The practice of mutilating the ear lobes[12] is universal and is not

confined to either sex. It consists in piercing the ear lobes in one,

two, or three places. This is done usually at an early age, with a

needle. A thread of _abaká_ fiber is then inserted and prevented from

coining out by putting a tiny pellet of beeswax at each end. As soon as

the wound heals, the perforation is enlarged in the case of a woman in

the following manner: Small pieces of the rib of the rattan leaf are

inserted at intervals of a couple of days until the hole is opened

enough to receive larger pieces. When it has expanded sufficiently, a

small spiral of grass, usually of _pandanus_[13] is inserted. This, by

its natural tendency to expand, increases the size of the aperture until

a larger spiral can be inserted.

[12] _Ti-dáng_.

[13] _Bá-ui_ (Bisáya, _ba-ló-oi_).

The opening is considered of sufficient size and beauty when it is about

2.5 centimeters in diameter. In addition to this large aperture, which

is located on the lower part of the lobulus, there may be two other

small perforations about 1.5 centimeters further up. These latter serve

both in men and women for the attachment of small buttons, while the

former is confined exclusively to women and serves for the insertion of

ornamental ear disks.

DEPILATION

A beardless face is considered a thing of beauty, so that a systematic

and constant eradication of the face hair is carried on by the Manóbo

from the first moment that hair begins to appear upon his face. For this

purpose he often has a pair of tweezers,[14] ordinarily made out of

beaten brass wire, with which he systematically plucks out such

straggling hairs as he may find upon his upper lip and on the chin, as

well as the axillary hair. The pubic hair is not always eradicated. A

small knife[15] is frequently employed as a razor, not only on the chin

and upper lip but also for shaving the eyebrows. The removal of the last

mentioned is a universal practice, for hair on the eyebrows is

considered very ungraceful. Hence both sexes shave the eyebrows, leaving

only a pencil line, or, in some districts, not even a trace of hair.

[14] _Pan-úm-pa'_.

[15] Called _ba-di'_ or _kám-pit_.

The hair on other parts of the body is not abundant and it is not

customary to remove it.

TATTOOING[16]

[16] _Pang-o-túb_.

After making an infinity of inquiries, I learned that tattooing is

merely for the purpose of ornamentation. By a few I was given to

understand that under the Spanish regime, when killing and capturing was

rife, the tattooing was for the purpose of the identification of a

captive. It was customary to change the name of a captive, and as he was

sold and resold, the only way to identify him was by his tattoo marks.

Be that as it may, the practice seems to have at present no further

significance than that of ornamentation. No therapeutic nor magical nor

ceremonial effects are associated with it. Neither is it symbolic of

prowess, nor distinctive of family, place, nor person, for two persons

from different localities and groups may have the same designs.

No particular age is required for the inception of the process, but from

my observation, corroborated by general testimony, I believe it is

performed usually from the age of puberty onwards.

The operator is nearly always a woman, or a so-called hermaphrodite,[17]

who has acquired a certain amount of skill in embroidering. These

professionals are not numerous, due, possibly, to the natural aversion

felt by women for the sight of blood, as also to the fact that no

remuneration is made for their services, though this last reason alone

would not explain the paucity.

[17] One meets occasionally among the peoples of eastern Mindanáo

certain individuals who are known by a special name and who are reputed

to be incapable of sexual intercourse. The individuals whom I saw were

most feminine in their ways, preferring to keep the company of women and

to indulge in womanly work rather than to associate with men.

The process is very simple. A pigment is prepared by holding a plate or

an _olla_, over a burning torch[18] made of resin until enough soot has

collected. Then without any previous drawing, the operator punctures, to

a depth of approximately 2 millimeters, the part of the body that is to

be tattooed. The blood that flows from these punctures is wiped off,

usually with a bunch of leaves, and a portion of the soot from the resin

is rubbed vigorously into the wounds with the hand of the operator.

[18] _Saí-yung_ (_Canarium villosum_).

The process occupies a variable length of time, depending on the skill

of the operator and on the endurance and patience of the subject. It is

painful, but no such manifestations of pain are made as in teeth

grinding. The portion tattooed is sensitive for about 24 hours, but no

other evil consequences, such as festering, etc., follow as far as my

observations go.

Without the aid of diagrams or pictures it is difficult to describe in

an intelligible and comprehensive manner the numerous designs that are

used in tattooing. Each locality may have its own distinct fashion,

differing from the fashion prevalent in another region. And as the

designs seem to be the result of individual whim and fancy it would be

an almost endless task to describe all of them in detail. Suffice it to

say in general that they follow in both nomenclature and in general

appearance the figures embroidered on jackets, with the important

addition of figures of a crocodile, and of stars and leaves, as is

indicated by the names.[19]

[19] _Bin-u-á-ja_, (from _bu-wá-ja_, crocodile), _gin-í-bang_ (from

_gí-bang_, iguana) and _bin-úyo_ (from _bú-jo'_, the betel leaf).

The figures are neither intricate nor grotesque, but simple and plain,

displaying a certain amount of artistic merit for so primitive and so

remote a people. On close inspection they show up in good clear lines,

but at a distance they appear as nothing but dim blue spots or blotches.

For durability they can not be surpassed. No means are known whereby to

eradicate them. I compared tattoo marks on old men with those on young

men and I could not discern any difference in the brightness nor in the

preservation of the design.

In men the portions of the body tattooed are the whole chest, the upper

arms, the forearms, and the fingers. Women on the other hand, in

addition to tattooings on those parts, receive an elaborate design on

the calves, and sometimes on the whole leg.

CIRCUMCISION[20]

[20] _Tú-li'_.

Unlike the four mutilations already described, circumcision is not for

ornamental purposes. According to the Manóbo's way of thinking it serves

a more utilitarian purpose, for it is supposed to be essential to the

procreation of children. How such a belief first originated I have been

unable to learn, but nevertheless the belief is universal, strong, and

abiding. To be called uncircumcised is one of the greatest reproaches

that can be thrown at a Manóbo, and it is said that he would stand no

chance for marriage unless the operation had been performed; the

womenfolk would laugh and jeer at him. So it may be said that the custom

is obligatory.

The operation is performed a year or two before puberty. No ceremonies

or feasts are held in connection with it. The father, or a male relative

of the child, takes the small knife (_ba-dí_) and placing it lengthwise

over the lower part of the prepuce, makes a slit by hitting the back of

the knife with a piece of wood or any convenient object at hand. It thus

appears that it is not circumcision in the full meaning of the word but

rather an incision. This operation is confined to males and is the only

sexual mutilation practiced.

CHAPTER VIII

ALIMENTATION FIRE AND ITS PRODUCTION

The Manóbo is unable to explain the nature of fire, but he has two very

primitive but effective ways of producing it, namely, the fire-saw, and

the flint and steel. Owing to the sale of Manila and Japanese matches to

such of the Manóbos as come in contact with traders or with trading

posts, the ancient methods of making fire are falling into disuse.

THE FIRE-SAW[1]

[1] _Gut-gút-an_.

This might be more properly called the friction method, for the fire is

obtained by rubbing edgewise one piece of bamboo at right angles to, and

over the back of, another.

The "saw," as it is usually called, or upper piece, must be long enough,

say 30 centimeters, to enable one to hold it firmly with both hands. The

breadth is immaterial, provided it be broad enough to resist the

pressure. One edge must be cut sharp.

The "horse," or lower piece, ought to be at least 10 centimeters broad

and of any length. It is essential that the under surface be

sufficiently convex to admit the free passage of air when the bamboo is

placed upon a solid resting place. In the center of this bamboo is made

a hole at least 1 millimeter in diameter. All is now ready for the

operation.

The "horse" is set down upon some clean solid piece of wood or stone

with its inner or concave side downwards, in such a way that it can not

move. The "saw" is placed transversely across the "horse," the sharp

edge being right over the hole. Holding it firmly with a hand at each

end, it is worked steadily, rapidly and with great pressure across the

"horse," precisely as if it were desired to saw it in two. After some 15

strokes, there appears a little smoke, and the operator increases the

rapidity of his movement, until he thinks that there is sufficient fire

underneath the bamboo. Then he blows down through the hole in order to

separate any such bamboo dust as may still remain in or around it. He

removes the "horse" applying at once a little lint or other tinder to

the glowing particles of bamboo. He then transfers his fire to a piece

of good dry wood, preferably to an old firebrand, and in a few seconds

has a permanent fire.

For the process it is essential that the bamboo selected be dry and well

seasoned, for otherwise the dust produced by the rubbing will not

ignite. There are a few varieties of wood that answer the same purpose,

but I am unable to give the names though I have seen them used.

THE STEEL AND FLINT PROCESS[2]

[2] _Ti'-ti_.

The Manóbo method of making fire with flint and steel differs in no wise

from that used by our own forbears. The tinder used is a fluff obtained

from the sugar palm.[3] It is found around the frond bases and after

being thoroughly dried, is kept with the flint and steel in a special

bamboo or rattan receptacle.

[3] _Arenga saccharifera_. It is called _hi-juíp_ or _hi-diúp_ in Manóbo.

CONTINUATION OF THE FIRE

Once lighted, the fire in the house is kept up, ordinarily not for any

ceremonial reason, as far as I have been able to ascertain, but because

it is the custom. It is commonly used to furnish light and is kept

burning during the night for that purpose. In the mountainous districts,

where there is always the possibility of an attack, the fire is

sedulously maintained both for light and heat. On occasions fraught with

danger from malignant spirits, fire is kept burning for ceremonial

reasons as a safeguard against the stealthy approach of the spirits.

Should the fire become extinguished, a fire brand is borrowed from

another house, if there is one in the vicinity, but, if there are no

neighbors recourse is had to one of the above-described methods.

LIGHTING

Fire is ordinarily the principal, and not infrequently the only source

of light. It is only in districts in close proximity to the settlements

of Christianized Manóbos that the luxury of coal oil is enjoyed.

The only source of light in the house, other than that from the fire, is

a species of resin which is collected from a tree that is found in great

abundance in eastern Mindanáo.[4] The method of obtaining the resin is

to make a good cut in the tree about 1 millimeter above the ground and

to catch the resin in a bark or leaf receptacle. This is usually done

overnight. Broken pieces of the resin are then placed in a conical

receptacle, made of green leaves, usually of the rattan, bound with

rattan strips or other vegetable fastening. When needed, the larger end

of this bundle of resin is lighted at the fire and the torch is set upon

the floor supported in a tilted position by the most convenient object

at hand, frequently the whetstone.

[4] Called _sai'-gung_ or _saung_. (_Oanarium villosum_).

This torch is a good and economical illuminant. It has, however, two

defects: First, the ugly habit of spitting out occasional sparks, which

cause a somewhat painful sore if they happen to hit the flesh; and,

second, a tendency to extinguish itself at intervals on account of the

burnt residue that gradually covers the resin. The ash may be easily

removed with a stick and then the light blazes out at once, casting a

bright glare on the brown and naked figures of the inmates.

When a light is needed for outdoor purposes, a piece of seasoned bamboo,

split at one end, or a firebrand of wood, is carried in lieu of the

resin. It is an invariable custom to carry a firebrand, while outdoors

at night, not only for the purpose of lighting the way but for daunting

the evil spirits that are thought to roam about in the gloom of night.

CULINARY AND TABLE EQUIPMENT

The Manóbo is particularly poor in cooking utensils. With the exception

of a very occasional iron pot, and a much less frequent pan, he has none

of the kitchen apparatus of more civilized peoples.

The earthen pot of his own manufacture is his mainstay. It resembles the

_ollas_ or earthen pots used so universally throughout the Philippines.

In addition to this there is used, though very rarely among the remote

Manóbos, an imported cast-iron pan.[5] It is from 5 centimeters to 10

centimeters in depth and from 25 centimeters to 40 centimeters in

diameter, concave, and of the poorest material. It is used for general

cooking, for dyeing, and for making a sugar-cane beverage. As it is not

provided with a cover, the leaves of the bamboo are used to keep the

soot and dirt out and to keep the heat in, especially in steaming

_camotes_ and taro.

[5] Called _ki-ú-ja_.

When there are not enough pots for the cooking, as on some exceptional

occasion, green bamboo internodes with one end open are brought into

requisition. Bamboo of the variety known as _bo_ or _bóho_, is

preferred, for it gives an extra delicate savor to the contents, as I

can testify. Even upon ordinary occasions, fish or meat is sometimes

cooked in bamboo for the same reason. The pieces of bamboo are put into

the fire in a slanting position, the open end being stopped with leaves.

They are turned around occasionally till they are burnt nearly through.

The contents are removed by splitting the charred joint into strips.

These strips are usually given to the expectant children who scrape and

lick them clean.

I once saw the bark of a tree used for cooking rice, but without

success. I was assured that for cooking meat or fish it would answer

admirably.

A ladle, with a handle of wood or bamboo and a head of coconut shell, is

about the only article that the Manóbo ordinarily has to serve the

purpose of spoons and forks. In the absence of the coconut ladle, he

employs the bottom of a bamboo internode to which has been left attached

a strip that serves as a handle. For stirring the rice he uses a little

paddle made out of a flat piece of wood, or if he has no paddle he uses

the handle of his coconut. A coconut shell is used for a water cup,

though, if he has an imported glass, he will offer it to visitors.

No rags are employed in the cleaning of plates and other dishes. At

times a few leaves are required to clean out the iron pan, but for

plates and bowls and other utensils a little cold water and a little

rubbing with the hand are sufficient.

The Manóbo uses no tablecloth nor has he any of the appurtenances that

equip a modern table, except plates, bowls, and, perhaps, a glass.

Of plates he frequently has too few for his family. Bowls are still

scarcer. Many and many are the houses which I have visited that could

not boast of a single bowl; the same may be said of glasses. This is due

to the exorbitant prices charged for them.

As a substitute for plates, the Manóbo uses platters of bark from the

sago[6] and other palm trees. It may happen on the occasion of some big

festivity that he still finds himself short of plates and platters, so

he utilizes his low panlike weaving baskets by lining them with banana

or other leaves and putting them on the table loaded with rice. Should

all these not be sufficient for the number of his guests, he spreads out

a few banana leaves in the center of the table, or on the floor, and

lays the rice upon them.

[6] _Lúm-bia_.

A piece of bamboo serves for cup and glass as auxiliary to, or a

substitute for, the coconut-shell cup mentioned above.

VARIOUS KINDS OF FOOD

The great staple of Manóboland is the _camote_.[7] During harvest time

and for several weeks ensuing rice may constitute the bulk of his daily

food, but after that he reserves for feasts, for friends, and for the

sick what he does not sell, or part with in payment of debts. Should his

_camote_ crop fail he falls back upon the sago[8] that abounds in the

central Agúsan; or, when sago is not available, he seeks the wild

fishtail palm,[9] that affords him as pleasant and nutritious a food as

any sago palm that ever grew. In the upper Agúsan the Manóbo plants a

fair quantity of taro, and in the middle Agúsan, a small amount of maize

in season, or even some beans,[10] so that it is seldom he has to have

recourse to the forest for his maintenance. But the mountain Manóbo is

occasionally compelled to draw his sustenance from the various palm

trees and vines that are found in such luxuriance throughout his forest

domain. I have seen poisonous tubers gathered in time of famine by the

Manóbos of the upper Wá-wa region and eaten, after they had been scraped

on a prickly rattan branch, and the poison had been removed by a series

of washings and dryings.

[7] _Ipomoea batatas_ Poir.

[8] _Lúm-bia_.

[9] _Bá-hi'_ (_Caryota_ sp.)

[10] Called _bá-tung_.

He nearly always has a little sugar cane on the farm but, when it is not

intended for making an inebriating drink, it is planted only in

sufficient quantity to furnish occasionally a few pieces to the members

of the household.

Besides the above-mentioned plants, he has probably only a few banana

plants, a few ginger plants, some semiwild tomatoes, a little mint[11]

and, perchance, a few other plants intended for seasoning. He is not

accustomed to plant more than will supply the bare necessities of life.

[11] Called _labwéna_ probably from the Spanish _yerba buena_.

As a concomitant of his rice or _camotes_, he must have his _is-da_[12]

which he procures from the forest[13] or from the river.[14]

[12] This word in its present usage corresponds to the Spanish _vianda_,

to the Bisáya _súdan_, and the Tagalog _úlam_. Note that the generic

word for _is-da_, "fish," has received a still more general application

among the Manóbos and Bisáyas of the middle Agúsan. Originally, no

doubt, it meant simply "fish," but as the _háu-an_ is almost the only

fish in the middle Agúsan that is caught with frequency and in numbers,

the generic term for fish was narrowed down to this one particular fish.

Thence the application of the word expanded and it now corresponds to

the Tagalog _úlam_ and the Cebu-Bisáya _sú-dan_.

[13] See under "Hunting."

[14] See under "Fishing."

It is not essential that the meat or fish should be fresh. I have seen

pig meat eaten after three days' decomposition. Neither is the rawness

an impediment, for it is customary in certain localities to eat pork

absolutely raw, for ceremonial reasons. Besides pork, venison, and fish,

an occasional wild chicken or other bird snared in the forest, or a

hornbill killed with an arrow, helps to keep his larder supplied.

When no fish or meat has been procured, and this is more often the rule

than the exception, he may have found on his rambles some mushroomlike

fungi,[15] or even mushrooms,[16] or he may have taken a notion to cut

down some palm tree, and get a fine palm [17] or rattan core [18] or

even young bamboo shoots.[19] While straying along the river bank he may

pick some fern tops of an edible variety.[20] Any of these things

affords as fair supplement to his rice, as butter does to bread. The

palm-tree cores are full of big luscious larvae.[21] He may have a

chance to kill an iguana[22] or monarch lizard.[23] The killing of a

monkey with his bow and arrow, or in his traps, affords him a choice

piece of meat. And when he has the good fortune to kill a python, he has

enough _ís-da_ for himself, his relatives, and his neighbors for at

least one meal. Occasionally, during the proper season, he locates a

bees' nest and therefrom procures an amount of honey, larvae, and

beebread that proves an uncommon treat for himself and his family.

Again, on the river at certain periods he has nothing else to

do except to scoop into his dugout (if he has one) the exhausted

"water-skimmers,"[24] or while passing near some sand bank to spy the

spot where the water lizard buried her delicious eggs. In the little

side streams he may catch a few frogs and go on his way rejoicing.

[15] _Ta-líng-a bá-tang_.

[16] _Líg-bus, sa-gíng-sá-ging_.

[17] _Ó-bud_.

[18] _Pá-san_.

[19] _Da-búng_.

[20] _Pá-ko'_ (_Asplenium esculentum_)

[21] _A-bá-tud_.

[22] _Gí-bang_.

[23] _Ibíd_.

[24] These are a variety of insect called _dá-li_, of a whitish color

about 2 centimeters long, and having two threadlike appendages extending

from the posterior part. They are eaten raw, usually with vinegar and

salt. This insect is said to be, probably, one of the Neuroptera or

Pseudoneuroptera.

With these random finds, with wild boar and deer that come from an

occasional chase, with such salted and dried fish, including jerked

crocodile, as he may purchase directly or indirectly from Bisáya traders

or from Christianized Manóbos, and with a casual pig or fowl killed on

ceremonial or festival occasions, he manages to keep his family fairly

well supplied with an accompaniment for the mess of rice or other staple

food.

Salt, the native red pepper,[25] and at times ginger constitute a very

important part of the meal, if they are obtainable. The first mentioned

article is far from being abundant, especially in certain localities,

such as the Baóbo River and the upper parts of the Ihawán, Umaíam, and

Bahaían Rivers. In such places as these the writer found such an intense

craving for it that it was eaten ravenously and declared to be "sweet."

There is such an inordinate desire for salt, especially the rock salt

made out of salt water and ash lye, that the Manóbo will submit

sometimes to tyranny and to the most exorbitant rates in order to obtain

it. This craving for salt will explain the general preference that is

felt for salted food as against fresh meat. The small salted fish,

peddled in such quantities by Bisáya traders, are prized above the

choicest pieces of venison and jerked crocodile, presumably for the salt

that they contain. It may be wondered why the Manóbo does not salt his

own meat and fish, but this is explained by the fact that such an

operation is strictly tabooed.

Red pepper is a _sine qua non_. It is eaten much as we eat salt, and is

said to impart courage. In the regions near the Mandáyas it is put up in

a special form,[26] this being nothing more than the dried pepper

pounded, mixed with salt, and preserved in bamboo joints in a dry place,

usually in the smoke above the hearth. In this condition it acquires an

extraordinary strength that makes the plain red pepper taste mild. This

is explained, perhaps, by the fact that in the pounding the seeds of the

pepper are triturated.

[25] _Ka-tum-bä_ (_Capsicum_ sp.).

[26] _Dú-mang_.

THE PREPARATION AND COOKING OF FOOD

PREPARING THE FOOD

The remote preparation consists in getting a supply of sweet potatoes or

rice from the farm. This may be a mile or more from the house, so that

once a day at least the women, with baskets on their heads and paddles

in their hands, if they live on navigable water, leave for the farm. In

localities where an ambush is a possible contingency, a few men with

lance and shield, and hunting dogs accompany the women as a guard, for

the _camote_ field is a favorite spot for the enemy to wreak his

vengeance, according to the recognized laws of Manóboland. The women and

girls dig up the _camotes_ with a bolo or with a small pointed stick,

and get a little rice from the granary.[27] After performing any

necessary work such as weeding and planting, they return and prepare the

meal, the men taking no part except to clean and quarter the game or

other meat that may have been selected for it.

[27] _Tam-bó-bung_.

The preparation of pigs and fowls is such a frequent occurrence in

Manóboland, as also among Bisáyas, Mañgguáñgans, Debabáons, and Mandáyas

of the Agúsan Valley, that it merits a detailed description.

In preparing a pig, wild boar, or deer, a rough support, consisting of

four vertical pieces of wood and a few horizontal parallel pieces, is

erected outside the house, if the weather permits. A fire is built

beneath the frame and the whole animal, minus the entrails, is laid upon

it. Two men or more then set to work with pieces of wood, sharpened

lengthwise, and scrape off the hair as fast as it becomes well singed.

The operation lasts only about 15 minutes in the case of a large animal.

When the hair has been removed the carcass is given a washing more or

less thorough, according to the amount of water conveniently available,

and the quartering begins.

The game is laid upon leaves; the four legs are removed in order; the

head is chopped off; the ribs and remaining parts are hacked crossbone.

During this operation the family dogs usually cause an infinite amount

of trouble by their incessant attempts to secure a piece of the meat.

If the meat is for distribution, as it always is, except on occasions of

festivity or of sacrifice, it is scrupulously divided at this moment. If

it is for a feast, it is hacked up into small pieces and loaded into

earthen pots, iron pans, and bamboo joints. The dogs are then allowed to

lick the blood-stained leaves and to clean the floor.

The preparation of a domestic fowl is also left to the men and deserves

a few words. When the fowl is not killed sacrificially, it is burnt to

death. Catching the chicken firmly by the feet and wings with one hand

and by the head and neck with the other, the owner singes it over the

fire till it shows no more signs of life. It may be thought that this is

a cruel way of killing an animal, for it kicks and twists and flutters

unless firmly held, but the Manóbo is not allowed by his tribal

institutions to kill the fowl as other peoples do. To cut off the head

is strictly tabooed, a cruel and unbecoming procedure, for there is no

one "to revenge the deed," he will tell you. So he chokes and burns it

to death. All signs of life being extinct, he pulls out a few of the

tail and wing feathers. I can give no reason for this procedure, but as

the custom is so universal, I think it has a peculiar significance of

its own.

As the singeing proceeds, the feather ends are plucked out and a.

cursory washing given the fowl. The entrails, even the intestines with

the exception of the gall bladder, are removed and utilized. Finally the

head, the ends of the wings, and the lower parts of the legs are cut

off, and ordinarily are given to the children who have been anxiously

awaiting such delicacies.

The pounding and winnowing of the rice is such a common and important

operation in the whole of eastern Mindanáo that it deserves special

mention.

As the rice used by the mountain Manóbos is exclusively of their own

harvesting, it must be hulled, a process that is performed just before

every meal wherein it is used. The implements are a wooden mortar and a

few heavy wooden pestles. The mortar is a piece of wood of varying

dimensions, in the center of which is hollowed out, by burning and

cutting, a conical hole, whose depth averages 24 centimeters in height

and whose diameter is about 20 centimeters. One sees from time to time a

mortar with two holes, or one on which there is evidence of an attempt

at artistic effect by means of primitive carving, but, in the main, the

mortar is a rough-hewn log with a conical hole in it and with the upper

surface so cut that the paddy or rice will have a tendency to fall back

into the hole.

The pestle is a pole, preferably and usually of heavy hardwood, about

1.5 meters long and 20 centimeters in circumference. It is a marked

exception to find pestles decorated in any way. On the Umaíam River I

saw one the end of which had been carved in open fretwork with a round

loose piece of wood within the fretwork, a device that was as useful as

it was ornamental, for the wooden ball by its rattling within the

fretwork cage served to animate the holder and her companions to

vigorous and constant strokes.

The following is the process of hulling: The mortar is more than half

filled with unhulled rice. One or more women or girls grasp the pestles

in the middle with one hand. One begins by driving down her pestle with

force upon the paddy. Then another, and still another, if there be

three. It stands to reason that, since the hole in the mortar is small,

the most exact time must be kept, otherwise the pestles would interfere

with one another. The sound made by the falling pestles often resembles

that general but strange beat so prevalent in Manóbo drum rhythm. A

visitor who has once seen three Manóbo women dressed in gala attire,

with coils of beads and necklets, ply their pestles in response to the

animated tattoo on the drum will never forget the scene. The pestles are

tossed from one hand to the other to afford an instant's rest. They bob

up and down with indescribable rapidity and in perfect rhythm as if they

were being plied on some imaginary drum.

In a few minutes, from 5 to 15, the hull is shattered from the rice and

one of the women bends down and with her hands removes the contents of

the mortar to the winnowing tray. After winnowing, they repeat the

process till all the husk has been separated from the grain. They then

pound a new supply until there is enough rice for the purpose in view.

The husk has been shattered from the grain as perfectly, though not as

quickly, as if it had been done by a machine.

The winnowing tray is a round shallow tray, 40 centimeters in diameter

and usually of plaited rattan strips with a rim of thicker rattan. It is

held in both hands and by a series of shuffling motions, which are

better seen than described, accompained[sic] by a peculiar movement of

the thumb of the left hand, the chaff and the little broken fragments of

rice are thrown off into another receptacle for the family pigs.

COOKING THE FOOD

Rice is not usually washed before cooking. It is put into a homemade

earthen pot,[28] which is often lined with sugarcane leaves, not only to

prevent the rice from burning, but to impart to it a finer flavor. It is

covered with water, the rice being about 5 centimeters below the surface

of the water. The pot is set on a hot fire until the water evaporates to

the level of the surface of the rice, whereupon the greater part of the

fire is removed and the rice is allowed to steam dry. These remarks also

apply to the cooking of a variety of millet,[29] which is sown sparingly

with the rice.

[28] _Kó-don_.

[29] _Daú-wa_.

Another method of cooking rice, especially when on the trail, is in

green bamboo. Joints of green bamboo are filled with rice and water, or

rice is wrapped in rattan leaves and then packages are put into the

water. Rice cooked in this latter way will keep for three days.

There are two orthodox methods of cooking fish and meat and no other is

admissible, under penalty of infringing a very important taboo. One

method consists of boiling them in water, with a little seasoning of red

pepper, ginger, and possibly lemon grass and one or two other

ingredients. The second method consists of broiling the pieces of meat

and fish in or over the fire. Meat and fish already cooked are thrown

into the fire in order to heat them. The fact that they may be burnt and

covered with ashes does not detract from the flavor. The most usual

method of broiling, however, is to put the meat on skewers of wood or

bamboo a few inches above the fire.

When large game has been secured at such a distance from the house that

it must be cooked in the forest, it is cut into quarters, and broiled

over a heaping fire. This is the invariable method of cooking the heads

even of domestic pigs. Chicken heads, legs, and wing ends are invariably

broiled, while the intestines are wrapped up in leaves and cooked better

than might be supposed, though the flavor, to my taste, is not the most

delicate. They seem, however, to be a choice morsel to the majority of

my Manóbo friends. Monkeys, frogs, and the forest carrion lizard are

always broiled.

_Camotes_ and taro are usually cooked unpeeled in the common earthen

pot. About a half a liter of water is used in an ordinary pot, so that

the process is practically one of steaming. If the pot has no cover, or

if the imported pan be used, leaves are employed to confine the heat.

A favorite dish of the Manóbo and an indispensable one of the Mandáya is

the famous _á-pai_.[30] This consists of taro tops (stem and leaves) cut

up fine and cooked with water, red pepper, mint, semiwild tomatoes, and

any other vegetable seasoning which may be on hand. This makes a very

palatable and wholesome dish.

[30] Mandáya, _ug-bús_.

FOOD RESTRICTIONS AND TABOOS

Certain birds such as the hornbill, wild chicken, varieties of wild

pigeons, and a few others, must not be divided and given to anyone else

before eating. They must be cooked by the broiling method [31] and not

in water. After cooking, these birds can not be partaken of by anyone

who is not a relative or a member of the household. Neither should a

part of a bird belonging to a stranger be accepted or partaken of. The

whole bird or nothing must be offered. An infringement of these

restrictions would lead, it is believed, to serious results,[32] such as

ill luck to the hunting dogs, tangling of the snares, and other

misfortunes.[33]

[31] _Dáng-dang_.

[32] _Ma-ko-lí-hi_.

[33] In the upper Agúsan the partition of such small birds would lead, I

was told, to a dismemberment of the family.

An unmarried man who has ever made indecent suggestions to a woman is

prohibited from eating wild-boar meat. The guilty one must free himself

from this restriction by making a small present to a priestess. A

violation of this taboo would be prejudicial to the success of the

hunting dogs.

The use of lard in cooking is interdicted, but it may be eaten raw, even

when its smell is not the most wholesome.

On a few occasions, I noticed that some individuals abstained from rice

or from chicken. I was unable to elicit any other reason for the

abstinence than the good pleasure of the persons concerned. As they

admitted that they had been accustomed to use these foods and would use

them again after certain periods, I suspect religious motives for the

abstinence.

MEALS

ORDINARY MEALS

Though it may be said that three meals a day are not the rule among the

Manóbos, yet they eat the equivalent of three or more, for between

pieces of sugarcane and munchings of wild fruit,[34] they keep

replenishing the inner man pretty constantly. They eat breakfast at

about 9 o'clock in the morning, dinner about 1 p. m., and supper at any

hour between 6 and 9 p. m.

[34] There are many wild fruits in the Agúsan Valley, the most common of

which are: The famous durian (_Durio zibethinus_), the jackfruit,

_lanka_ (_Artocarpus integrifolia_ l. f.), _lanzones_ (_Lansium

domesticum_ Jack.), _makópa_ (_Eugenia javanica_ Lam.), _mámbug_,

_támbis_, _kandíis_, _kátom_ (_Dillenia_ sp.), and the fruit of the

rattan (_kápi_). Most of these are of a sour acid nature but for this

reason seem to be relished all the more.

All being ready for the meal, the inmates of the house squat down upon

the floor, the husband with his wife and children apart, male visitors

and the unmarried portion of the house eating together. Slaves eat when

all have finished, and get what is left in the pots.

Just before beginning to eat, the host and, in fact, everybody except

the women, tenders to visitors and others who have come in an invitation

to join in the meal and nobody will begin to eat till everybody else has

squatted down and is ready. Once the meal is begun, no one leaves, nor

is it good etiquette to call anyone from his meal.

The hands are washed by pouring a little water upon them from a bowl,

tumbler, coconut shell, or piece of bamboo; the mouth is rinsed, the

water being ejected, frequently with force, through the interstices of

the floor. Then all begin to eat. It is the invariable rule for men to

eat with the left hand, and where others than relatives are present, to

wear a weapon of defense, the right hand resting upon it in anticipation

of a possible attack.

The various articles of food have already been set on the floor in the

various receptacles heretofore described. Each one falls to with an

appetite that can hardly be described. One or more of the womenfolk keep

the wants of the diners supplied. The method of eating rice among the

mountain Manóbos differs from that prevalent among the Christian tribes.

A good-sized mass of rice is pressed together between the five fingers

of the left hand and pushed up into the palm where it is made into a

ball. Thence it is conveyed to the mouth. At intervals the rice (or

_camote_) is flavored with a little accompaniment of meat or fish, and

all is washed down with the soup of the meat or fish.

The custom of sipping, with a sucking sound, the scalding soup from a

plate or bowl and of then passing it on to one's neighbor is almost

universal. Great predilection is shown for this soup, even though it be,

as happens in a great many instances, practically nothing but hot water.

In the upper Agúsan, the taro-top soup previously mentioned is the

ordinary soup and substitute for meat and fish.

Another peculiar feature in eating is the method of cutting meat from

the bone. The carver, who is in a squatting position with his feet close

to the body, holds the bolo with the handle between the big first toe in

a vertical position, the back of it being toward him. He draws the meat

over the edge, thereby doing the carving in a quicker, more convenient,

and more effective manner than do a great many more civilized men.

No one may retire from the meal without giving notice to his neighbors.

A violation of this custom constitutes a gross breach of Manóbo

etiquette. The reason for this custom is that the chances for a sudden

attack are thereby lessened.

It is not polite to remain seated in the same place after a meal. If the

place can not be changed, it is necessary to rise and then sit down

again. I can give no explanation for the practice, unless it be a

precaution against treachery.

FESTIVE MEALS

Festive meals are indulged in more especially on the occurrence of the

great religious and social celebrations that recur with such frequency

in the Manóbo world. The arrival of a visitor, or even an unusual catch

of fish, is also an occasion for such enjoyments. I have had ample

opportunities of witnessing them, because during a trading expedition I

was frequently honored with invitations, the reason for which was, of

course, to secure from me good bargains, or credit.

Before the meal the house is a scene of indescribable animation. The

guests, together with the members of the household, rarely number less

than 20 and may reach 100 or more. The pig is cooked in bamboo joints,

earthern[sic] pots and iron pans, both in the host's house and, if

necessary, in neighboring houses. The same may be said of the rice and

_camotes_. If the host has enough drink, and if there is a little meat

or fish to serve as a lunch, he has the food brought out and orders a

part of the drink to be distributed to the guests according to their

importance. Joyous laughter and loud conversation, together with chewing

of tobacco and betel nut, fill up the interval before the meal.

When all is ready, the available number of plates, bowls, glasses, bark

platters, and leaves are set out and the boiled meat is apportioned in

small pieces, with great exactitude as to size and quality, to the

several plates. The same thing is done for the broiled meat after it has

been hacked into suitable sizes. No one is forgotten, not even the

children of the guests, nor the slaves. The rice is then brought along

in bamboo joints, in pots, and even in baskets lined with leaves, and to

each person is assigned a heaping portion. When all has been impartially

and equally distributed, the guests are bidden to take their places on

the floor, each one at his appointed plate, for where visitors other

than relatives are present, no precaution is omitted to safeguard the

guests against trouble. Experience has proved that the festive board may

be tinged with blood before the end. This even distribution of the food

and the collocation of the guests often occupies the better part of an

hour. If these duties are not properly performed envious feelings and a

quarrel might ensue before the end of the meal. The guest of honor is

always given preference and the host may also especially favor others

whom he may have reason to honor but he always makes public the reason

for his partiality.

All being seated the meal begins with a goodly quaff of homemade brew.

Then all begin to eat. As the feasters warm under the kindling influence

of the drink, they express their good will by giving material tokens,

each one to his friend or to one whose friendship he desires to gain.

These tokens consist of handfuls of meat--lean, fat, bone, gristle, or

anything--smeared with salt and pepper, and bestowed by one friend into

the mouth of another without any consideration of the proportion

existing between the size of the mouth and the size of the gift. It is

not good etiquette to refuse this gift or to remove it from the mouth.

This offering is followed probably by a bamboo jointful of beverage

which must be received in the same friendly spirit and is gulped down

with a mumbled expression corresponding to our "Here goes." The

recipient of these favors returns the courtesy in kind, and so the meal

goes on in mutual goodfellowship[sic] and congeniality till the food has

completely disappeared, for it is against the conventionalities of

Manóbodom to leave a scrap on the plate. Indeed the Manóbo loves a good

eater and drinker. It is an honor to gorge and a glory to get drunk. Now

it happens at times at a Manóbo banquet, as it does in all drinking

bouts the world over, that a quarrel ensues and recourse is had to the

ever present bolo to settle an argument that wild shouts and frantic

gestures can not decide. For this reason the Manóbo eats with his left

hand and rolls his eyes from side to side in constant vigilance.

These remarks do not apply to the women and children, who sit apart in

little groups of their own, and, while feasting one another in their own

gentle way, attend to the shouts for more food when they are heard above

the din of the revellers.

During the course of a feast of this kind an observer is struck with the

hearty appetite exhibited by these primitive people. Man vies with man

in holding out. Friend honors friend with plenteous bestowals of food

and drink and the host strives to induce his guests to eat to their

utmost capacity. Rarely does one see a Manóbo troubled with nausea but,

if he is, he returns later to the feast, to finish his appointed

portion. I have seen this happen on occasions.

CHAPTER IX

NARCOTIC AND STIMULATING ENJOYMENTS

DRINKS USED BY THE MANÓBOS

Intoxicating drinks are of four kinds: Sugar-palm wine,[1] _bá-hi_

toddy,[2] sugarcane brew,[3] and mead.[4]

[1] _Tuba_ or _sai-yan_ or _san_, the sap of the _hi-di-up_ (_Arenga

saccharifera_) commonly known in the Philippines as _cabo negro_.

[2] The fishtail palm (_Caryota_ sp.). The extracted sap is called

_túng-gang_.

[3] _Ín-tus_.

[4] _Bá-is_ or _bi-aí-lis_.

SUGAR-PALM WINE

Sugar-palm wine is obtained by tapping the fruit stem of the cabo negro

palm. The process is very simple. At the time of efflorescence the

spadix is cut off and the pithy stem is tapped. This operation lasts

from 15 to 30 minutes each day and is continued for from 7 to 14 days.

After the tapping the stem must be bent into a downward position. This

is effected by inclining it downward every day, a piece of rattan or

vine being used to retain it in position. The gentlest of force must be

used in this operation, as a forcible strain will prevent the sap from

flowing. Once the sap begins to flow from the stem, it is caught in a

bamboo receptacle, the mouth of which must be carefully covered to

prevent the entrance of the myriads of insects that are attracted by the

odor and sweetness of the liquid. Day after day the end of the stem must

be pared as otherwise the sap would cease to exude. A tree will produce

daily anywhere from 10 to 30 liters according to the fertility of the

soil and the humidity of the atmosphere. The humidity determines the

duration of time that the tree produces toddy. This time varies from one

to three months.

The sap has the color and transparency of water to which a little milk

has been added. When fresh, it is a sweet, refreshing laxative, but the

fermentation is so rapid that after a few hours it acquires the

inebriating qualities of ordinary coconut toddy. In order to promote

fermentation and to eliminate the laxative quality of the sap, the

bark[5] of a tree is added. On the third day acetification begins to

take place, unless a handful of the ordinary native red pepper is thrown

into the beverage, in which case the further fermentation is withheld

for a period of about four more days.

[5] Called _la-gúd_.

The palm from which this sap is obtained is found in great abundance on

the eastern[6] side of the lower and middle Agúsan Valley and is

universally tapped in this region. On the western side, however, it is

not found with such frequency. The Manóbo is therefore obliged to seek

other means of satisfying the craving which he, like a good many of his

fellowmen the world over, feels for a stimulant.

[6] In the vicinity of Tudela, Simúlau River, there are groves of

sugar-palm. I estimated that they contained 5,000 trees.

BÁHI TODDY

_Túng-gang_ is the sap of the _báhi_ palm. The method of extraction is

identical with that of the sugar-palm wine. It is neither as pleasant

nor as strong as the previously described drink, but it is not by any

manner of means unwholesome. It is employed as a beverage only when no

other is obtainable. I have been reliably informed that sometimes the

tree is cut down as a preliminary to the extraction of the sap.

Incisions are made in the trunk for the purpose of permitting the flow

of the sap.

SUGARCANE BREW

_In-tus_ is a beverage made out of the juice of the sugarcane. It is the

most common and the most popular drink, so much so that it is deemed

worthy of being presented to the spirits on sacrificial and other

occasions.

_Extraction of the juice_.--The sugarcane is first peeled and then

crushed, stalk by stalk, or piece by piece, under the li-gi-san. This is

a very primitive mill, consisting of a round, smooth, heavy log usually

of _palma brava_[7] or of the fishtail palm, set horizontally about 1

meter above the ground on two crude frames. It is provided with a

vertical handle, by means of which it can be rolled from side to side

over a fiat piece of wood. The cane is introduced gradually between this

latter piece and the log, which is kept in constant motion. As soon as

the whole or a part of a piece of cane has been crushed, it is doubled

up into a mass about 30 centimeters long and is again crushed. By this

method about 20 liters of juice are obtained in a day.

[7] _An-a-hau_ (_Livistona_ sp.).

_Boiling_.--The iron cooking pan described in a previous chapter is

preferred for preparing the drink, unless an empty kerosene can has been

secured. In the absence of both, the ordinary pot answers the purpose.

In the center of the cooking utensil is placed a small cylinder made of

slats of bamboo to serve for gaging the amount of evaporation. The

boiling vessel is filled with small slices of the root of a gingerlike

plant[8] and sugarcane juice is added to fill the interstices.

[8] _Lan-kwas_ (_Cordeline terminalis_ Willd.).

The amount of boiling determines the quality of the resulting liquor. If

the sap is boiled down only one-fourth, the drink produced is of a

sweetish taste and of a whitish appearance and, in my estimation, is not

palatable. The more the sap is evaporated, the more it mellows and

browns. The Manóbos of the upper Agúsan make a better drink than those

of the lake region for the reason that they evaporate the juice

one-half, while those of the latter-mentioned district only give it a

cursory boiling. It is usual to employ a little gaging rod of bamboo for

measuring the amount of evaporation, this being done by inserting it

into the bamboo cylinder in the center of the pot, but an old hand at

brewing can gage by the smell.

_Fermentation_.--After cooking, the decoction is unfit for immediate

use. It must be left to undergo fermentation for at least three whole

days. Five days are sufficient to render it fairly drinkable. The longer

the period of fermentation, the liner the quality of the resulting

liquor, _ceteris paribus_. When well-cooked brew has been kept for a few

months, it assumes a translucid amber color, smells and tastes strongly

of rum, and is highly intoxicating. The liquor during fermentation must

be kept in closed jars or earthen pots in a cool moist place. If kept in

bamboo joints, it will spoil.

In general, the drink is more intoxicating than coconut toddy, but it is

wholesome, and its use is not attended by the after effects that are the

result of overindulgence in certain other alcoholic drinks like _vino_.

In this connection it may be well to remark that I have never observed a

case of delirium tremens nor of any of the other serious consequences

that in other parts of the world frequently afflict the habitual

drinker. The only ill effects I have seen are the proverbial headache

and thirst, but even these are very rare and usually occur only after

periods of long and uninterrupted indulgence. As a rule such effects are

at once dispelled by taking hot taro-top soup or by munching sugarcane.

MEAD

This is probably the finest beverage produced in Manóboland, but as the

honey season is short and as the honey is consumed, both in the forest

after taking the nest and in the house by the members of the family, the

drink is scarce.

The preparation of the drink is identical with that of sugarcane brew.

The same ferment is used, the same method of cooking is employed, and in

general the same remarks apply, with the exception that in place of the

sugarcane juice, honey and water are used. The honey is mixed with water

in varying proportions. It is the proportion of water to honey that

determines the strength, quality, and flavor of the final drink, A

mixture of half and half is said to yield the best beverage. If

fermentation is allowed to continue for a few months, the resulting

liquor is of a clear crystalline color, and will compare both in flavor

and strength with those more up to date.

DRINKING

GENERAL REMARKS

Though the Manóbos invariably drink during religious feasts, yet neither

during the feast itself, nor in the preparation of the toddy, have I

ever observed any religious ceremony nor were any magic or other

preternatural means employed. It is true that when the crushing

appliance[9] is set up, the fowl-waving ceremony, followed by the blood

unction, is performed. I witnessed this ceremony myself in several parts

of the Agúsan River Valley. But such ceremonies are customary on the

erection of houses, smithies, and so forth, and bear no relation to the

actual production of the drink.

[9] _Li-gi-san_.

During religious ceremonies a bowlful of the brew is set out with the

usual viands, such as meat and rice, for the _di-u-a-ia_, _tag-la-nu-a_

(lords of the hills and the valleys), and for other spirits, for they,

too, like to be regaled with the good things of this world.

Drink is taken on the occurrence of all the great religious and social

feasts and upon the arrival of a distinguished friend or visitor--also

when it is desired to make a good bargain or to secure any other end by

convivial means. The acquisition of an unusual amount of fish or of meat

is a common occasion for the making of the brew and gives rise to the

following practice:

THE SUMSÚM-AN

The _sumsúm-an_, i. e., the eating of meat or fish with an accompaniment

of drink, a universal practice throughout the Agúsan Valley, the Salúg

Valley, and the whole Mandáya country, is a thing that appeals

especially to the true Mandáya, Manóbo, and Mañgguáñgan. When a man of

one of these tribes has secured a good catch of fish, or has trapped a

wild boar, he procures a supply of beverage and meets his guests at the

appointed place, usually his little farmhouse. As soon as all are

assembled, the fish or the meat is broiled on sticks of wood over the

fire. When it is cooked, the women lay it out and it is slashed into

pieces, usually by the host, and apportioned with great precision as to

weight, quality, amount of bone, and quantity of inept. During this

operation, a few bamboo jointfuls of brew are brought from some hiding

place and a relative of the householder sits down with one under his

arm. Before him are set such articles as glasses and bowls, if

obtainable, or in lieu thereof, small pieces of bamboo joints, each

holding about a tumblerful, and not very different in shape from

handleless German steins. These bamboo cups admirably fulfill the

purpose. The distributor of the liquor slices a little strip from under

the mouth of his bamboo deposit to prevent loss of the liquor during

pouring, then he inserts two fingers into the mouth of the bamboo and

makes an opening through the leaves for the drink, but not so large as

to give free exit to such insects as may have found their way into the

liquid. He then fills up the vessels at hand, taking care to give to

each an equal amount.

It is to be noted that it is an inviolable custom that the host drinks

first. This is because of the widespread belief in secret poisons. After

drinking the host passes the cup to those whom he wishes to honor,

unless they are already provided, and using some expression

corresponding to our English "Here goes," the guest or guests quaff the

brew. The bowls or other vessels are returned to the distributor, and

the process is repeated until all have had a drink.

DRINKING DURING RELIGIOUS AND SOCIAL FEASTS

During religious and social feasts the drinking customs are as above

described, except that the beverage is set out in sacred jars, when on

hand, and with such an array of bowls as the host may possess. One of

these feasts, notably the marriage feast, may be attended by as many as

200 persons and last from 3 to 7 days and nights, so that to hear of 20

jars or 100 bamboo[10] jointfuls of sugarcane brew being consumed on the

occasion of a great festival is not strange.

[10] _Sugúng_.

The amount of drink used, both individually and collectively during one

of the feasts, gives one an idea of the great capacity which these

primitive peoples enjoy. The average white man in my opinion would be

deliriously drunk before the Mandáya or Manóbo would be feeling merry.

It is not according to tribal customs to refuse food and drink as long

as the host has them to set before his guest. On a few occasions I have

seen a tribesman rise, quietly empty the stomach, and calmly return to

the feast to finish his appointed portion and wash his hands and his

plate as an evidence of that fact.

With regard to women and children, it may be said that they drink

little, not from any religious or moral principles, but simply because

they do not care to. The men, however, are inveterate drinkers. No

disgrace is attached to drunkenness. On the contrary to take the

allotted portion is considered a duty and a virtue.

EVIL EFFECTS FROM DRINKING

It goes without saying that quarrels sometimes result from these

drinking bouts, though not oftener, I venture to say, than among more

highly cultured peoples in other parts of the world. The custom of

carrying weapons on all occasions where others than relatives are

present has a deterrent effect on quarreling, yet there are occasions

when daggers or bolos terminate an argument that wild shouts and frantic

gestures can not settle.

With regard to the amount of drink consumed, I could as well venture an

approximation as to the number of stars in the firmament. This will be

readily understood when one is told, that according to the social

institutions of the Manóbos, it is considered no breach of manners to

ask a neighbor for any thing of his to which one may take a fancy. A

refusal on his part, unless couched in the most diplomatic terms, might

give rise to unneighborly feelings and prompt a reprisal in kind on some

other occasion. Hence drink is almost invariably kept deposited in the

grass outside of the settlement. When it is needed it is brought to the

appointed place secretly or at night, for were others than the invited

ones aware of the existence of drink in one's possession they, too,

would flock to the scene. In view of the secrecy maintained about the

possession of drink it is impossible to give an estimate of the amount

of liquor consumed in Manóboland. Suffice it to say that the Manóbo

drinks on every possible occasion and will travel many a mile to secure

a little of the flowing bowl.

TOBACCO PREPARATION AND USE

When the tobacco is ripe, it is gathered, cut fine with a sliver of

bamboo, and dried in the sun for a day or two. It is then frequently

pounded into bamboo internodes and laid away in a cool, dry place, often

in the rice granary, for fermentation. Before using the tobacco it is

customary to set it out in the grass for a night or two. This causes a

sweating and makes the tobacco fit for chewing.

This is the only form in which tobacco is prepared among the mountain

Manóbos. The quantity of tobacco raised is insignificant, being a little

more than is sufficient for their personal use. As they dispose of a

great deal of it during harvest time, it not infrequently comes to pass

that there is a dearth long before the next crop.

No harmful effects are attributed to the use of tobacco, though from

childhood to the grave it is made use of by men, women, and children.

Only men and boys smoke. The pipe employed for this purpose is commonly

a little cone made out of a piece of imported tin or of a piece of

steel. The stem is a piece of small bamboo. One occasionally finds

wooden pipes, but they have probably been acquired from Christianized

Manóbos or from Bisáyas.

The first-mentioned pipe holds about one thimbleful of tobacco. It is

usually lighted with a firebrand, unless it is used when the people are

on the trail; at such a time the flint, steel, and tinder are called

into requisition.

There are two forms of tobacco chewing: First, the _bal-ut_ method. In

this a mixture is made of minced tobacco, lime, the juice of a vine,[11]

and pot black. This combination, which in bulk may be the size of a

large marble, is carried between the upper lip and the upper gums but

resting upon the lower lip and projecting out of the mouth, thereby

keeping the lips apart. It is made use of principally for its narcotic

qualities, but at the same time it serves as an ornament and tends to

blacken the teeth. It is carried in the mouth until its strength is

exhausted. During meals it is placed behind the ear. When tobacco is

scarce, the same quid receives several additions of lime, pot black, and

vine juice, so that it may be used for a whole day. The women are more

accustomed than the men to the use of this _bal-ut_, for the reason that

the former do not smoke, and also because they usually have hidden away

a less limited supply of tobacco than the men. The second method of

using tobacco is known as the _la-gút_. This consists of chewing a

little pinch of tobacco in combination with betel nut. Tobacco is seldom

chewed alone.

[11] _Maú-mau_.

THE BETEL-NUT MASTICATORY

INGREDIENTS AND EFFECT OF THE QUID

The betel-nut quid is to the Manóbo more than the cigarette, cigar, or

pipe is to his more civilized fellow man. With him the use of it is a

universal, eternal habit. By day and by night, in the house and on the

trail, in health and in sickness, he turns for stimulation to the quid

of betel nut, betel leaf, and lime. A visitor comes to his house and the

first act of hospitality is the offering of the betel-nut quid. He meets

an acquaintance upon the trail, and he sits down and offers the soothing

chew. He is anxious that his omen be good and he lays a tribute of betel

nut upon the trail for the forest deity, and goes on, confident that his

desires will be fulfilled. And when he calls upon his gods, the first

and most essential offering must be the quid of betel nut, for the

fragrance of the nut and the redolence of the blossom are said to be the

chief delicacy of the spirits.

The betel nut[12] is obtained from the palms found in the forest. These

palms were planted either by the Manóbos themselves or by their

ancestors. The nuts are found in scarcely sufficient quantity to supply

the demand. When they can not be obtained, other plants [13] are used,

but they are an inferior substitute. In taste the betel nut is

exceedingly astringent and can not be used except in combination with

the betel leaf and lime. As a rule the green and tender nut is preferred

by the mountain Manóbos, but the ripe nut seems to be the choice of

those who have come in contact with Christianized Manóbos or with

Bisáyas.

[12] _Areca betel_.

[13] _Kan-ín-yag_, cinnamon, is one of the substitutes. Also called

_kanéla_.

The betel leaf[14] is from a species of pepper, of which there are

innumerable species both domestic and wild. A domestic variety is

preferred but, since the supply is not always equal to the demand, as in

the case of the betel nut, the wild species afford a tolerable

substitute. The tender leaves are preferred as being less pungent. For

the same reason domestic species are used in preference to the wild

ones, these latter possessing a highly acrid taste.

[14] _Betel_ sp.

The lime is made from the shells of shellfish found in the rivers,

streams, and lakes. The shells are burnt in a very hot fire, usually of

bamboo strips, the fire being fanned continually. The shells are then

slaked with a sprinkling of water and the lime is ready for use.

To prepare the quid, the betel nut, frequently stripped of its fibrous

rind, is cut into small slices. One slice is laid upon a piece of betel

leaf, and a little lime is shaken upon it from the lime tube. The leaf

is then wrapped around the nut and the lime, and the pellet is ready for

use. The amount of lime must be such that the saliva will turn red, and

depends upon the size of the betel nut and the betel leaf. An excess of

lime burns the integuments of the mouth and tongue, but this is avoided

by increasing immediately the amount of leaf. A little pinch of tobacco,

the stronger the better, completes the ordinary quid.

There are sometimes added to this masticatory certain other aromatic

ingredients, such as cinnamon, lemon rind, and other things.

The first and immediate effect of chewing this combination is to promote

salivation. Following this is the reddening of the saliva by the

chemical action of the lime upon the betel nut and the leaf. However,

the most important effect produced by the quid is the soothing sensation

that follows its use. In this respect it far exceeds tobacco chewing,

both in the Manóbos' opinion and in my own. The sensations which I

experienced on my first trials were a feeling of inflation of the head

and a transient sensation of weakness, accompanied by a cold sweat upon

the forehead. This was followed by a feeling of exhilaration and

quickened vitality. It may be said in general that betel-nut chewing

acts as an efficacious restorative, especially during a journey, and as

a harmless narcotic which it would be hard to replace. The addition of

tobacco intensifies this narcotic effect considerably, other additions

such as cinnamon serving only to soften the astringency and the piquancy

of the leaf and to impart an aroma to the quid.

BETEL CHEWING ACCESSORIES

The Manóbo man carries on his back, in a little bag [15] of _abaká_ or

other cloth, all the requisites for betel-nut chewing. The woman

deposits them in an open basket unless she is on a journey, in which

case she carries them in a little closed basket.

[15] _Pú-yo_.

The betel nut and the betel leaf are put into the bottom of the sack for

the purpose of concealment, for there is a continual clamor for one or

the other, and should it be known that a certain individual has a

supply, the Manóbos' social regulations would oblige him to part with it

upon request. Hence he keeps it out of view, and is always ready to

excuse himself, when asked for one or the other, on the ground that he

has no more.

He keeps a few nuts and leaves for immediate use in a Moro brass

box,[16] if he is so fortunate as to possess one. Otherwise he puts them

in a cylindrical receptacle [17] usually made out of a small bamboo

internode, or in a little round receptacle [18] of plaited rattan coated

with the pulp of the seed of a tree.[19] His tobacco for immediate use

he keeps in another similar receptacle, the main supply being hidden

away in the bottom of the knapsack.

[19] _Ta-bon-tábon_ (_Parinarium mindanaense_ Perkins).

The lime is invariably kept in a small internode [20] of bamboo. This is

open at one end and has a spherical plug of plaited rattan inserted into

the mouth for the purpose of preventing an excess of lime from issuing.

This spherical network resembles in miniature the football seen so

commonly throughout the Philippines. When it is desired to add lime to

the quid, the tube is taken in one hand and held in a downward position

with the thumb and little finger underneath it and the other fingers

above it. The first finger is then made to slide with force from the

middle finger down to the tube, thereby tapping out the lime. This

tapping motion is similar to that performed when winnowing rice.

[20] _Táng-tang_.

The men use their bolos to cut up the betel nut, but the women have a

small knife [21] which also answers the purpose of a general utility

implement corresponding to our scissors.

[21] _Ba-di'_ or _kam-pit_.

When the chewer's teeth have deteriorated from age, the quid is mashed

in a small mortar made of hardwood, a piece of steel serving as a

pestle. In this way the betel nut and leaf are rendered sufficiently

soft for mastication.

In conclusion, it may be said that though the habit seems a dirty one,

owing to the discoloration of the mouth and lips of the chewer and to

the ruby expectorations that tinge his surroundings, yet on the whole it

is a necessary and beneficial practice. From my observation and

experience, I believe that the habit eliminates toothache and other

disorders of the teeth. Christianized Manóbos and Bisáyas who have

relinquished the habit suffer from dental troubles, whereas the

inveterate chewer of the mountains is free from them. The Manóbo can not

endure the long and frequent hikes, nor carry the heavy loads that he

does, without this mild but efficacious restorative.

CHAPTER X

MEANS OF SUBSISTENCE AGRICULTURE

GENERAL REMARKS

Agriculture is in a very primitive condition. It is true that most of

the Christianized Manóbos living in the river settlements have a few

hundred _abaká_ plants each, yet the care of them is left practically to

nature, their productivity depending upon the soil. But the true

mountaineer plants nothing except the bare necessities of life--rice and

_camotes_, some taro,[1] a little sugarcane in season, a little patch of

maize, and sometimes ginger and other spices.

[1] In districts close to the Mandáya country the use of taro is more

common, but even in the upper Agúsan it is not a permanent crop. The

Mandáyas subsist to a great extent on it whenever the soil is adapted to

its growth. Taro is the _Colocasia antiquorum_.

His system of agriculture is in perfect adaptation to his social and

political institutions. Living as he does in a state of eternal

vigilance, and knowing that the first death in the house or an unlucky

combination of omens or the menaces of his enemies may drive him from

his home and from his farm, he is content with a small clearing. He

builds no embankments, no irrigation ditches, no terraces. He has no

plows, nor draft animals. He selects a patch of the virgin forest every

year, and with the bolo and rude axe, clears and cultivates the land.

For a permanent crop he keeps his _camote_ patch, on which he may plant

a few bananas and also invariably a sprinkling of sugarcane. Scattered

around this small farm may be found some native tomatoes, more often

planted by the birds than by the hand of man, a few ginger and other

plants that serve to season the food. A betel-nut palm is planted

occasionally, and some betel leaf, but with these exceptions no trees,

not even those whose fruit is dearly relished, are planted.

THE TIME AND PLACE FOR PLANTING RICE

The time for planting is at hand when the voice of the bird _kuaháu_

first breaks from the forest and the leaves of _lanípau_ tree begin to

fall.[2] Then the farmer hies to the woods to select the site for the

rice field, calling upon the omen bird to direct him in his choice. Of

course he is governed in his selection by reasons of proximity to water,

safety from floods, distance from the settlement, etc., but the omen

bird's cry must be favorable. Having decided on the location he makes an

offering of betel nut to the _tagbánua_ and to such other spirits as may

dwell in the neighborhood. This act of homage is performed in order to

make friends with these forest lords so that they may not be displeased

on account of the usurpation of a part of their domain. Then he selects

a spot for the house and clears it, if he has time, but if not, he cuts

down a few small trees as a public notice of his proprietorship. Special

attention is here called to the fact that the spot selected must be one

of virgin forest. The Manóbo never plants his rice in the same place

during two successive years, because it would not yield a plentiful

harvest.

[2] Certain trees, such as the _ná-to'_ and the _ba-ró-bo'_, begin to

fruit at this season, and are also signs of the approach of the

rice-planting season.

The following day, or when all is ready, he and his household begin the

work by erecting a small shack sufficiently large to accommodate them.

In the middle of the farm[3] is erected a small platform for the seed

and, near the house, the usual offering house[4] and other sacrificial

perquisites. Then he is ready to perform the rice-planting sacrifice.

[3] _U-ma'_.

[4] _Ka-má-lig_.

THE SOWING CEREMONY[5]

[5] The _täp-hag_ sacrifice.

Täphágan is a female _diuata_ under whose special superintendence are

placed the rice crop and all that pertains to it. She is thought to

guard the crop against man and beast, even revealing, it is said, to her

chosen ones the names of all trespassers. In return for this she must be

frequently feasted from the beginning of the rice season up to the

harvest, for at that time her duties cease, and she yields the field to

Hakiádan.

The officiant in the rice-planting ceremonies is either one or more

family priests. The victim is either a pig or a fowl, sacrificed in a

special manner. The invocations consist of the same interminable

supplications, promises, and repetitions that are characteristic of all

Manóbo prayers. One variation is observed during this ceremony. The

fowl, on being killed, is thrown on the ground and left to flutter

around, thereby, it is thought, removing from the soil with its blood

such evils as might harm the rice or lessen its production. If a pig,

however, has been killed the blood lustration is performed in the

ordinary way by smearing a near-by log, the priest bidding the evil[6]

of the earth begone. I have often been told that a special ceremony is

necessary at the time of rice planting. This ceremony is called _hú-gad

to sá-ya_ or _hú-gad to sä_ which means "to cleanse the sin." I am

inclined to think that this rite is a purificatory one, as the name of

it indicates. I suppose that it is a secret expiation of such

transgressions as might be punished by a failure of the future crop.

[6] _Ka-dú-ut_.

As in all undertakings of import, the entrails of the victim are

carefully observed. Other forms of divination, especially the egg omen,

are employed to determine whether the supernal powers approve the site

or not.

Among the offerings to Täphágan is a handful of unhulled rice taken from

the last harvesting and now set out in the religious shed. It is

customary during this feast to give a little rice to such animals and

insects as are liable to harm the crop later on. Among these may be

mentioned rats, ricebirds, crows, parrakeets[sic],[7] and ants. A little

rice is set out on a log for them and they are bidden welcome, and

requested not to commit any future depredations. Nor are the omen birds,

prophets of plentiful crops, and the _kuaháu_, harbinger and companion

of the rice crop, forgotten.

[7] _Abúkai_.

During the growth of the rice the above practices are observed from time

to time. No special rule is observed, but it may be said, in general,

that the occurrence of ill omens, or the suspicion of danger, urge the

owner of the crop to feast Täphágan and thereby obtain immunity from

evil. The priest is the best judge as to the necessity of such things.

THE CLEARING OF THE LAND

The omens being favorable, the farmer, assisted by his relatives and

friends, begins the clearing without delay. It is essential that at

least a little work be done in order to clinch the bargain with the

powers above, for should a delay occur the omens might go awry and

necessitate a repetition of the ceremonies and even an abandonment of

the farm. I heard of several cases where prospective farms were

abandoned under these circumstances.

The clearing, like all other agricultural operations, is done on the

mutual-help system,[8] that is, the farmer's relatives and friends unite

to help him clear the land, which favor he and his family is expected to

return in kind.

[8] _Pag-a-bai-yús-an_.

The average clearing does not comprise more than a few acres, and is

completed ordinarily in from two to five days. The first step [9] in the

clearing process consists in cutting down the underbrush and small

trees. In this the men are assisted by the women and children who gather

these into heaps for burning. This may take only a few days, if no

inauspicious omens occur, but, according to my observation, it is seldom

that some omen or other does not interfere with the work. Thus a dead

animal, such as a wild boar, or snake, found on the farm makes blood

lustrations necessary. The rumbling of thunder means a temporary

discontinuance of the work, and often a purificatory ceremony, of which

I can give no details, becomes necessary and delays the work.

[9] Called _gás_ or _gái-as_.

The next operation consists in the felling of trees.[10] For this

purpose, scaffolds, usually of bamboo, are erected around the tree at a

height several feet above the buttresses of the tree or at such a point

as is considered expedient. Trees are cut down high above the base

because the wood at the bottom of the tree is usually exceedingly tough.

Standing on his perch at a distance of about 8 feet from the ground, the

feller plies his native axe[11] until the tree yields and crashes down

in its fall such of its fellows as may stand in its way. It may be

observed here that the Manóbo as a rule is an expert at tree felling and

takes great pleasure in it. Practically all the felling and clearing of

Bisáya land in the Agúsan Valley is done by Manóbos of Christian or of

pagan persuasion and at a merely nominal cost.

[10] _Gú-ba_.

[11] _Hu-wá-siu_.

After the trees have been cut down, all branches and parts of the tree

that would be too much of an obstruction in the farm are cut[12] and

mounted into heaps for future burning.[13] This burning, of course, can

not take place till after the hot weather,[14] which comes at this

period and lasts about a month. Unless the clearing was exceptionally

free from heavy timber, the ground remains encumbered with the larger

trunks and branches, even after the burning, but this is no impediment,

for the rice and _camotes_ can be planted between the stumps.

[12] _Gú-ang_.

[13] _Sáng-ag_.

[14] _Gu-yá-bang_.

THE SOWING OF THE RICE AND ITS CULTURE

It is essential that the sowing take place between the time of the

burning and the next full moon. But the exact date varies according to

the locality. Thus, in Umaíam district, the time for sowing is said to

be the ninth day after the first waning moon that follows that spell of

hot weather, known as _guyábang_, whereas in the upper Agúsan 12 nights

are counted from the first new moon after the _guyábang_ and the sowing

takes place the following day. It is thought that this procedure will

insure a plentiful crop.

The method of sowing is simple. The owner of the farm takes a handful of

rice from the woven-grass[15] bag in the center of the clearing and

scatters it broadcast. Then the members of the family complete the

sowing. There seems to be a knack in so scattering the seed that it may

not cover the ground too closely. Once cast upon the surface, the seed

is covered[16] immediately so as to get it under the ground and away

from the ravages of vermin. This is done by breaking the ground slightly

with bolos.

[15] _Kam-bu-yaí_.

[16] The process of covering the seed is called _hi-la-bón_.

As a protection against weeds, _camotes_, sugarcane, and even maize are

planted in places where the rice is not so close, and especially where

the weeds have sprung up. These latter must be removed from time to time

until the crop is sufficiently tall to shade the ground. This and all

subsequent work connected with the farm, except the making of wild-boar

traps and the caring for them, falls upon the women and children.

The growth of the rice is carefully observed, and the owner of the farm

must be ever ready to counteract evil indications and to feast Täphágan

upon their appearance. Thus finding a dead animal, such as a large bird,

lizard, or monkey, is considered of ill import and lustration of blood

must be resorted to. Again the appearance of certain birds in the

vicinity of the farm is looked upon as of evil omen, and it becomes

necessary to drive away the impending evil by proper ceremonial means.

Drought, though an uncommon occurrence, is especially feared. I once

witnessed a peculiar method of rain making. It was performed under the

auspices of Täphágan and in the following manner: The rain makers[17]

each secured a frond of some palm tree and went to the bank of the

stream near by. Here they beat their fronds upon the surface of the

water until the leaves were torn. Then each one stuck his frond upon the

bank in a vertical position and went his way, certain that rain would

follow.

[17] _Mig-pa-áyao_.

There are, on the other hand, divers good omens and indications of a

plenteous harvest. The swarming of bees on the farm is one of these. So

is the continuous cry of _kuaháu_. There are many other omens both good

and evil that render the growing season one of constant question and

answer between nature and primitive man. As the time for the harvest

approaches, means must be taken to protect the crop against its enemies.

Traps and light fences are the principal defense against wild boar.

Scarecrows, consisting of pieces of palm frond, tin cans, and other

things, are suspended from long rattan cords that diverge in all

directions from the watch house [18] in the center of the field. The

waving of these rattan strips, when manipulated by the young person on

watch, accompanied by loud yells, serve to frighten away the

ricebirds,[19] parrakeets[sic], and monkeys. A little offering of rice

is frequently made by way of gaining the good will and speedy departure

of the latter.

[18] _Ban-taí-an_.

[19] _Máya_.

A final feast, similar to that described in the preceding pages, is

given to Täphágan by way of thanksgiving, when the crop is nearly ripe

for the harvest, and she then passes out of the Manóbo's memory for

another year.

THE RICE HARVEST

The harvest time is the merriest of all the year. It ends, in most

cases, the long period of abstinence from rice, and many times

terminates a period of actual hunger. It is the season for the

celebration of marriages, with their attendant festivals; for hunting

and for fishing, especially with poison. And yet it is fraught with

religious fear and safeguarded by severe taboos and other restrictions

that make it to some extent a season of mystery. In many places it is a

time of vigilance against the attacks of the enemy.

The first thing that must be done when the rice is ripe enough to

harvest is to close all trails leading to the house and farm. No one may

now, under penalty of a fine, enter the precincts, nor may any one but

an inmate of the household be present, for otherwise the crop might

never come to maturity.[20] Should any one trespass upon the farm, it is

imperative that work be discontinued until the following day. This gives

a good opportunity to collect the fine imposed on the trespasser. I did

not care to violate this taboo, and for this reason can offer only

second-hand information as to what takes place from the time of the

closing of the trails till the harvest feast.

[20] _Makadúya_ is the term used to express the evil that might befall

the crop.

The owner makes solemn invocation to the omen bird and, if the omens are

satisfactory, proceeds to cut some of the ripe heads of rice in the

center of the farm. These are then put into a grass bag prepared

especially for this purpose. This bag is said to have bezoar stones[21]

placed in it in order that the rice may not only not diminish but may

even increase in quantity. For the six following days the women and

children reap a little every day and deposit the rice in the above

receptacle.

[21] _Mút-ja_ or _mút-da_.

The rice thus harvested is carefully preserved as seed for the following

year, though a little of it may be employed for ceremonial purposes

during the sowing and harvesting celebrations. The new rice must on no

account be eaten before the harvest feast is ready, and it must not be

given away, for that would certainly result in a mysterious

decrease.[22] In fine, it has such a sacred character that it must be

pounded at night and never in the presence of anyone who is not a member

of the household, for should anyone visit the house at this time the

rice would be found to have much chaff[23] in it.

[22] _Ka-gu-yú-dun_, i. e., literally, that it would be pulled away.

[23] _Á-pa_.

THE HARVEST FEAST

The harvest feast must take place before the real work of harvesting

begins. It usually occurs on the seventh day after the closing of the

trails, if everything is in readiness. The importance of this feast is

such that he who can not kill a pig for the occasion has no title to

aristocracy in the tribe. All being ready, the trails are opened and the

drum and gong boom out to announce to relatives and friends that they

are welcome to the feast of Hakiádan, the goddess of grain.

The ceremony differs but little from that to Täphágan, as described on

previous pages. The invocation to Hakiádan is most elaborate, lasting

for several hours in the few instances which I witnessed. It is taken up

by one priest after another and every inducement is offered to Hakiádan

to prevent the rice from being stolen, or destroyed by their enemies,

carried away by floods, wet by rain, raided by rats and ants, or stolen

by Dágau, that fickle mischievous spirit whose pleasure seems to be to

bring hunger [24] to humankind. The dead, whose final feast[25] has not

yet been celebrated, are given a betel-nut offering and requested most

devoutly not to tamper with the rice. Even the greedy parrakeets[sic],

the gregarious ricebirds, and other enemies of the rice have portions of

the first fruits set out for them in little leaf packages. Hakiádan is

asked to instruct these creatures to behave themselves during this

delicate season.

[24] _Ma-ka-bun-tas-úi_.

[25] _Ka-ta-pús-an_.

The pig is killed in the ordinary way, and the feast ends with the usual

revels. When the farmer is unable to procure a pig, a chicken is

substituted, specious excuses being made for the failure to provide a

larger victim.

After the celebration the women and children of the household, assisted

by such of their friends and relatives, women and children, as have

agreed to harvest the rice, begin the work in real earnest. Each one

starts out with her basket hanging upon her back, supported by the

string which passes over her head. In her hand she carries the

harvesting knife, which is a clamshell set at right angles in a palm's

length of rattan, or in lieu of the shell a similarly shaped piece of

tin. With this she snips off a ripe ear with a few inches of the stalk

and throws it into her basket, which now hangs from her shoulder. When

her basket is full she returns to the place where a larger basket[26]

has been set and deposits her load in it. Thus the process goes on for

the few days (three to five) necessary to harvest the crop.

[26] _Diwítan_.

The men in the meantime make the granary [27] somewhere in the clearing,

usually in the center. It is ordinarily a crude structure consisting of

four small posts, upon which rests a roof of rattan leaf thatch.

Intermediate between the roof and the ground is a floor either of bamboo

slats or of bark, upon which are set the cylindrical bark or grass

receptacles for the rice. Sometimes wooden disks or inverted cones of

bamboo slatwork are attached to the posts of the rice granary to prevent

the entrance of rats and mice.

[27] _Tam-bó-bung_.

The rice in the larger baskets is brought to the granary and in the

course of a few days is put on coarse mats of grass and threshed with

hands and feet. It is then spread out thinly on these same mats and

dried in the sun for one day. After it is dried it is cleaned of chaff

by being tossed into the air from the winnowing tray. It is then ready

for permanent deposit in the granary, to be disposed of later either by

sale or by home consumption.

A field 1 hectare in area will yield, at a low estimate, 25 sacks, but

where the soil is particularly well adapted for rice culture, as it is

on the upper parts of nearly every river in the Agúsan Valley, 50 sacks

are not considered an extraordinary yield.

THE CULTURE OF OTHER CROPS

The rice straw that stands upon the field is burnt down, and sweet

potatoes, some maize, a score or more of sugarcane plants, a patch of

taro, and sometimes a few banana plants are put in at intervals after

the harvest entertainments. The time selected for the planting of

sugarcane and bananas is around noon. It is thought that, if planted

then, they will grow taller and bigger than if planted at any other

hour. Taro and corn, on the contrary, must be planted during the morning

hours, probably for some reason analogous to the above. If the rumbling

of thunder is heard during the planting of these crops, it is an

intimation that the planting should be discontinued till the following

day, or, in case of urgency, till proper omens be taken to ascertain the

attitude of the powers above.

Fruit trees of divers kinds are found scattered throughout the broad

expanse of forest that covers eastern Mindanáo, but they are not of

man's sowing nor does the Manóbo ever lay claim to them. He takes the

fruit, frequently branch and all, eats it, throws the seed away and goes

his way rejoicing.

HUNTING

The Manóbos are excellent hunters, keen, clever, determined, and

enduring, but by no means incessant. In fact, it is only under the

stress of hunger or when a few of them rally together that they start

off with hunting spears and dogs. Occasionally one meets a professional

who takes pride in the business, as may be observed by the trophies of

wild-boar tusks and jaws hung in his house.

HUNTING WITH DOGS

The dogs used are of the usual type seen throughout the Philippines,

except that only the better and pluckier or luckier ones are chosen for

hunting. These are recognized by the size and relative position of the

nipples on the breast. It is said that from these and other marks the

fate of the dog can be foreseen. I was frequently instructed in these

signs, but found it impossible to master them for the simple reason that

no two experts seemed to agree. Thus in one case, where I consulted

those versed in this matter, they respectively informed me that a

certain dog would be mangled [28] by a wild boar, swallowed by an

alligator,[29] and devoured by a cobra, and advised me not to purchase

it. Good hunting dogs are often valued as highly as a human life (30

pesos) and sometimes more so. I have seen dogs that seldom returned

without having run down a deer or wild boar.

[28] _Pan-ii-gón-on_.

[29] _Si-bad-ón-on to bu-a-ja_ (_budáa_).

The ordinary Manóbo house has at least a few dogs, and these are allowed

the liberty of the house. They share the family mats, and sometimes have

a special ladder provided for their ascent and descent. Their food at

the best is somewhat scanty. They have names such as "Diguim,"[30]

"Sápas,"[31] and are addressed by their masters with the greatest

familiarity. A dog, however, that howls in its sleep, is thought to

forebode the death of its master or of some inmate of the house. It must

be sold, else the owner or one of his family might die. Dogs are

supposed to be messengers of the blood spirits [32] and to be under the

protection of the god of hunting,[33] for whom the following ceremony

must be made by the hunter if he desires continued success in the chase

and the safety of his dogs from the perils thereof.

[30] "Black."

[31] "Cotton."

[32] _Tagbú-sau_.

[33] _Sugúdun_.

OFFERING TO SUGÚDUN, THE SPIRIT OF HUNTERS

A triangular tray of _bayug_ or of _ilang-ilang_ wood decorated with

palm fronds is made and suspended from the rafters of the house. The

owner of the dogs then calls upon Sugúdun, offers him a quid of betel

nut, and promises to kill a fowl if only he will be so kind as to assist

in getting a wild boar or a deer the following day. The fowl must be a

male and of a red color. This invocation occupies the better part of an

hour, and, when the hunter is satisfied that he has convinced Sugúdun of

the necessity and expediency of being propitious, he slays the red fowl

in his honor. The blood is caught in a sacred saucer [34] and placed

upon the oblation tray[35] for the special entertainment of the hunting

deity. In one case I saw the blood anointment[36] made on the principal

dog in order to remove from him some evil influence that he was thought

to possess. After the fowl is cooked, a piece of the meat, a little

cooked rice, and a few eggs are put upon the sacrificial tray and left

there.

[34] _Apú-gan_.

[35] _Su-gú-gan_.

[36] _Lím-pas_.

THE HUNT

On one of the ensuing days, provided he has observed no ill omen, the

hunter starts off, usually with one or more companions, for the selected

hunting grounds. As the forests of the Agúsan Valley teem with wild boar

and deer, the hunters usually do not have to travel far before the dogs

get on the scent. This they announce by their continuous yelping. The

hunt then begins. The game strives to elude its pursuers by constantly

doubling on its path, so that the hunters do not have such a long run as

might be imagined. They never cease to encourage their dogs with a

peculiar monotonous cry that resembles a long-drawn _u_ sound. The dogs

keep on the heels of their prey and worry and harass it with repeated

snaps and bites till it finally comes to bay with its back to a tree.

The hunters at once become aware of this by the change in the cry of the

dogs, and, accordingly, hasten their steps. Upon arriving at the scene,

they cautiously steal up behind the game and put it to death with their

spears.

Accidents are uncommon during the hunt, but I have seen several in which

both men and dogs were mangled by some fierce wild boar that on being

wounded had proved a dangerous enemy.

Where several hunters have participated in the hunt, the game is divided

in the forest according to the number of dogs engaged. If the hunters

are relatives of the same household, as generally happens, the

distribution is made after they reach home. The game is carried back by

one of the party, and, if there are other relatives in the settlement,

they, too, receive a share. Thus a wild boar or a deer is sufficient for

just about one meal.

HUNTING TABOOS AND BELIEFS

The following taboos in connection with hunting are of interest:

(1) The mention of such things as are displeasing to the local forest

deities must be positively avoided, such as the mention of salt, of fish

that are not found in the region, and of the name of the quarry.

(2) The meat must not be cooked with lard, garlic, or in any other way

except in the orthodox Manóbo manner of broiling it, or cooking it in

water.

(3) The meat must not be salted and dried.

(4) The game must not be skinned, but singed, for the former act would

be one of rashness that would incur divine displeasure and result in

lack of success on the part of the dogs during all ensuing hunts.

(5) The bones of the game must not be rapped on the floor to remove the

marrow. They must be broken with a bolo.

(6) During the process of boiling the water in which the meat has been

placed must be allowed to run over.

(7) The bones of the game must not be thrown into water. Such an act

would, it is thought, bring sickness on the transgressor or on a member

of his family.

(8) An unmarried man, who has had clandestine relations with a woman,

may not partake of the meat before he has made an expiatory offering to

the owner of the dogs. This offering need not be of any great value and

is usually given in an informal way. The infringement of this taboo is

said to be attended with the same baneful effects on the hunting dogs as

that mentioned above.

(9) For the same reason a married man must make a compensatory offering

of some little thing to his wife in case he has been unfaithful to her.

However, the majority of those whom I questioned knew of no such

counteracting practice.

A consideration of the above restrictions will explain the reluctance

that the Manóbo feels in dividing his game with those who are not of his

persuasion. He is afraid that the meat may be cooked in lard or that

some other regulation may be broken, thereby bringing down upon himself

the displeasure of the spirit owner of the game and upon his dogs ill

luck or total lack of success in future hunts.

There are various traditional accounts of people who have been charmed

[37] by deer and never heard of again. It seems that, at first, they

were approached by a circling herd of deer, which they did not fear and

allowed to come close. But among the deer was a transformed _búsau_ or

demon that advanced and devoured the solitary hunter. It is said that a

dog will not follow a deer of this description.[38]

[37] _Pag-u-sa-hán_.

[38] Called _ma-paí-yag_.

OTHER METHODS OF OBTAINING GAME

The ordinary bow is used but the arrow frequently varies from the

regular fighting arrow in being heavier, thicker, and not provided with

feathering. An arrow with a forked point is occasionally used for small

birds, while for hornbills sharp spikes of _palma brava_ are used at

times to perforate their tough skins. Dart arrows are favorite for

monkeys. The blowpipe (_sum-pí-tan_)[39] is not used. Little game is

obtained by the bow and arrow, except when the hunter builds a shelter

in a fruit tree and picks off, unseen, such birds as come to feast

themselves.

[39] I found a long slender blowpipe all over Mandáyaland used for

shooting birds, but it is not a very successful weapon, nor is it used

in fighting.

"Birdlime," made out of the viscid sap of certain trees, is occasionally

used to capture small birds.

TRAPPING

TRAPPING CEREMONIES AND TABOOS

As on all occasions, the invocation to the turtledove, the consultation

of its cry, and the betel-nut offering to the forest deities of the

locality are performed at the outset by the prospective trapper. The

omission of the last ceremony might expose him to the danger of being

speared by his own trap.

I observed in several districts the use of an ordinary toy magnet,[40]

as a charm [41] to insure success in trapping, but I suspect that belief

in the efficacy of the magnet was inspired by some inventive trader who

wanted to dispose of his magnets with more dispatch and at a bigger

gain. The use, however, of magic herbs [42] is said to have been learned

from the Mamánuas and is resorted to in the eastern parts of the middle

and lower Agúsan. I was afforded no information either as to the names

or the nature of the herbs used. They are carried around the neck

carefully concealed.

[40] _Bá-to báni_.

[41] _Súm-pa'_.

[42] _Sin-lá-ub_.

The male priests and the warrior priests invoke their respective

tutelaries before a trapping expedition and the _manikiad_[43] calls

upon the emissary[44] of the war deities. The trapper sets a sign [45]

near his house upon his departure. This consists of a bunch of grass or

twigs ti'ed to a stick, and is an intimation to passers-by of his

absence and of the reason for it. He then sets out for his trapping

grounds, but if on the route he meets anyone he must return to the house

at least temporarily,[46] for otherwise he would catch nothing in the

traps.

[43] A title conferred upon a man who has one or two deaths to his

credit. The number depends upon the locality.

[44] This class of spirits is called _pan-aí-yang_.

[45] _Ba-li-úg_.

[46] Manóbos claim that the violation of this taboo would bring about a

condition that is expressed by the word _ma-ka-dú-ya_; I can not state

definitely what this condition is. I never have had a satisfactory

explanation.

In his absence the following are a few of the taboos that must be

observed:

(1) The trapper's wife must neither do work nor leave the house until

his return, or, in case of protracted absence, until sunset.

(2) No one, not even a dog, may enter the trapper's home unless the

visitor leaves, or unless there is left for him 011 his departure, an

object of personal use, such as his bolo. This is intended as a deposit

and will be returned. The dog must be tied till sunset or a similar

deposit made for it.

(3) The mention of the words pig and deer must be sedulously avoided,

and no one must refer to the purpose of the hunter unless it be in a

periphrastic way.

I observed on several trapping expeditions in which I took part, that

the trapper built a little offering house [47] near his shelter house,

and at first was very regular in his offerings and prayers to the spirit

lord of the forest. His religious fervor, however, decreased in direct

proportion to the bountifulness with which heaven rewarded his prayers.

When he found game becoming scarce, he decided that probably the local

forest spirit was displeased, and tried his luck in other parts.

[47] _Baí-yui-baí-yui_, literally, a little house.

THE BAMBOO SPEAR TRAP [48]

[48]_Ba-tik_.

A common method of trapping among the Manóbos, more especially practiced

during the rainy season, is by the use of the bamboo spear trap that is

in very common use throughout the Philippine Islands. Without entering

into details, it may be described as a trap in which a spring of bent

wood, upon being released, drives a bamboo spear that has been attached

to it into the side of a passing pig or deer. The whole apparatus is

laid horizontally about 1 foot above the ground, and is carefully

concealed. It is a simple contrivance, speedily and cheaply made, and in

the rainy season very successful. Accidents to human beings from these

traps are rare, due to the keen sight and forest instinct with which the

Manóbo is endowed. As the pig or deer passes along the trail, it

releases the spring and is speared in the side. It is seldom that a wild

boar dies on the spot or in the vicinity. It usually has to be tracked

for hours and sometimes is never found.

OTHER VARIETIES OF TRAPS

Bamboo caltrops are sharp bamboo slats[49] between 2 and 3 feet long set

in the ground, usually at an angle of about 45° in places where the wild

boar have to make a descent. It is not a very successful contrivance, as

these animals are endowed with such extraordinary sight and scent.

[49] _Pa-dúg-pa_.

The _pa-yu-pa-yu_ trap consists of a set of bamboo slats as described

above, set on each side of a pig trail, and of a good-sized log held in

a slanting position by a trigger. When released by the boar, the log

falls down behind him, and, by the sudden noise, frightens him and

causes him to jump into the bamboo spikes.

The pitfall[50] is little used. It consists of a hole large enough for a

wild boar or deer, carefully covered so as to deceive the animal. The

bottom bristles with sharp bamboo stakes.

[50] _Tu-kí-bung_.

The monkey spring trap[51] is on the style of the bamboo spear trap

described above but is much smaller, being set on the branch of a tree

without any attempt at concealment. The poor, simple-minded monkey, on

catching sight of the bait, walks up innocently, seizes it, and is

wounded by the spear. He does not travel far after that, for monkeys

succumb quickly to a wound.

[51] _Pú-kis_.

An ordinary noose trap [52] consists of a string with a piece of wood

bent back and held in position by a trigger. When the trigger is

released, the bent piece of wood draws up the noose tight on the bird's

leg. It is used for catching wild pigeons, jungle fowl, and other birds.

[52] _Lít'-ag_.

The circle of nooses [53] is a series of rattan nooses placed around a

decoy cock. This bird, by his lusty crowing, challenges his wild fellows

to fight. When the fight begins the champion of the woods soon finds his

feet enmeshed in the nooses, and within a short time his whole body

safely lodged in the trapper's carrying basket.

[53] _Ka-lí-as_.

FISHING

The Manóbo fishes more than he hunts, yet he can by no manner of means

be said to be an incessant fisherman. The following are the methods

commonly employed for catching fish.

SHOOTING WITH BOW AND ARROW

In shooting fish an arrow[54] that has a detachable head is used. The

fisherman conceals himself in a tree or on the bank of a stream or lake,

and upon spying the fish lets fly a two-pronged arrow which has a steel

or iron point.

[54] _Bág'-ai_.

This method is in universal use in the lake region of the Agúsan Valley

and in rivers which are too deep for other methods, especially during

floods, when the fish roam around over the inundated land. It is

ordinarily not attended with great success, three or four fish being an

average day's catch. The common catfish, called _dalág_ in Manila, is

the ordinary victim, other species being rare victims to the arrow.

FISHING WITH HOOK AND LINE

The hook[55] is a stout one and is made out of the iron handle of the

ordinary kerosene can or out of a piece of brass wire of similar size.

It is attached to a substantial _abaká_ cord,[56] 45 meters long, more

or less. A piece of lead or a stone for sinker and a suitable bait

complete the outfit. The fish caught with this apparatus are the

swordfish[57] and the sawfish. The fisherman seats himself in his boat

or on a sand bank, and with the line tied to his foot or to his arm

awaits a bite. He immediately pulls in his victim, never giving him a

chance to tire himself out as our fishermen do; Of course the fish is

always pulled upstream.

[55] _Kaúad_.

[56] _Ha-pón_.

[57] _Ta-gá-han_.

FISH POISONING[58]

[58] _Pag-tu-bá-han_.

Poisoning is a common and successful method of fishing, practiced more

frequently on the upper reaches of a river. There are four methods, all

of which I have witnessed frequently throughout Manóboland.

_The túba_[59] _method_.--A quantity of _túba_ varying from one-half to

two sacksful is put into a dugout and brought to the spot selected.

Everybody comes provided with a fish spear, fishing bow, bolo, boat or

raft, and conical traps[60] made for the occasion. The _túba_ is then

pounded as it lies in the boat, a little water being added. This process

occupies the greater part of an hour, and is a very animated one,

everybody being in high hopes of a grand feast. Where there are no

boats, the _túba_ is pounded in the rice mortars and brought in bamboo

joints to the selected spot.

[59] _Túba_ is the Croton Tiglium or croton-oil tree.

[60] _Sán-au_.

At a point possibly a mile or more down the stream from the place in

which it is decided to cast the poison, the women and girls, aided by a

few men, fix their conical traps across the stream so that no large fish

may escape. When all is ready the _túba_ is thrown into the river, and

everyone dashes downstream with loud exclamations, some in boats, some

on rafts, or; where the water is shallow, wading or jumping from rock to

rock.

It is some 15 minutes before the poison begins to take effect and then

the women and children at the traps may have a busy time removing the

fish in order to keep their traps free for the entrance of more. During

this time the men and boys scurry around jabbing, hitting, missing, and

rushing from side to side with mad shouts of joy and exultation,

sometimes two or three after some fine big dazed fish of extra size.

Thus they may continue for a few hours if the river is a good sized one

and the fish plentiful, for at the beginning a great number of fish

probably dart up side creeks, thus escaping from the effects of the

poison, and when all the fish in the main stream have fallen a prey,

these lurkers must be sought out.

_Túba_ has a deleterious effect on man, producing colic and diarrhea, if

taken in fairly strong solution. Yet the fish that die from the effects

of it are perfectly harmless in that respect. The famous _ís-da_ of the

Agúsan Valley is the only fish that does not succumb to the effects of

this poison.

The _túbli_ method.--The root of the _túbli_ plant is used for

poisoning. It is a quicker-acting poison and more universal than the

preceding, in the sense that nothing, not even shellfish, escapes its

baneful effects. As the plant has to be cultivated, it is obvious that

it is not obtainable in large quantities, and for this reason is not

used as a rule on the main streams, the quantity available not being

sufficient to have an effect. It is used in the same manner as _túba_.

The _lágtañg method_.--The _lágtañg_ is the seed of a tree that is not

found in the middle and upper Agúsan Valley. I never witnessed the use

of this poison on a large scale, due undoubtedly to the absence of it in

the middle and upper Agúsan. The following was the procedure followed in

using it as witnessed by me.