribes that I came in contact with throughout eastern Mindanáo branded

the practice as swinish.

Concubinage is unknown. In a country where a woman is worth a small

fortune to her relatives, and where she can not offer her love according

to her own choice, but must follow her relatives' desires,[21] it is not

likely that she would be delivered over temporarily to even a warrior

chief, nor is she likely to be repudiated except for strong reasons.

Hence divorce is never allowed, as far as my observation and knowledge

go, being considered an infringement of tribal customs that would

provoke divine wrath and bring disaster on the settlement.

[21] I heard of a case in Guadalupe in which the girl, not being allowed

to marry the man of her choice, took _tuble_ poison and ended her life.

Among the non-Christianized Manóbos I never heard of a case of

prostitution. The mere suggestion of it would probably result in a fine.

Fornication, however, probably takes place, but only very rarely and

under very abnormal circumstances, as when the sexual temperament of the

girl and a very favorable opportunity encourage the transgression. I

know of cases where Manóbo maidens actually recounted to their relatives

improper suggestions on the part of Bisáyas, and in every case these

relatives, with wild yells, and with menacing movements of bolo and

spear, collected a sufficient compensation to atone for the imprudence.

In one instance I paid the fine imposed upon a half-blind paddler of

mine for a very innocent joke that was not appreciated by the relatives

of a certain woman.

When, however, the Manóbo is removed from the stern influences of his

pagan institutions he goes the way of all flesh, as may be observed by a

study of conditions in _conquista_ towns.

I heard of a few cases of adultery among Christianized Manóbos but,

though the guilty wife was reported to have received a heavy punishment

in the form of a good beating, she was not divorced.

ENDOGAMY AND CONSANGUINEOUS MARRIAGES

I found no vestige of endogamy nor of the totem system that is such a

remarkable and widespread feature of Polynesian, Melanesian, and cognate

peoples in Oceania. Neither is there any theoretical endogamic

institution which obliges a Manóbo to marry within his tribe, but, in

practice, such is his custom.

The only impediment to marriage is consanguinity. Consanguineous

marriages are everywhere regarded as baneful. It is a universal belief

that unless such marriages are consummated under the special auspices of

the goddesses Ináyao and Tagabáyao, they result in physical evil to both

the parents and the children.

The following are the persons between whom marriage is forbidden:

(1) All carnal relatives closer than first cousin.

(2) First, second, and third cousins, unless the proper ceremonies to

Tagabáyao and Ináyao have been performed, various omens very carefully

taken, and, after marriage, the yearly offering of a pig or chicken made

in order to avoid the ill effects that might follow the marriage.

(3) Stepmothers and stepfathers.

(4) Mothers-in-law and fathers-in-law.

(5) Daughters-in-law and sons-in-law.

(6) Captives and their captors. This marriage is believed to bar the way

to warriorship and to otherwise result in evil.[22] Captives may,

however, be married by others than those who captured them.

[22] _Ma-lí-hi_.

(7) Slaves; marriages among them are not tabooed absolutely, but they

are regarded as something unbecoming, and the person who marries a slave

girl is spoken of as _áyo-áyo_ (no good).

Marriage with a sister-in-law is fairly common, and may take place

during the wife's lifetime, usually at her instigation, but never

without her consent.

INTERTRIBAL AND OTHER MARRIAGES

It may be remarked that in the case of marriages between cousins within

the forbidden degrees, the actual marriage payment is much less, as the

matter is considered a family affair, but on the whole such a marriage

is a most expensive affair. In the first place, before the marriage, the

priest instructs the prospective husband to dedicate a number of objects

to Tagabáyao, the goddess of consanguineous love. This presupposes a

sacrificial ceremony in which, as in one case which I witnessed, a white

pig was killed, and a lance valued at P15, a bolo valued at P10, a

dagger valued at P10, and sundry other objects were formally consecrated

to Tagabáyao. The consecration was followed by a sacrifice to Tagabáyao,

after which the marriage payment was made. Then came a similar series of

offerings to Ináyao, goddess of the thunderbolt, that she might not harm

the newly married. I was told that year after year the newly married

cousins had to repeat this ceremony, and thereby keep in Ináyao's good

graces.

Intermarriage with a member of another tribe occurs occasionally but is

not looked upon with favor owing to the differences of religious belief

as also to the fact that it might not be possible for the husband to

take away his wife. In the cases that have come under my notice of

marriages between Manóbos and Mañgguáñgans, Mañgguáñgans and Mandáyas,

and Mandáyas and Manóbos, the man almost invariably married a girl

belonging to what was considered a higher tribe; for instance, Manóbo

man to a Mandáya girl, or a Mañgguáñgan man to a Mandáya girl. The

reason assigned was in nearly every case the assurance that the girl

would not be taken from the paternal roof, and that a bigger marriage

price would be forthcoming.

Gratuitous marriages occur rarely. In the few cases that passed under my

observation, all the expenses of the wedding feast were borne by the

bride's relatives, and the bridegroom took up his residence with his

father-in-law, and virtually entered a state of slavery. His children

also become the property of the father-in-law.

It is not intended to give the impression that the recipient of a

gratuitous wife has to perform the duties of an ordinary slave. On the

contrary, he is treated as one of his wife's family and is expected, in

view of the favor that he has received and the debt that he has

incurred, to help his father-in-law when called upon. If he should

happen on a definite occasion to prove recalcitrant, he is gently

reminded of his debt and of the sacredness with which a good Manóbo pays

it, and so he goes off on his errand and the matter is concluded.

Remarriage takes place frequently, owing to the fact that a widow does

not command so high a price as a maiden and that she has something to

say in the selection of her new husband. She can not, however, be

married if a funeral feast[23] for a near relative of the family is

still unfulfilled.

[23] _Ka-ta-pú-san_.

There is absolutely no trace of a levirate system by which the nearest

male kinsman must marry his deceased brother's widow. On the contrary, a

marriage with any relative's widow is absolutely tabooed, and this

taboo, as far as my observations warrant the assertion, is never

violated.

MARRIED LIFE AND THE POSITION OF THE WIFE

Married life appears to be one of mutual good understanding and

kindliness. The husband addresses his wife as _búdyag_ (wife) and leaves

to her the management of the establishment in everything except such

little business transactions as may have to be carried on. The wife gets

the wood and water every day, toiling up and down the steep mountain

sides. She goes off to the farm once or twice a day and returns with her

basket of _camotes_. In the meantime the husband whittles out his bolo

sheath or his lance shaft, or occasionally goes off on a fishing

expedition or a hunt, if the omens are good. Every once in awhile,

especially during the winter months, he sets up his wild boar traps, and

they may keep him busy about two days a week. Then comes the news of a

wedding feast, two days' journey hence, and off he goes for perhaps a

week, or there may be a big question to settle in another part of the

country and he must attend the discussion because there is a relative of

his involved; anyhow, it will end up with a big pig and plenty of brew.

So he goes away and has a roaring time, and comes back after a week with

a nice piece of pork and some betel nuts for his wife and tells her all

about the doings. She bears it all, makes her comments on it, and then

goes to get the _camotes_ for dinner, with never a complaint as to her

hard work. It is the custom of the tribe, and the institution of the

great men of bygone days, that the woman should toil and slave.

I have known of very few domestic broils and have never known of a case

of ill treatment, except when in a drunken fit the husband wreaked his

wrath on his wife.

Faithfulness to the marriage tie is a remarkable trait in Manóboland,

due to the stringent code of morals upheld by the spear and the bolo.

The few cases of adultery related to me among the non-Christian Manóbos

were mere memories. I heard of one case of fornication just before

leaving the upper Agúsan. It was narrated to me by a warrior chief of

the upper Kati'il. His fourth wife, a relative of the _datu_ who figured

in the case of wife capture described in this chapter, had in the days

of her maidenhood secretly fallen from grace, which fact she revealed to

her warrior husband, together with the name of the offender. The warrior

chief thereupon made a two-day march to Compostela and located the house

of his enemy, publicly vowing speedy vengeance. I visited the latter's

house a few days after and found it in a state of defense, a large

clearing having been made, with a mass of felled trees, underbrush, and

bamboo pegs all around. This man was a Manóbo of the Debabáon group who

had spent many years under the tuition of the older Christians of the

Agúsan Valley.

Rape, incest, and other such abominations are practically unheard of.

From what has been stated frequently throughout this monograph, it may

be seen that the position of the woman is merely that of a chattel. In

moments of anger, which are not frequent, the husband or the

father-in-law addresses the object of his wrath as _binótuñg_, that is,

purchased one, chattel. A woman, the Manóbo will tell you, has no

_tribunal_, or _tilibuná_;[24] she was born to be the bearer of children

and the planter of _camotes_. She can not carry a shield nor thrust a

spear.

[24] The meaning is that she has not enough brains to take part in the

discussions held in the town halls, called in Spanish "tribunal," and

erected by the Spaniards in the various Christianized settlements for

the arbitration of judicial and administrative matters pertaining to the

settlement.

Following out these views to their legitimate conclusions, and both

experience and observation verify them, it is obvious that there is no

evidence of the matriarchate system in Manóbo-land. The husband is the

lord of his household, of his wife, and of his children, and I do not

hesitate to say, probably would abandon or kill either, if the urgency

of a definite occasion required it.[25]

[25] Maliñgáan of the upper Simúlau, to prevent his wife and children

from falling into the hands of the Spanish forces, slew them and himself

in full view of the soldiery. I found this incident related in one of

the Jesuit letters, to which reference has been made already.

RESIDENCE OF THE SON-IN-LAW AND THE BROTHER-IN-LAW SYSTEM

After a few months, dependent on the term determined upon in the

marriage contract, the young husband returns to his father-in-law's

house, to whose family he is now considered to belong, and takes up his

permanent residence there. His respect for both his father-in-law and

mother-in-law is such that he will not mention them by name. He always

addresses them as father-in-law and mother-in-law, respectively. He aids

his father-in-law in everything as a son. Every year for 12 years during

the harvest time he is expected to kill a pig for him. Of course,

occasions arise on which he is called upon by his own relatives and has

to leave his father-in-law. Sometimes it happens that he does not

return, but in such cases he is expected to act in a diplomatic way, and

leave something, say a big pig, as a substitute for his person.

Brothers-in-law, and their name is legion, for the term includes all who

have married any relative however distant, are expected to aid the

relatives of their wives, especially in warfare. And it is my

observation that at least such of them as are married to nearer

relatives of a given individual, do effectively help him when he really

needs either financial or other assistance.

The brothers-in-law of a warrior chief nearly always live with him or in

his immediate vicinity. This custom is maintained, no doubt, both for

the protection and for the prestige thereby acquired.

CHAPTER XIV

DOMESTIC LIFE: PREGNANCY, BIRTH, AND CHILDHOOD

DESIRE FOR PROGENY

The desire to fulfill the end of marriage is so strong that it may be

said that there is almost rivalry and envy between the young men. Many a

time I have heard the remark made that so and so is _a-yo-á-yo_--a sorry

specimen of humanity--because he had no children. If you ask a Manóbo

how many children he has he will seldom forget to tell you not only the

number that died, but also the number of times that his wife suffered

miscarriage, owing to a faulty selection of food, or to the noxious

influence of some evil spirits, or to the violation of certain taboos,

or to some other cause.

And thus it is that when the first evidences of motherhood manifest

themselves, the husband procures a _white_ or _black_ chicken and after

inviting a few friends, holds an informal party in honor of the

occasion. I know of one case in which the ritual waving ceremony[1] took

place on pregnancy, but it was performed, so the husband told me,

because of a conjunction of ill omens, and not because such a ceremony

was customary.

[1] _Kú-yab to má-nuk_.

BIRTH AND PREGNANCY TABOOS

The precautions taken by both husband and wife during pregnancy, as also

on the approach of parturition, are evidence of the sacredness with

which they guard the dearest hope of their married lives.

The following pregnancy and birth taboos, verified by the writer, hold

with little variation in every part of the Agúsan Valley, and several of

them are still adhered to by the Bisáyas of that region.[2]

[2] I find that some of these taboos are observed by the uneducated

Tagalogs of Manila and by the peasants of Tayábas Province.

The general idea prevailing in the observation of these taboos is one of

sympathy by which a certain action, productive of a certain physical

effect in one subject may produce by some sympathetic correlation an

analogous effect in another. An instance will make this clear. To wear a

necklace is an action in itself perfectly innocuous and even beneficial,

in so far as it enhances the person of the wearer, but for the Manóbo

man and wife such a proceeding at this particular time would produce, by

some species of mystic correlation, a binding effect on the child in the

hour of parturition, and must accordingly be eschewed.

These taboos are in force from the time when the young wife announces

her condition until the end of that trying period that follows

conception.

TABOOS TO BE OBSERVED BY THE HUSBAND

1. He must avoid all untoward acts, such as quarreling and haggling.

2. His demeanor must be quiet; he must avoid noisy and impetuous

actions, such as taking part in the capture of a domestic pig.

3. He must avoid all heavy work, such as the felling of trees, making of

canoes, or erection of house posts.

4. He must not engage in any work connected with rattan, such as tying

or splicing.