or shafts on weapons.
[3] _Sái-yung_ or _saung_.
TABOOS TO BE OBSERVED BY THE WIFE
1. She must not do any heavy work nor carry anything on her head.
2. She must not sit on a corner of the hearth frame.
3. While in a sitting posture she must leave one knee uncovered.
4. She must be careful in the selection of her food for a period that
seems to depend, according to my observation, on individual whim.
Hence after the inception of pregnancy a woman becomes almost fastidious
in the choice of her food. Her every whim must be catered to. No general
rule can be given, but her general preference is for vegetable food,
especially the core of the various wild palm trees,[4] plantains, and
when obtainable, young coconuts. Acid fruits, such as the various
species of lemons or the fruits of rattan vines, seem to be her special
predilection.
[4] _Ó-bud_.
TABOOS TO BE OBSERVED BY BOTH HUSBAND AND WIFE
1. They must not thrust their hands through the floor nor through an
opening in the walls of the house.
2. Anything taken by them from the fire must not be returned by them,
but by a third party.
3. They must not return after having once started to descend the house
ladder until they have reached the ground.
4. They must not sit at the entrance to the house in such a way as to
impede free en trance or exit.
5. They must be careful that the firewood is not unusually speckled or
dirty, as the child that is to come might be lacking in due comeliness.
I have seen many a husband assiduously peeling off the bark from the
more-ugly-looking firewood.
TABOOS ENJOINED ON VISITORS
Visitors also are cautioned and expected to observe the third and fourth
taboos mentioned under the last section.[5]
[5] The taboo that forbids a visitor to sit at the door of the house is
observed by the lower classes of Manila. Also the taboo that forbids
quarreling.
ABORTION
Infanticide is never practiced; on the contrary, every means, natural,
magic, and religious, are taken to safeguard the life of the babe.
Abortion, however, occurs.
ARTIFICIAL ABORTION
Artifical[sic] abortion is unknown among the pagan Manóbos, but the
Christianized members of the tribe who have come under the influence of
culture of a different stamp, have acquired a knowledge of its practice
for the purpose of concealing their condition and of thereby avoiding
subsequent shame and trouble. For this purpose various vegetable
products are used, such as the sap of the red dyewood,[6] the core of a
wild palm,[7] the sap of black dyewood,[8] and the juice of mint.[9] I
was told that these are very effective and, as a rule, not attended with
evil consequences to the health of the woman.
[6] _Si-ká-lig_.
[7] Called _báñg-a_.
[8] _Tá-gum_.
[9] _La-bwé-na_.
INVOLUNTARY ABORTION
Involuntary abortion, however, is a matter of frequent, occurrence. It
would be hard to form an approximate estimate, but, from the opinions
expressed by several warrior chiefs and headmen, I believe that it
occurs not infrequently. No explanation as to its cause was obtained.
The fetus is usually buried without any ceremony under the house. In the
upper Agúsan, the Manóbo follows a Mandáya custom by erecting over the
grave, which is always under the house, an inverted cone of bamboo
slatwork, about 30 centimeters high and 60 centimeters in diameter. The
usual feelings of fright are not displayed on these occasions as on the
death of one that has died an ordinary death, for the child has not yet
been consociated with its two soul companions. Neither is the house
abandoned, as would ordinarily be done on the death of an older person.
THE APPROACH OF PARTURITION
THE MIDWIFE[10]
[10] _Pa-na-gám-hon_.
About the seventh month when the expectant mother feels the quickening
impulse of life within her, she selects a midwife and undergoes almost
daily at her hands a massage, without which it is thought she would be
in danger of a painful delivery. As far as I could learn, the method
followed is such as to keep the creature in a vertical position within
the womb, with the head downward. The massage is said to take place at
the beginning of a lunar month. The midwife is eminently the most
important personage in all that concerns birth. She is not necessarily a
priestess, but is usually a relative of the prospective mother. She is
always a woman of advanced age who has had abundant experience, and "has
never lost a case." She is reputed to be versed in many secret medicines
and devices necessary for the cure of any ailment proceeding from
natural causes and connected with childbirth. I always found the midwife
very reluctant to disclose the secrets of her profession.
When the woman announces the maternal pains, the midwife goes at once to
the house, taking with her various herbs and other things, all carefully
concealed on her person. She is not alone on such occasions, but is
usually accompanied, if not preceded, by the greater portion of the
female population in the community. Few of the male portion, and none of
the bachelors, attend, but they keep themselves informed of the progress
of the patient by frequent yells of inquiry from the neighboring houses.
The midwife bids the patient lie upon her back and, aided by a few
relatives of the parturient, proceeds to administer one of the most
ferocious massages imaginable. I witnessed one case in which the mother
was tightly bound with swathing clothes and the husband called upon to
exert his strength in an endeavor to force delivery.
As soon as it becomes apparent that the patient is in great pain, the
midwife, and perhaps others expert in such matters, resort to means
which are designed to produce an easy and speedy delivery.
PRENATAL MAGIC AIDS[11]
[11] _Ta-gi-á-mo_.
During several childbirths which I attended in various parts of the
valley, I observed the use of the following aids to delivery:
1. A piece of rattan[12] is taken by one of the women present and, after
being slightly burnt, is extinguished by the midwife and held close to
the person[13] of the parturient. With her hands the midwife then wafts
the smoke over the patient, muttering at the same time a formula.
[12] _Lá-gus_.
[13] Vulva.
The explanation of this procedure, as given to me in all cases, was the
following: The rattan is symbolic of the various fleshy bonds with which
the child is confined within the mother and as the rattan, wound round
and round the various portions of the house, is an impediment to the
removal of the piece which it retains, a piece of it is burnt in order
that by some mystic power the puerperal bonds may be undone. During the
burning the child is exhorted not to resemble the tardy rattan but to
come forth free and untrammeled from its mortal tenement.
This charm, it was explained to me, counteracts the violations of the
taboos whereby husband or wife, or both, are enjoined not to wear
necklaces or bodily bindings, and not to work in rattan and resin, or to
carry anything on the head. Should the burning of a piece of rattan be
omitted, it is believed that the umbilical cord[14] would be found to
have actually become tangled around the neck or body of the child during
the act of delivery, thereby increasing the difficulty and the danger.
[14] _Pó-sud_.
2. The burning of a small piece of the house ladder[15] and the
subsequent fumigation of the person of the parturient are practiced in
identically the same manner as the above, and are thought to neutralize
the evil effects that might result from the transgressions, even
involuntary, of those taboos which forbid that anyone should sit at the
door of a pregnant woman's house, or return to the house after having
begun his descent down the house pole or ladder.
[15] _Pá-sung_.
3. A third magic means, helpful in birth, is the consuming of a portion
of the hearth frame followed, as described above, by a fumigation of a
part of the patient's person. The particular effect of this charm is to
counteract the evil influences which might otherwise result to the child
from the nonobservance of the various other taboos mentioned previously.
4. Finally, various herbs, of which I did not learn the names because of
secretiveness on the part of the women, are put on a plate or on
anything that is convenient, and burned. On one occasion I observed that
the leaves[16] used to cover sweetpotatoes and other vegetables during
the process of steaming were employed, and on another I procured a piece
of grass that had fallen from the plate and later on I ascertained it to
be the leaf of a variety of bamboo. I was unable to learn the purpose of
this charm, the replies being contradictory or variable in different
localities.
[16] _Tú-yus_.
The midwife applies numerous other medicinal herbs and has various other
secret expedients of which I have been utterly unable to learn the
nature. In one case a midwife claimed to have a bezoar stone[17] found
in the body of an eel. This could not be seen, for it was wrapped in
cloth. When the patient gave signs of suffering, she would dip this
stone in water and rub it over the woman's abdomen.
[17] _Mút-ya_.
PRENATAL RELIGIOUS AIDS
It is very rarely, indeed, that any serious difficulty is encountered in
childbirth, but I have been informed that difficulties are occasionally
met with. In such cases, when all human resources fail, the matter is
said to be left in the hands of the family priestesses and the usual
religious invocation and rites are performed. In every case one or more
priestesses are present, and take the usual precautions, such as the
placing of lemon and _sasá_ reed under the house, against the approach
of evil spirits.
ACCOUCHEMENT AND ENSUING EVENTS
The midwife and her companions continue to assist the patient until the
moment of delivery, which takes place ordinarily within from four to six
hours after the first pangs of childbirth have been felt. The umbilical
cord is immediately cut with a sliver[18] of bamboo, and the mother is
made to sit up at once in order to prevent a reflux of the afterbirth
into the womb. At least such is the reason assigned for this last
practice.
[18] _Ba-lís_.
The child is immediately washed with water and some medicine sprinkled
over its navel.[19] It is then returned to its mother. Should the birth
have occurred during the period between new and full moon, it is said
that the child will have good luck[20] during life.
[19] I was informed on one occasion that the medicine used was
pulverized coconut shell, but this point needs further inquiry.
[20] _Paí-ad_.
I desire to call special attention here to the fact that should the
mother be in such a condition that she is unable to nourish her babe, it
is not given to another woman for nurture, but is sustained temporarily
on soup, rice water, and sugarcane juice. I have heard of several cases
in which the child succumbed for want of natural nourishment. One case
that occurred in San Luis on the middle Agúsan, I verified beyond a
doubt. Father Pastells, S. J.,[21] states that if the child can not be
suckled, it is buried alive, its mouth being sometimes filled with
ashes. I, however, have never heard of such a practice.
[21] Cartas de los PP. de la Compañia de Jesus, 8, 1879.
The reason for allowing no woman other than the mother to nourish the
child is that, if the child were nourished by another woman, it would
die. In this connection it may be well to state that infant mortality is
high. I do not hesitate to say that it is not less than 25 per cent and
may be 33.5 per cent.
The afterbirth, together with the umbilical cord, is nearly always
buried under the house. I was told that it is sometimes wrapped up and
hung from the beams that are just under the hearth. No reason is given
for the selection of this particular place, except that "no one passes
there."
POSTNATAL CUSTOMS
As a rule parturition is not attended with much weakness nor with any
danger. In fact, the mother usually can move around the house on the day
following the birth or even on the same day. After two or three days she
purifies herself by an informal bath, which is taken more for sanitary
than for ceremonial reasons, as far as I have been able to ascertain.
TABOOS
For a period of a week, more or less, the mother must refrain from the
use of all food except the following: The core of the wild palm tree,
native rice, fresh fish, and chicken. The chicken must be of a certain
color; in the lake region of the Agúsan Valley it must be either black
or white, and the leg must be dark in color.
Bathing is interdicted for two or three days according to the custom of
the locality.
After bathing, the new mother and her husband leave the house in order
that the little one may have good luck, and also that they themselves
may be removed from the malign influence of the malevolent spirits that
are inevitably present on the occasion of a birth.
The birth festivity is not a very solemn nor magnificent affair. The
midwife and a few friends, perhaps a dozen in all, are invited. It is at
the end of this repast that some little remuneration is made to the
midwife and to the priestess for their services. Among the pagan Manóbos
there seems to be no fixed rule as to the amount to be given to the
midwife, but among the _conquistas_ or Christianized tribes, there
prevails the customary price of P1.50 for the first birth, P1.00 for the
second, and P0.50 for the third and all successive ones.
THE BIRTH CEREMONY[22]
[22] _Tag-un-ún to bá-ta_.
When the child is born it is supposed not yet to have received the two
spirit companions[23] that are to accompany it during its earthly
pilgrimage. Whence proceed these spirit-companions, or what is their
nature, I have not been able to learn to my satisfaction. _Mandáit_, the
tutelary god of the little ones, after being invoked and appeased with
offerings, is supposed to select two spirit companions out of the
multitudinous beings that hover over human haunts. These spirits then
become guardians, as it were, of the child, and do not separate
themselves from him till one of them becomes the prey of some foul demon.
[23] _Um-a-gád_, from _á-gad_, to accompany.
These spirit companions are said to be invisible, and in physical
appearance like their corporal companion,[24] whose every action they
are supposed to imitate. As was explained to me, when we sit down, our
spirit companions also sit down, and when we dress, they also prepare
themselves, and when we go forth they accompany us. When the mother
leaves the house with her babe, she adjures the spirits to follow and to
guard their ward. Of the effect and purpose of this consociation no very
definite explanation has so far been given to me.
[24] In stature they are described as being somewhat smaller.
The rites of the birth ceremony are observed usually within a month
after the birth. There seems to be no stated time, but according to my
observation and information they take place on the first symptoms of
sickness, or of unusual restlessness on the part of the child. It is
firmly believed and openly avowed that these symptoms are due to the
machinations of Mandáit, who is desirous of being regaled with a fowl,
for he, like all his fellow spirits, is an epicure and likes the good
things of this world.
The ceremony begins with an invocation to Mandáit. A tiny canoe, more or
less perfect in design and equipment, according to the caprice and skill
of the fashioner, is made, and is hung up in the house after sunset. The
nearer relatives assemble and a priest, preferably a relative, takes the
chicken that has already been dedicated[25] to Mandáit, and waves it
over the babe and around the house, in order to ward off all such bad
influences and harmful spirits as might be flitting around, for in the
Manóbo's mind, there are not a few of these demons waiting to devour the
expected spirit companions.
[25] _Sin-ug-bá-han_.
The chicken is killed and the head, legs, and wings offered to Mandáit.
To these delicacies are added little leaf packages of cooked maize[26]
or native rice.[27] The priest, on these occasions invariably a woman,
goes through her invocations while the offerings are being placed on the
ceremonial boat. She burns incense[28] whose fragrance is said to be
especially acceptable to Mandáit. By the direction of the smoke, she
ascertains the position of Mandáit and of her own guardian or familiar
spirit, and turning to him, welcomes him. She falls into the usual state
of tremor during which Mandáit is supposed to partake spiritually of the
repast set out for him.
[26] _Búd-bud_.
[27] _Ba-kí_.
[28] _Pa-lí-na_, the gum of the _ma-gu-bái_ tree.
This ceremony being concluded, the fowl is partaken of, and a little
sugarcane beverage[29] is drunk, if it can be obtained. After the meal,
the priestess recounts in the old archaic language of song the
chronicles of bygone days. This is taken up by such other makers of
Manóbo monody as may be present. If the child proves to be restless, it
is lulled to sleep with the weird staccato of the bamboo guitar.[30]
During the course of the night the two souls are supposed to enter into
mystic consociation with the babe, and thenceforth to be its companions.
[29] _Ín-tus_.
[30] _Tan-kó_.
The following morning the priestess removes the little leaf packages
and, placing them on a rice winnow, tosses them into the air. The
children present at once grab for the packages. The ceremonial canoe,
however, with the offering of fowl, must be left suspended indefinitely.
In the lower half of the Agúsan Valley from San Luis to the mouth of the
Agúsan, a tray of bamboo trelliswork is used for the offering to Mandáit
instead of the sacrificial canoe described above. Otherwise the ritual
is identical.
THE NAMING AND CARE OF THE CHILD
The child receives, without any ceremony or formality, a name that seems
to depend on the caprice of the parents. It is usually that of some
famed ancestor, or of some well-known Manóbo but at other times it may
depend on some happening at the birth. Thus the writer knows of Manóbos
who bore the names Bágio (Typhoon), Línug (earthquake), Bádau (dagger),
Bíhag (captive), Áñglañg (slave), Ká-ug (maggot).
The child is treated by the parents and by the other relatives with the
greatest tenderness. He is petted and pampered from his very youngest
days, and punishment of any kind is seldom administered. A hammock made
out of a hemp skirt or a little bamboo frame, suspended by a string from
a bamboo pole in the fishing-rod style, is often provided for his
resting place. He is tenderly set in one of these by day, and the usual
little maternal devices are used to keep him from crying and to put him
to sleep.
When the little fellow is somewhat bigger and stronger, he is carried
about with his legs straddled across his mother's hip, or allowed to
crawl around the floor. If the mother has to absent herself and there is
no one to watch him, he is simply tied to the floor and left to his own
thoughts. He is not weaned till the advent of another child, or till he
of his own accord relinquishes the breast. His dress is of the simplest
in most cases.
As soon as the male child reaches the age of 7 to 8 years, and is able
to run around, he not infrequently accompanies his father or any other
male relative on a fishing or on a hunting expedition, often carrying
the betel-nut bag or some other object at times almost too heavy for his
tender years. While at home he is often in an emergency sent out to do
little chores. He is bidden to run out and get some betel leaf or some
firewood from the surrounding forest, or again is sent for a little
water. Such errands, however, are the exception. He has most of his time
to himself, and passes it in merry rompings with his little brothers and
cousins. If he lives near the river he spends a few hours a day in the
water, bathing, splashing his playmates, and catching frogs and other
edibles. A favorite pastime of his is to make a diminutive bow and ply
his arrows at some old stump or some unlucky lizard or other living
thing that he may have espied. If monkeys, crows, or other bold
marauders are overnumerous, he probably has to sit out in the rude
watch-house in the little clearing and keep the scarecrows moving, or by
shouts and other means drive off the uninvited pests.
He soon learns to smoke tobacco, to chew betel nut, and even to take a
drink of the brew that is being passed around, and thus he grows up to
be, at the age of 14 or 15, a little full-fledged man with his teeth
blackened, his lips stained, and his bolo at his side.
He enters youth without any special ceremony. It is true that as the boy
grows to puberty his teeth are ground and blackened and he is
tatooed[sic] and circumcised. Such operations might be considered as an
initiation into manhood or at least as a survival of a custom that is so
much in vogue in certain parts of Oceania. In other words, the youth
begins to tattoo and to assume other ornamentation in order that he may
attract the attention of the female portion of the tribe.
It is needless to say that he receives no schooling. In fact, the
average Manóbo who has not come in contact with civilization would not
know what to think of a pencil. On one occasion I accidentally allowed
some Manóbos to see my pencil. The sight of it aroused an animated
discussion as to the nature of the tree that yielded such peculiar wood.
All the schooling which the Manóbo boy gets is from the forest and the
streams. From them he learns to trap the timid deer and to catch the
wily fish. In them he acquires a quick step, a sharp eye, and a keen
ear. In the ways of nature he is a scholar, because the first moment
that he can clamber down the notched pole he betakes himself to the
surrounding forest and schools himself in all her ways and moods.
As soon as the boy reaches the age at which he feels that he is a man,
he ceases to be under paternal restraint, which even up to that age has
been more or less lax. At this period he assumes as much independence as
his father, but will obey any behest without understanding the propriety
or the necessity of complying. As a general rule, filial relations are
most cordial, and great respect is entertained for both parents, but it
may be said that male children respect and love the father, while girls
love their mother.
BIRTH ANOMALIES
MONSTROSITIES
Monstrosities are extremely rare. I met only one case, that of a child
with an abnormally large head.[31] Idiocy also is very uncommon, only
one case having come under my observation.
[31] Bása, Simúlao River, middle Agúsan.
ALBINISM
Albinism also is very infrequent. An albino is considered to be the
child of an evil spirit in so far as one of those relentless demons is
supposed to have exercised a malign influence on the mother. It is
believed that an albino can pay nightly visits to the haunt of its demon
sire. Among the Mandáyas on the upper Kati'il River, I saw some 12 cases
of albinism in a settlement of about 500 Mandáyas. No explanation was
obtained as I did not think it prudent at the time to ask for one.
HERMAPHRODITISM
Hermaphrodites,[32] in a secondary sense, are found occasionally. I am
personally acquainted with five. In every case they were womanly in
their ways, showing a preference for sewing, and other occupations of
women, and frequenting the company of women more than that of men.
[32] _Bán-tut_ (Mandáya _bi-dó_).
In one case at San Isidro, Simúlao River, an hermaphrodite, a fine
specimen of manhood to all appearances, was dressed as a woman. In
another case a Mandáya hermaphrodite of the Báklug River, a few miles
south of Compostela, was married. I was informed on all hands that the
marriage was for the purpose of securing the alliance of the
hermaphrodite's relatives against certain hereditary enemies and that
probably there would be no issue. I hope to get further information on
this point at a future date.
On the Lamíñga River, a tributary of the Kasilaían River, there lived a
woman who presented all the outward characteristics of a man. Her voice
was deep and resonant, her countenance of a male type. She constantly
carried a bolo, by day and by night, and in manual labor, such as
building houses, was the equal of any man in the settlement. She had
never married and had always rejected overtures toward marriage.
CHAPTER XV
DOMESTIC LIFE--MEDICINE, SICKNESS, AND DEATH
MEDICINE AND DISEASE
The subject of Manóbo medicine may be divided into three parts,
according to the causes that are supposed to produce the malady or
according to the means that are used to cure it. These classes will be
described as natural, magic, and religious.
NATURAL MEDICINES AND DISEASES
Natural remedies in the form of roots and herbs are used for the
ordinary bodily ailments that afflict the Manóbo. The following are the
more common forms of sickness: Fever,[1] tuberculosis,[2] pain in the
diaphragm,[3] pains in the stomach and abdomen,[4] pains in the
chest,[5] pain in the head,[6] colds,[7] chronic cough (probably
bronchitis),[8] pernicious malaria,[9] ordinary malaria or chills and
fever,[10] cutaneous diseases,[11] intestinal worms,[12] and some few
others.
[1] _Híñg-yau_.
[2] _Súg-pa_.
[3] _Ka-bú-hi_, or _gi-húb_, probably a reversal of the diaphragm.
[4] _Pús-on_ and _go-túk_.
[5] _Da-gá-ha_.
[6] _Ó-yo_.
[7] _U-bó_.
[8] _Pás-mo_.
[9] _Pid-pid_.
[10] _Ó-yud_.
[11] _Ká-do_.
[12] _Bí-tuk_.
The natural remedies used in the cure of the above-mentioned diseases
are not very numerous, but they are applied as a rule externally. In
each settlement there are always a few who have gained a reputation
above others for their knowledge of these medicines, but their
proficiency is not high as may be judged by the degree of their success
and by the opinion of many of their fellow tribesmen.
For wounds, tobacco juice and the black residue found in a tobacco pipe
are considered an effective ointment. Saliva mixed with betel nut is
used for the same purpose, and also for pains in the stomach. For other
pains the leaves of various trees, according to the knowledge or faith
of each individual, are applied. For pains in the stomach the gall of a
certain snake[13] is said to be efficacious. It is mixed with a little
water and applied externally, or it may be taken internally, provided it
be mixed with a little powder from a piece of pulverized plate.[14]
[13] _Ba-ku-sán_. The gall of this snake is reported as being a panacea
used by the Mamánuas.
[14] _Píñg-gan_, an imported plate of very inferior make.
The perfume of certain resins and especially that of the _manumbá_ tree
are considered medicinal in some cases.
The root of a tree called _lú-na_ when left to steep in water, is said
to be a very potent remedy for pains in the stomach. The seed of the
_sá-i_ grass is also used for the same purpose, and is said to be a
prophylactic against stomach troubles.
No amount of persuasion will overcome the Manóbos' suspicions of
European medicine till the administrator of it follows the old saying of
"Physician, heal thyself," and takes the first dose. In any case it is
not prudent to offer it except after long acquaintance, for should any
change for the worse occur in the patient's condition after taking the
foreign medicine he might imitate people of greater intellectual
caliber, and say, as he probably would, "Post hoc, ergo propter hoc,"
and the ensuing events might be sudden and unexpected.
On one occasion I administered a small dose of quinine to a child that
was suffering from fever. It died the following day. The father, who had
requested me to give the child some medicine, through the medium of a
Mañgguáñgan, sent me a few days later a present of a chicken and about
two glassfuls of sugarcane brew, and would not accept a reciprocatory
gift of beads and jingle bells that I sent him. The chicken and the
beverage were partaken of in due time, each of my servants drinking
about half a glass of the liquor. The following morning at about 4
o'clock I awoke with a sense of impending death. The servants were
called and they, too, complained of an uneasy feeling and one of them
suggested that we might have been poisoned. A dose of ipecacuanha saved
our lives, and at about 9 o'clock I proceeded to look for the bearer of
the gift, but was unable to locate him, as he had gone to his forest
home. A diplomatic investigation revealed the fact that he was an expert
in poisons and that the poison administered to me in the liquor was
probably the root of the _túbli_ vine that is also used for poisoning
fish.
Fragrant flowers and redolent seeds and herbs are thought to be very
efficacious for the relief of headaches, fainting spells, and for the
peculiar diaphragm trouble referred to before. The resin of the
_magubái_ tree, which also is used as incense in ceremonial rites, is
considered very potent. I have frequently seen patients held over the
smoke till I thought that death by suffocation would result.
In fine, it may be said that the Manóbos' knowledge of medicinal plants
is very limited, and his application of them equally so, for as soon as
he thinks that the condition of the patient has changed for the worse
the malady is at once attributed to preternatural causes, and
corresponding remedies are resorted to.
On casual observation it might appear that the sick are neglected, but
this is not the case. The relatives, especially the womenfolk, display
the tenderest solicitude toward them and keep them provided with an
abundance of food. The lack of blankets leaves the patient exposed to
the inequalities of temperature and explains, no doubt, the frequent
occurrence of colds, of rheumatism, and sometimes of tuberculosis. This
also may account for the high death rate among children.
MAGIC AILMENTS AND MEANS OF PRODUCING THEM
It is a common thing to hear that a _kometán_ was the cause of a
person's death. This may be defined as a secret method by which death is
superinduced in a certain person by means either supposedly magic in
character or so secret in administration that they may be looked upon as
magic. Thus (to give an example of a purely magical sickness), it is
thought that by making a wooden mannikin to represent the victim and by
mistreating it the person whom it represents will immediately fall sick
and die unless countervailing methods are employed to neutralize the
effects of the charm. I heard of a case in the lower Agúsan near
Esperanza where a wooden figure was made to represent the person of a
thief. The figure was cruelly tortured by sticking a bolo into its head,
and when sufficient punishment had been administered to cause its death,
had it been a thing of life, it was buried amid much wailing. I was
assured that the party whom it represented was taken with a lingering
disease shortly afterwards and finally died.
The belief in the _kometán_ or secret means of superinducing sickness is
widespread, but it is difficult to obtain reliable data on the subject
because, for obvious reasons, no one will admit that he is acquainted
with the secret nor will he affirm that anyone else is unless it be a
person so far away that there is no danger of future complications by
reason of the imputation.
THE COMPOSITION OF A FEW "KOMETÁN"
1. The fine flossy spiculæ of a species of bamboo[15] placed in the food
or in the drink is supposed to cause a slow, lingering sickness that
ends in death.
[15] _Caña bojo_, or bamboo of the genus _Schizostachyum_.
2. A piece of a dead man's bone pulverized and put into the food, even
into the betel-nut quid, is said to have the same effect but in a more
expeditious way, as it superinduces death within a few months.
3. Another reported _kometán_ consists of the blood of a woman dried in
the sun and exposed to the light of the moon. This is mixed with human
hair cut very fine. Administered in the food, it produces a slow
lingering disease that leads to the grave. It is said that after death
the hair reappears resting upon the lips and nostrils.
4. Human hair mixed with bits of fingernails and powdered glass is said
to be especially virulent. The secret of compounding it is known only to
a few. I was informed that the knowledge of this secret composition was
acquired from Bisáyas.[16]
[16] It is called _pa-ágai_.
It is generally believed that the war chiefs are provided with
antidotes[17] against the _kometán_. In fact, several assured me that
they possessed them, but they were unwilling to enter into any details.
I once saw a little bottleful of strange-looking herbs and water sold
for P2.50. It was said to be an antidote against the particular species
of _kometán_, which, on being placed in the path, would affect the one
for whom it was intended when he passed the spot.
[17] _Súm-pa_.
A piece of lodestone,[18] or even an ordinary toy magnet, is thought, in
certain localities, to act as a safeguard against divers kinds of evil
charms.
[18] _Bá-to bá-ni_.
OTHER MAGIC MEANS
I found a prevalent belief in the existence of an _aphrodisiac_[19]
which is said to consist of wax made by a small insect called _kí-ut_,
and of the ashes of various trees. The secret of compounding it is known
to very few. There is a persistent rumor that this was first learned
from the Mamánuas,[20] who are supposed to be very proficient in the
making and use of it even to this day. If a little of the composition is
put on the dress of a woman, or, better still, if a little packet of it
is attached to her girdle charms she will become attached to the man who
placed it there and will aid him, as far as it can be done, in his suit
for her hand.
[19] Called _hu-pai_.
[20] It is strange that the more advanced tribes in eastern Mindanáo
attribute a knowledge of magic methods to inferior ones. I have been
informed that both Mamánuas and Mañgguáñgans are more expert in the
manufacture and administration of charms than other tribes.
There is also a charm which is said to produce an aversion or dislike
between those who had formerly been friends.
Bezoar stones are hard substances, of a dark color, and vary in size
from a pea to a chestnut. They are said to be found in various trees and
plants,[21] and animals and fishes such as the monkey and eel.
[21] Such as the _a-nís-lag_, the _tú-ba_, the _túb-li_.
Their properties are both medicinal and magic. Thus the bezoar stones
from three different plants are supposed to be efficacious in the hour
of birth, but, at the same time, in all the doings of life they give the
fortunate possessor success over his rival. Hence they are called
_pandáug_, that is, they will enable one to get ahead of or beat
another. There is a bezoar stone from the _banti_ tree that gets its
owner to a place more quickly than his rival.
BODILY AILMENTS PROCEEDING FROM SUPERNATURAL CAUSES
_Sickness due to capture of the soul by an inimical spirit_.--When a
malady is of such a nature that it can not be diagnosed, or of so
serious a character that fear is entertained for the recovery of the
patient, it is ascribed to the maleficence of evil spirits, and
supernatural means are resorted to in order to save the captured soul
from their spirit clutches. For this purpose the priest intercedes with
his divine tutelars, and prevails upon them, by offerings and promises,
to rescue the captive. If the ailment is attributed to the war
divinities, then the warrior chief becomes the officiant and, after
appeasing the angry spirit with a blood offering, secures the release of
the unfortunate soul.
_Epidemics attributed to the malignancy of sea demons_.--Epidemics of
cholera and smallpox are thought to be due directly to evil spirits who
bring the diseases from their faraway sea haunts.
It is said that friendly deities and war spirits of the settlement
announce from the lofty mountain heights the approach of these
pestiferous demons. Thus, I was assured by many in the Kasilaían River
district, that Mount Tatamba on a tributary of the Lamiñga River gave
out a loud booming noise before the epidemic of 1903-4. The same is said
of Mount _Mag-diuáta_ by the Súlibao people. Be that as it may, those
who live along the main rivers scurry away on the approach of contagion
into the depths of the forest or upon the heights of the mountains, and
do not return until they feel assured that all danger is past. I was a
personal witness of this among the upper Agúsan Manóbos, where I found a
settlement, more than one year after the appearance of a contagious
disease, still ensconced in the heart of the forest a few miles away
from all water.[22]
[22] The inhabitants lived on the water that exuded from a tree known as
_ba-sí-kung_.
The reason given for avoiding the larger watercourses during epidemics
is that streams are thought to be the high roads for the sea demons when
they come upon their work of destruction. There were never wanting some
in each settlement who had seen these demons under some monstrous form
or other.
_Propitiation of the demons of contagious diseases_.--Besides such
offerings as may be made to them during the regular ritual, there is a
special method of propitiating these plague bearers and thereby of
inducing them to betake themselves whither they hailed.
A raftlet[23] is made of bamboo, with a platform of the same material
raised several inches above the surface of the craft. This is adorned
with palm fronds arched over it. Upon it is firmly lashed a young pig or
a large fowl, of a white color, and by its side are placed various other
offerings of betel nut, rice, or eggs, according to the bounty and
good will of the priest and of the settlement. When all is ready, it is
taken to the water's edge about sunset, for that is the hour when the
mightiest of the demons begin their destructive march. Here the priest
makes an address to the demon of the epidemic, descanting on the value
of the offerings, the scarcity of victims at that particular time, the
reasons for mutual friendship between him (the demon) and the
settlement. The demon is then requested to accept these tokens of good
will and to go his seaward way. The disease itself, though never
mentioned by name, is requested in the same manner to take passage upon
the raft and to accompany its master downstream. The raft is then
launched into the water and allowed to follow the will of the current.
No one may even touch it or approach it on its downward course, for it
has become foul by contact with its pestilential owners.[24]
[23] _Gá-kit_.
[24] Bisáyas have no scruples in appropriating the fat fowls and pigs
thus found floating to doom.
SICKNESS AND DEATH
THE THEORY OF DEATH
Except in the case of a warrior chief, or a priest, or one who has met
his end at the hands of an enemy, death is ordinarily attributed to the
maleficence of the inimical spirits. The latter are believed to be
relentless, insatiable demons "seeking whom they may devour." In some
mysterious manner they are said to waylay a poor defenseless soul, and
ruthlessly hold it in captivity till such time as it suits their whims,
when they actually devour it. Notwithstanding the numerous explanations
given to me throughout the Agúsan Valley, I have never been able to
satisfy myself as to the various circumstances of time, place, and
manner in which the capture and consumption of the soul takes place.
Suffice it to say, however, that in its essential points this is the
universal belief: One of the soul companions is seized, and the owner
falls sick. Every available means is tried to effect a cure. When
everything fails the priest declares that the ailment is due, not to any
natural infirmity, but to the capture or wounding of one of the souls of
the patient by inimical spirits. Sacrifices are ordered, during which
usually a large number (from four to eight) of priests of both sexes
invoke their various divinities and beseech them to rescue the spirit
companion of the patient. During these ceremonies the priests describe
minutely how the capture was effected. In lengthy chants they set forth
the efforts of their deities to find the missing soul; they describe how
they travel to the ends of the sky, seeking the cruel captors and vowing
vengence[sic] upon their heads. They are said to make use of an
_espiho_[25] to discover the whereabouts of the enemy and of the
captive. The recapture of the soul and frequently the mighty encounter
between the good and bad spirits is chanted out at length by the
priests. I was told that in some cases the rescued soul is taken to the
home of the deities and there consoled with feast and dance and song
before its return to its earthly companion.
[25] This _es-pi-ho_ (from Spanish _espejo_, a looking-glass) is some
kind of a wonderful telescope by which objects can be described at the
farther extremities of the firmament. No lurking place is so remote or
so secret as to be hidden from its marvelous power.
FEAR OF THE DEAD AND OF THE DEATH SPIRITS
The utter fear, not only of the malignant spirits but also of the person
of the dead and of his soul, is one of the most peculiar features of
Manóbo culture. In the death chamber and hovering around the resting
place of the dead there is a certain noxious influence[26] by the
infection of which one is liable to become an object of attraction to
the dark-visaged, hungry, soul ghouls that, lured by the odor, stalk to
the death house and await an opportunity to secure a victim.
[26] _Bá-ho_.
Then, again, the envious spirits of the dead are feared, for they, in
their eagerness to participate in the farewell and final death feast,
avail themselves of every occasion to injure the living in some
mysterious but material way. Sickness, especially one in which the only
symptoms are emaciation and debility, are attributed to their noxious
influence. Failure of the crops, bodily accidents, want of success in
important undertakings--these and a thousand and one other things--are
attributed to a lack of proper attention to the envious dead. "You have
been affected by an _umagad_,"[27] is a common saying to express the
peculiar effect that the departed may cause on the living. To avert this
unkindly feeling and thereby prevent the evil consequences of it, it is
not an infrequent thing to see propitiatory offerings made to the
departed in the shape of betel nut, chickens, and other things. In one
instance the father of a child that had died, presumptively from eating
new rice, imposed upon himself an abstinence from that article for a
period of several months.
[27] _In-um-a-gád ka_.
As another evidence of fear of the departed souls may be cited the
unwillingness of the Manóbo to use anything that belonged to the dead,
such as clothes. An exception, however, is made in the case of weapons
and other heirlooms,[28] all of which have been consecrated and are
supposed not to retain the odor or evil influence of death.
[28] _Án-ka_.
Offerings made to the dead to appease their ill will are not partaken of
by the living. They are supposed to produce baneful effects.[29] Hence
they are carefully removed to the outside of the house after the
departed visitor is supposed to have regaled himself. This applies to
betel-nut offerings, and to such offerings as chickens and pigs that in
cases of unusual pestering on the part of the dead may be set out with a
view to propitiating them.
[29] _Ka-dú-ut_.
One or more priests are present invariably in the death chamber. The
female priests take up their position near the corpse, and by the use of
lemons, pieces of the _sa-sá_ reed, and other things, said to be feared
by the demons, protect themselves and those present. Hence, during the
average "wake" the womenfolk huddle around the priestesses with many a
startled glance. On one occasion I saw a male priest take up his stand
at the door, lance poised, ready to dispatch such spirits as might dare
to intrude into the death chamber. Drums and gongs are beaten throughout
the night, not merely as a distraction for their grief but as a menace
to the ever-present demons.
An acquaintance of mine in San Luis, middle Agúsan, is reported to have
wounded seven evil spirits in one evening on the occasion of a death. I
was assured by many in the town that they had seen the gory lance after
each encounter.
Several other precautions besides those mentioned above are taken to
secure immunity from the stealthy attacks of the demons. A fire is kept
burning under the house, and the usual magic impediments, such as
_sa-sá_ reed, lemons, and a piece of iron, are placed underneath the
floor as menace to these insatiate spirits. Moreover, the food while
still in the process of cooking is never left unguarded, lest some
malicious spirit should slyly insert therein poison wherewith to kill
his intended victim or to spirit away an unwary soul.
For several days both before and after the death, supper is almost
invariably partaken of before sunset, as this is the hour when the most
mighty of the demons are supposed to go forth on their career of
devastation. If, however, it should be necessary to take supper after
sunset, it is the invariable custom to put a mat on the floor and
thereby foil the stealthy spirits in their endeavors to slip some
baneful influence[30] into the plates from below.
[30] This custom is prevalent among many of the Bisáyas of eastern
Mindanáo and may perhaps explain the origin of the peculiar low table
used by them.
After the burial it is almost an invariable rule for the inmates of a
house to abandon it. This remark, however, does not hold good in the
case of the decease of priests, warrior chiefs, and children, nor in the
case of those who have been slain in war. Should a stranger, or one who
is not a relative of the inmates, die in the house, it is an established
custom to collect the value of the house from the relatives of the
deceased. Father Pastells in one of the "Cartas de los PP. de la
Compañía de Jesús" cites an incident that happened to him in the house
of Selúñgan on the upper Sálug in the year 1878. It seems that one of
Pastells' followers died and that Selúñgan desired to collect the value
of the house. I know of one case where the fine was actually collected.
I was asked by a warrior chief on the upper Tágo, who would pay for the
house in the case of my death.
INCIDENTS ACCOMPANYING DEATHS
When death ensues, the relatives burst forth into loud wails of grief.
In one death scene that I witnessed the wife of the deceased fell down
on the floor, and in the wildness of her grief kept striking her head
against the _palma brava_ slats until she rendered herself unconscious.
Upon returning to herself, she violently embraced the corpse of her
deceased husband, bidding him return. Then she broke out into loud
imprecations against her tutelary deities upbraiding them for their
ingratitude in not having saved her husband's soul from the clutches of
its enemies. She bade them be off, would have no more to do with them,
and finally ended up by bidding them go on the war trail and destroy the
foul spirits that deprived her of her husband.
In nearly every death scene that I witnessed this last procedure was the
ordinary one, and I may say that it is quite characteristic of the
Manóbo.
On several occasions I witnessed some fierce displays of fury, to which
the mourners were driven by their poignant grief for some beloved
relative. In one instance the father of the deceased, drawing his bolo,
started to hack down one of the house posts, and in another the son,
after a frantic outburst of grief, seizing his shield and lance,
declared that he would ease his sorrow in the joy of victory over his
enemies and actually had to be detained by his relatives.
The grief and fury felt on these occasions will readily explain the
frequency of war raids after the occurrence of a death. This was
explained to me by Líno of the upper Sálug, probably the greatest
warrior of eastern Mindanáo, in the following manner: "After the decease
of a near relative, our enemies will rejoice and may, as is done with
frequency, proclaim their joy. We do not feel in good humor anyhow, so,
if it can be arranged speedily, we start off to assuage the sorrow of
our friends and our relatives with the palms of triumph."
This statement of Líno may explain the origin of the taboo that is
observed throughout the Agúsan Valley. The taboo referred to prohibits
anyone except a near relative from visiting the house of the deceased
for seven days after the death. It is suggested that this custom was
instituted to prevent the enemy from learning whether an expedition was
being set afoot. To enforce compliance with this custom, the trails
leading to the house are closed by putting a few branches across them at
a short distance from the house. It is not infrequent to find a broken
jar suspended (or placed) at these points, symbolic, probably, of the
cruel fate that may overtake the transgressor. Infringements of this
taboo are punished with a fine that varies from P5 to P15.
PREPARATION OF THE CORPSE
After the first paroxysm of grief has subsided, the body of the deceased
is washed, the greatest delicacy in exposing the person being shown, and
it is then attired in the finest garments obtainable. No personal
ornaments, such as necklaces and bracelets, are removed. Charms and
talismans, however, are removed, being considered heirlooms. The corpse
is then laid on its back, with the hands lying at the side, in the rude
coffin.
There is a tradition that, in the olden days, the bolo of the deceased
used to be buried with him but I never saw this done. The bolo, however,
was placed by his side in a few cases that I witnessed. Among the
mountain Manóbos there exists the custom of winding strands of colored
cotton on the fingers and feet of young girls and maidens after death. I
witnessed this in the upper Agúsan, and, in answer to my inquiry, was
informed that such was the custom of the Agusánon people.
The coffin is a hexagonal receptacle hewn out of a log,[31] and provided
with a truncated prism lid of the same wood. It frequently has a few
ornamental tracings of soot or other pigment, and where European cloth
is procurable a few pieces may be employed as a wrapping. The corpse is
wrapped in a mat and laid in the coffin, the head being placed upon a
rude pillow of wood. The coffin is then firmly lashed with rattan and is
not removed till the hour for interment. Frequently lemons, _sá-i_
grass, and various other redolent herbs are placed on or near it with a
view, I was told, to repressing the odor of the dead. It is probable,
however, that they are thought to have magic or other virtues. They
certainly are objects of fear to the death demons.
[31] _A-yu-yao_, said to be very durable, being found in perfect
preservation after two years; _kibidid_ or _ilang-ilang_ are also used.
The wailing, weird and wild, of the women was violent in nearly every
case I witnessed, especially when the corpse was taken out of the house
on its way to the burial place. The grief displayed by the male
relatives is not so intense but I noticed frequently that even they
broke into tears. I may add here that I was often informed that the
absence of the outward signs of grief is an infallible evidence of a
speedy death, and that it is considered unlucky to allow one's tears to
fall on the corpse.
Before describing the burial, I desire to mention a peculiar proceeding
which I observed on one occasion.[32] Before the corpse had been placed
in the coffin, one of those present, seizing a dog, placed it
transversely on the breast of the deceased for a few seconds. I was told
that the object of the action was to remove the dog's bad luck[33] by
putting him in the above-mentioned position, as he had for some time
been rather unlucky in the chase. This proceeding was verified by
subsequent inquiries in other settlements, and the custom and its
explanation were found to be identical with the above mentioned.
[32] San Luis, 1906.
[33] _Pá-yad_.
THE FUNERAL
As a rule the burial takes place the morning after the death, unless the
death occurred during the night, in which case it takes place the
following afternoon. Decomposition is never allowed to set in.
When all is ready, a last tribute and farewell are paid to the deceased.
The family priest sets an offering of betel nut near the coffin,
beseeching the dead one to depart in peace and bear no ill will to the
living. He promises at the same time that the mortuary feast[34] will be
prepared with all possible speed. The deceased is addressed, usually by
several relatives and friends who wish him well in his new home and
repeat the invitation to come to the death feast and bring grandfather
and grandmother and all other relatives that had preceded him to the
land of Ibú.
[34] _Ka-ta-pús-an_.
Then, amid great wailing, the coffin is borne away hastily. Only men
assist at the burial, and as a rule a male priest, sometimes several,
accompany the funeral party in order to assist them against the evil
ones that throng to the grave. The priests take up their positions, as I
witnessed on several occasions, at strategic points behind trees, with
balanced lance and not infrequently with shield. I have seen others
provided with _sa-sá_ reed in anticipation of wounding some over-bold
spirits.
I observed a very peculiar custom on several occasions. On the way to
the grave the men indulged in wild shouts. No other explanation was
offered except that such was the custom. It was suggested, however, that
it is a means of driving off the demons who may have got the scent of
death, or, again, it may be to warn travelers that there is a funeral,
thus enabling them to avoid meeting it, as this is said to be most
unlucky.
I have heard of the dead being buried under the house. However, the
practice is infrequent and is usually followed at the request of the
dying one. It is needless to add that the house and neighboring crops
are abandoned. When possible a high piece of ground is selected in the
very heart of the forest and a small clearing is made. The work at the
grave is apportioned without much parleying, some of the men devoting
themselves to making the customary roof[35] to be placed over the grave,
while others do the excavating. Sometimes a fence is erected around the
burying ground. The work always proceeds in absolute silence, and a fire
is always kept burning as a menace to the evil spirits. When all is
ready, the coffin is laid in its resting place and covered in all haste.
Here it may be remarked with regard to the orientation of the corpse,
that men are buried with their feet toward the east and women with their
feet toward the west. Then the little roof is set upon four supports
about 45 centimeters above the grave. One of those present, sometimes a
priest, lays a plate with seven offerings of betel nut upon the grave.
Then an earthen pot[36] with its collation of boiled rice[37] and with a
hole broken in the bottom of it is hung up under the roof.
[35] _Bin-aí-iu_.
[36] _Kó-don_.
[37] Imported rice can not be used.
As explained to me, rice is intended as a last refection for the
departed one before he sets out on his journey to the land of Ibú. The
hole that is invariably made in the bottom is intended, so I was told by
many, to facilitate the consumption of the rice. The family heirlooms
are occasionally brought to the grave but are not left there.
There is a common tradition to the effect that the ancient mode of
sepulture was a more pompous and solemn affair than the present one. I
was told that the deceased was buried with all his personal arms, except
his lance and shield, which were laid over his grave. Sacred jars[38]
were also left. I never have been able to get sufficient information as
to the exact whereabouts of the old burial grounds. The cave of Tinágo
near Taganáan, about 12 miles south of Surigáo, is easily accessible.
The Bisáyas of the town state that it was a burial place for the ancient
Bisáyas, but Montano, who procured some skulls from this cave,
pronounced it to be a Manóbo cemetery. The fact is, however, that up to
this day the townspeople repair to the cave on occasions and invoke
their ancestors. I was told of one gambler who used to go there and burn
a candle in order to increase his luck.
[38] _Ba-hán-di_.
The mourners carefully efface the footprints that have been made by them
on the loose clay around the grave and, scurrying away sadly and
silently, leave the dead one in the company of the spirits of darkness.
Henceforth this, the resting place of one who was beloved in life,
possibly of a loving wife, or of a darling child, will be eschewed as a
place of terror where stalk with silent footfall and dark-visaged face
the foul and insatiate soul ghouls.
On arriving at the house whence they started, the funeral party
invariably find a vessel, usually a coconut-shell cup, containing a
mixture of water and herbs,[39] placed at the door of the house. Each
one in turn wets his hands and purifies himself by rubbing the water on
some portion of his body. I never saw this process omitted. The
explanation afforded me was that the water had a purificatory[40] effect
in removing the evil influence to which they had become susceptible by
contact with the dead. After the burial, a little repast is set out by
way of compensation for those who assisted at the burial, and then
begins the time of mourning which ends only with the mortuary feast.
[39] I was told that _u-li-ú-li_ grass is always used as an ingredient.
[40] _Pan-dí-has_.
CERTAIN MOURNING TABOOS ARE OBSERVED
(1) Black must be worn by the nearest relatives.
(2) For seven days the wife and nearest relatives must remain confined
to the house.
(3) The house must be abandoned or the inmates must change their
sleeping quarters to another part of the house.
(4) No marriage can be celebrated by any of the carnal relatives until
the death feast has been celebrated.
(5) The deceased must not be mentioned by name, but spoken of as "my
father" or "my cousin" or other relative. This taboo holds indefinitely.
(6) No work must be undertaken nor business of any importance
transacted, by the nearer relatives, for seven days.
(7) No one other than a near relative may visit the house for seven days
after the decease.
DEATH AND BURIAL OF ONE KILLED BY AN ENEMY, OF A WARRIOR CHIEF, AND OF A
PRIEST
As one killed by an enemy is thought to have suffered no ill through the
machinations of the evil ones, his death is considered a glorious one,
and he is buried fearlessly. It sometimes happens that, due to the
distance between the place where he was killed and his home, it is found
impossible to convey his body to the settlement. He is, accordingly,
buried in some convenient spot in the forest without further ceremony.
No mortuary feast is held for him because he is supposed to enter the
abode of his chief's war deity and there to await the coming of his
chief.
I never witnessed the death of a warrior chief, but I made numerous
inquiries from which I gleaned the following particulars: The death and
burial of a warrior chief seems not to differ from that of an ordinary
person except in the greater pomp displayed and in the absence of fear.
The tutelary war deities, either one or several, of the warrior chief
are present and the evil spirits are said to maintain a respectful
distance. The war chief's spirit companions or souls, which it is
maintained are susceptible to injury at the hands of demons, are present
and accompany him to the home of his tutelar deities, as do also
Mandaláñgan or Mandayáñgan, the great ancestral hero of Manóboland.
The war chief has no special burial ground, nor any special mode of
sepulture, though I heard on the upper part of the Tágo River, in the
eastern part on Mindanáo, that a certain Ónkui, an acquaintance of mine,
had been buried in a dugout placed on the summit of a mountain. This
report appears from further investigation to be true. I have heard of a
similar practice at the headwaters of the Ihawán River.
There is no material difference between the mortuary customs at the
death of a priest and those practiced at that of a warrior chief. The
tutelar deities of the priest are all present, together with all their
relatives and friends of the unseen world. His seven spirit companions
or souls are also present, so that little or no fear of the uncanny
demons is exhibited by the mourners.
THE AFTER WORLD
The land of Ibú is described as being somewhere down below the pillars
of the earth. It is said to resemble, in all particulars, this world of
ours. Lofty mountains, lakes, rivers, and plains, such as are seen in
the Agúsan Valley, exist there. About halfway between this world and the
big country of Ibú, mistress of the lower world, is a large river
described to me as being as big as the Agúsan, but with red water. Here
lives Manduyápit, the ferryman. From Manduyápit's to Ibú's is said to be
a journey of seven days along a good broad trail. Americans, Spaniards,
and peoples of other nations do not pass on the Manóbo's trail because
each is said to have its own, and the country of Ibú is said to be
divided into districts, one for each nation.
Hence, when the soul or spirit companion of the deceased finds that it
is all alone, its fellow spirit having been ruthlessly seized and
devoured, it begins its long journey to Ibú's. One week's travel brings
it to the great red river. Here it is ferried across gratuitously by
Manduyápit, and begins the second half of its journey. On arriving at
Ibú's it naturally seeks the spirits of its relatives, preferably its
nearest relative, and takes up its abode with them. If Manduyápit, for
one reason or another, should refuse to ferry it across, it returns to
its starting place and plagues its former friends for aid. The priest is
made aware of this and interprets to the relatives of the returning one
the reason for its failure to pass the great red river.
If the souls of the deceased should desire to pay a visit to their
living relatives, they invoke the family deities and are borne back to
the world on the wings of the wind, without having to undergo the
fatigues of the 14 days' journey.
Ibú's great settlement is no gloomy Hades, nor, on the other hand, is it
a paradise of celestial joy. It is simply a continuation of the present
life, except that all care and worry and trouble are ended. The spirits
of deceased earthly relatives take up their abode in one house and pass
a quiet existence under the mild sway of Ibú. There they eat, work, and
even marry. Occasionally, with the aid of the family deities with whom
they can commune, they pay a brief visit to the home of their living
relatives and then return to the tranquil realms of Ibú as fleetly as
they came.
THE DEATH FEAST[41]
[41] _Ka-ta-pú-san_, meaning end, termination.
The death feast is the most important of all Manóbo feasts, for it marks
the ending of all relations between the living and their departed
relatives. Until its celebration the immediate relatives of the deceased
are said to fare poorly. In some mysterious way the departed are said to
harm them until they have received this final fete. Hence, the nearest
relative sets himself to work with all dispatch to provide the necessary
pigs, beverage, and rice for the feast. It is a common belief that
unless this celebration is as sumptuous as possible, ill luck may still
pursue them. This will explain the long delay so frequently observed
before the celebration of this festivity. I know of several such feasts
which were not held until nearly a year after the decease, the delay
being due to inability to secure sufficient edibles for the death
revels. The importance and magnitude of this feast will be readily
understood when one bears in mind the fact that, when given by a
well-to-do Manóbo, it is attended by everybody in the vicinity, and
lasts frequently for a period of seven days. It happens occasionally
that, in the interim between the death of one member of a family and the
death feast, another member of the same family goes his mortal way. In
such a case only one feast is held for the two departed ones.
The religious character of the feast deserves special mention. The
dinner being prepared, an ordinary winnow is set out in the middle of
the floor and on it are placed cooked rice and, when obtainable,
bananas. Around the winnowing tray are set all the requisites for a
plenteous meal. Then the relatives sit around on the floor in a circle
and each one lays on the tray his offering of betel nut to the deceased.
The family priests act as interpreters and intermediaries. The deceased
are then addressed, care being taken never to mention their names. They
are called, father, brother, etc., by relatives, and by those who are
not relatives, father of so-and-so, or sister of so-and-so, mentioning
the name of the corresponding living relative. The near relatives then
give salutary advice to the dead one as to the future dealings between
the latter and the living. They are begged to have a little patience,
are reminded that only a few years hence all will be united in the land
of Ibú, and are requested to accept this final feast as a farewell until
that time. "You shall go your way and molest us not. Let this feast be a
token of good will and a final farewell till we meet you in the realms
of Ibú." Such, in brief, is the strain of discourse consisting of
exhortations, advice, supplication, and valediction[sic], that lasts
several hours.
Finally a handful of rice is formed by the oldest relative into an image
suggestive of a human figure and the deceased are invited to approach
and to partake of the viands. The relatives pass the rice mannikin
around, each one taking a bite or two out of it. While this is being
done, the dead are invited to eat heartily, the living relatives
exhorting the dead ones; one urging them to take more soup, another to
increase their meat, another to take more bananas, and all reminding the
deceased diners of the great expense incurred in connection with this
banquet. The priests describe the actions of the mystic diners and the
hearty appetite with which they partake of the fragrance of the viands,
after their long journey from Ibúland.
During the mystic meal no one dares to approach the rice winnow, but
when the meal is finished, those who carried the deceased to his last
resting place approach the winnow and, raising it up in their hands,
with an upward movement conjointly toss the victuals into the air,
retreating instantly to avoid the food in its fall, for should a
particle of it touch their persons it is considered a prognostication of
speedy death. The origin and significance of this peculiar custom, which
I witnessed on many occasions, have never been explained to me. Inquiry
elicited no further information than that it was the custom.
Such is the repast of the dead and the ending of all relations between
them and the living. Henceforth they are not feasted, as they have no
more claim on the hospitality of the living. In all the greater
religious celebrations, however, they are present and receive an
offering of betel nut, which is placed at the doorway for them but they
are not invited to the feast.
The secular and social part of the feast in no wise differ from any
other celebration, except that those who buried the deceased have marked
attention paid them. There are the same motley group of primitive men
and women, the same impartial distribution of the food, the same wild
shouts of merriment, the same rivalry to finish each one his allotted
portion, the same generous reciprocation of food and drink, and,
finally, the same condition of inebriation that on many such occasions
has abruptly terminated the feast by a fatal quarrel.[42]
[42] An instance of a killing had taken place a short time before my
visit in 1909 to the Manóbos of the Binuñgñgaan River, upper Agúsan.
The rest of the day, and probably a goodly portion of the night, are
spent in dancing to the tattooing of the drum and the clanging of the
gong, interrupted at times by long tribal chants of the priests and
others versed in chronicles of Manóboland.
If the death revels continue more than one day, the second day is a
repetition of the first with the exception that only the betel-nut
offering is made to the dead. As the celebration of this mortuary feast
is the termination of the anxious period of mourning, and the release
from the subtle secret importunateness of the dead, everybody with his
wife and children flocks to the scene. No relative of the departed one
may be absent for that would leave him still exposed to the strange
waywardness of the envious dead.
CHAPTER XVI
SOCIAL ENJOYMENTS
INSTRUMENTAL MUSIC
THE DRUM
The drum is the instrument of universal use in Manóboland. Wherever one
travels, by day or by night, its measured booming may be heard. It is
made out of a piece of a palm tree, by removing the core and bark. It is
ordinarily about 25 centimeters high by 20 centimeters in diameter. The
top and bottom consist, in nearly every case, of a piece of deerskin,[1]
from which the fur has been scraped, a little fringe of it, however,
being left around the edges to prevent the hide from slipping when
stretched. The stretching is effected by means of rattan rings or
girdles, very often covered with cloth, and just large enough to fit the
cylindrical body of the drum. A few blows with a piece of wood forces
these girdles down the sides of the drum, thereby stretching the heads
perfectly tight so as to give the drum the proper tone. After a certain
amount of heating over the fire the drum is ready for use. No attempts
at ornamentation are made, the heavy ends of the hide being left
protruding in an ungainly way.
[1] Monkey and lizard skins are made use of in rare instances, and I
have heard it said that the skin of a dog makes a very fine drumhead.
The drum is played at either end, and in certain tunes at both ends. The
left hand serves to bring out the notes corresponding to our bass. The
drum is tapped, with more or less force and rapidity, on an upturned
head with the left hand, while the right hand with a piece of wood,
preferably a little slat of bamboo, raps out the after beat. Manóbo men,
women, and children can play the drum and mention the names of from 20
to 50 rhythms, each one of which is to their trained ears so different
that it can be recognized at once. The rhythms are varied by the number
of beats of the right hand to one of the left, and by the different
degrees of speed with which the tune is played. The general beat may be
compared to the dactyl of ancient Greek and Roman versification. The
left hand plays the long syllable, if we may so speak, while the right
plays the two short ones. The combinations, however, are as intricate as
the versification just referred to.
As the nomenclature[2] used in speaking of the tunes indicates, the
various forms of drum music are based on imitations of animals and
birds, or are adapted to certain occasions, such as the war roll
signaling for help.
[2] The following are some of the names of drum-tunes:
_Sin-ak-aí-sá-kai_ (significant of the movement of a raft or canoe);
_kum-bá-kum-bá to u-sá_ (imitative of the sporting of a deer);
_kin-am-pi-lán_ (indicative of the flourishing of the Moro weapon called
_kampilan)_; _Min-an-dá-ya_, an adaptation from the Mandáyas;
_bo-túñg-bó-tuñg_, _ka-ta-hud-án_, _ya-mút-yá-mut_, _pa-di-dít_,
_pin-án-dan_, _pa-tug-da-dúk tí-bañg_, _min-añg-gu-áñg-an_, _tin-úm-pi_,
_ma-sañg-aú-it_, _to-mán-do_, _in-ág-kui_, _pa-dú-au_, _bin-ág-bad_,
_pai-úm-bug_, _pa-dúg-kug_, _tum-bá-lig_, _mañg-úd_.
To one who hears Manóbo drum music for the first time, it sounds dull
and monotonous, but as the ear grows accustomed to the roll the compass
can be detected and the skill of the drummer becomes apparent. Now loud
and then soft, now fast and then slow, the tune is rattled off in
perfect measure and with inspiring verve. As one travels through the
crocodile-infested lake region in the middle Agúsan on a calm night, the
Manóbo drums may be heard tattooing from distant settlements. They
produce a solemn but weird impression on the listener.
THE GONG
The gong[3] is of the small imported type and is purchased from Bisáya
traders. As these gongs, when new, have several ornamental triangular
figures on the front, the Manóbo is taught to value them at as many
pesos minus one as the gong has figures. This gives a gong that cost
originally about 2 pesos a value of 4 or 5 pesos.
[3] _A-guñg_.
As a musical instrument it is played in combination with the drum.
Suspended from something or held up in the hand, it is beaten on the
knob with a piece of wood. The general time kept is the same as that
kept by the left hand of the drummer. Its constant clanging serves to
heighten the animation of the dance.
Both the drum and gong have a certain religious character. They are used
in all greater religious celebrations and seem to be a part of the
paraphernalia of the priest, for they are nearly always kept in his
house.
FLUTES
The flute, unlike the drum and gong, has no religious idea whatsoever
associated with it. It is played at the caprice of the tribesman, to
while away a weary hour, to amuse the baby, or to entertain a visitor.
The melody produced by it is soft and low, plaintive and melancholy,
resembling in general features Chinese music, with its ever recurring
and prolonged trill, its sudden rises and falls, and its abrupt endings.
Flutes are not used by women, and not all men have attained a knowledge
of them. Here and there one meets a man who is an expert and who is glad
to display his skill.
The tunes are said to be suggestive of birds' and animals' cries[4] and
seem to be the product of each.
[4] The more common pieces are: _Sin-a-gáu to bu-á-da_ (the roaring of
the crocodile), _bu-a-bú-a to á-mo_ (the monkey scare), and the
_din-a-go-yu-án_.
Flutes are made from the internodes of a variety of bamboo and are of
four kinds, depending on the number and position of the fingerholes.
_The paúndag flute_.[5]--The _paúndag_ is the commonest form. The joints
of the bamboo are cut off and the circumference of the resulting
internode is measured accurately with a piece of _abaká_ or other fiber.
With this for a measure, 16 marks or rings are cut on the segment and at
each end beyond the first and last mark, a distance equal to one-half
the circumference is marked off, the remainder of the segment being then
cut off square at each end. At the eighth mark a hole about 8
millimeters in diameter is cut or burned in the bamboo. The same is
done, but on the opposite side, at the ninth, eleventh, twelfth, and
fourteenth marks, respectively. The ends are then cut in much the same
shape as an ordinary whistle, and the flute, a segment of bamboo about 1
meter long, is ready for use.
[5] Called also _pan-dag_.
While being played, it is held in a vertical position, the side with the
one fingerhole being toward the body of the player. The end with the
first mark, that which is farther away from the fingerholes, is placed
just under the upper lip. The thumb and middle finger of the right hand
control the openings at the eighth and ninth marks, while those at the
eleventh and twelfth are covered by the first and middle fingers of the
left hand, respectively, the hole at the fourteenth mark being uncovered.
The blowing is performed without effort in the gentlest way possible, as
a very slight increase in the force of the breath raises the tone about
two octaves.
_The to-áli flute_.--The _to-áli_ is an abbreviated form of the flute
just described and is made in a similar way, except that only 10
divisions are made, and that on one side two holes are made at the fifth
and seventh marks, and on the other at the fourth and sixth openings,
respectively. There is no fifth fingerhole. This form of flute is played
like the _paúndag_ flute, except that the thumb and middle fingers of
the right hand cover the fifth and sixth openings, respectively, while
the thumb and fourth finger of the left hand control the seventh and
eighth openings.
In pitch this form of flute is considerably higher than the previous one
but in other respects the music is similar.
_The lántui flute_,[6]--A flute known as _lántui_ is in existence, but I
am not acquainted with the details of it.
[6] Called also _yántui_.
_The sá-bai flute_.--The _sá-bai_ flute differs from the three already
mentioned in being a direct flute. The joint at one end of the bamboo is
cut off. Seven circumference lengths are then marked off, beginning at
the remaining joint, and holes are made at the first (that is, the
point), fifth, sixth, and seventh divisions, one or more holes being
added in the center between the sixth and seventh divisions. For a
mouthpiece, a segment of bamboo about 2 centimeters long is placed over
the jointed end of the flute at the first division but in such a way as
not to cover completely the opening at that point.
The sound is produced by the breath passing through the opening last
mentioned and _striking the edge of the aperture_ that it partially
covers.
When played, this form of flute is held in a horizontal position. The
point is inserted into the mouth and the three consecutive holes at
divisions Nos. 5, 5.5, and 6 are covered by the first, second, and third
fingers, respectively, of the right hand.
In pitch this instrument is lower than the other three but in the
quality of the music it in no wise differs from them.
GUITARS
_The vine-string guitar_.--There are two kinds of vine-string guitars,
differing only in size and name, as far as I know, so that a description
of the smaller one[7] will answer for the larger.[8]
[7] _Kúd-luñg_.
[8] _Bin-i-já-an_.
It varies in length from 1.5 meters to 2 meters.[9] The combined neck
and finger board and the hollow boat-shaped sounding box are of one
piece. The other part of the guitar is a thin strip of wood with a
lozenge-shaped hole in the center, that fits with great accuracy on the
bottom of the sounding box. The head is always a scroll, rudely carved
into a remote suggestion of a rooster's head, as the name indicates,[10]
and two holes are pierced in it for the insertion of the tuning pegs.
Along the neck are from 9 to 12 little wooden frets, fastened to the
finger board with beeswax. I can give no information as to the rule by
which the interfret distances are determined.
[9] Ordinarily the _bán-ti_ or the _sa-gu-bád-bad_ wood is used.
[10] _Min-an-úk_, from _manuk_, a fowl.
The strings are two in number and extend from the tuning pegs through
two holes in the neck and over the finger board and the sounding box to
an elevated piece left on the sounding piece. An interesting feature of
these strings is that they are the central part or core of a small
vine[11] and give out rather sweet tones, though not so loud as catgut.
[11] _Bís-lig_.
Projecting from the end of the sounding box, and forming one continuous
piece with it, is an ornamental piece carved into a semblance of the
favorite fowl head.
The guitar is held like guitars the world over, and the playing is
performed by twanging the strings with a little plectrum of bamboo or
wood.[12]
[12] As to the tuning and modulating of the instrument I can give no
information. The matter requires further study.
The quality of the music is soft and melancholy, wholly in minor keys
and of no great range, probably not exceeding one octave. As far as I
can judge it bears a resemblance to Chinese music. Various tunes are
played on both forms of guitar according to the caprice and skill of the
performer.[13]
[13] The following are the names of some of the melodies: _Di-u-wá-ta
ko_ (Oh, my familiar spirit), _a-yáu-u-yáu-á_ (don't, oh, don't),
_to-láñg-it_ (the sky), _i-ka-nuñg-úd_, _ta-ta-lí-buñg_, _pan-in-ó-ug_,
_mi-a-pí tin-ig-bás-ai_, _du-yúg-dú-yug_, _ta-ga-lín-dug_,
_tiñg-ga-sau_, _ma-sú-gud_, _pa-má-bá to ba-ku-ta_, _da-gí-tan_.
There are no special occasions for playing this guitar. It is not played
by women nor is it used as an accompaniment for singing. The performer
takes up the instrument as the whim prompts him and in the semidarkness
plays his rude, melancholy tune.
_The bamboo string guitar_.[14]--The bamboo guitar is made of an
internode of one of the larger varieties of bamboo.[15] Five small
cylindrical strips are cut along the surface and small wedges of wood
are inserted under them at the ends to stretch them and retain them in
an elevated position. These strips extend from joint to joint. There are
usually two bass strings on one side and three treble strings on the
other. Between these treble bass strings is a longitudinal slit in the
bamboo joint intended to increase the resonance of the instrument. The
strings are at intervals of about 3 centimeters. Two holes are made in
the joint walls, the purpose of which is to increase the volume of sound.
[14] _Tan-kó_.
[15] _Pa-túñg_, _da-nu-án_, _kai-yaú-an_.
The tuning is regulated by the size of the little wedges which impart
greater or lesser tension as desired. I understand neither the theory
nor the practice of tuning this guitar.
While being played the guitar is held in both hands. The first finger
and thumb of the right hand manipulate the bass strings, while the three
treble strings are controlled by the other hand.
The weird staccato music produced by this instrument is indescribable.
One must hear it and hear it repeatedly in order to appreciate its
fantastic melodies.
Both men and women make use of it for secular and, I am inclined to
think, for religious motives. During the famous _túñgud_[16] movement
(1908-1910) it was used universally in the religious houses, but I was
unable to obtain definite information as to its sacred character. In the
postnatal ceremony that has been described under "Birth" I observed the
use of the instrument on several occasions, but could obtain no further
information except that the strains of this primitive guitar are
pleasing to Mandáit, the tutelary spirit of infants. This point merits
further investigation.[17]
[16] A religious movement that sprang up in 1908 and spread itself all
over the southeastern quarter of Mindanáo. (See Chapter XXIX.)
[17] The following are the names of some of the tunes played on the
above guitar: _ma-sú-gud_, _tám-bid_, _gam-aú-gá-mau_, _pa-ma-yá-bui_,
_tig-ba-bau_.
_The takúmbo_.--Though classed here as guitar, the _takúmbo_ hardly
deserves the name. It is a bamboo joint which has one joint wall opened.
At the other end beyond the second joint it is so cut as to resemble a
miter. Two strings, uplifted from the surface about 4 centimeters apart,
and held in an elevated position and at their requisite tension by
little wooden wedges placed underneath, form the strings. A
lozenge-shaped hole in the center between the strings increases the
resonance. The instrument is played by beating the strings with little
sticks preferably of bamboo. Two persons may play at one time.
The time observed is the drum rhythm. The sound produced is very faint
and unimpressive, and the instrument is of very sporadic occurrence.
The fact that one end is carved in the form of a miter tends to confirm
my supposition that this is a purely religious instrument. The carving
is supposed to represent the mouth of a crocodile.[18]
[18] This figure is called _bin-u-á-da_, or _bin-u-wá-ya_ from
_bu-á-ya_, crocodile.
I was given to understand that this instrument is used in the immolation
to the blood-deities in case of hemorrhage and such other illnesses as
are accompanied by fluxes of blood. It is said that the instrument is
set in a vertical position, the miterlike cutting being upward, and that
a part of the victim's blood is placed upon the node as if it were a
little saucer. The instrument is then played. I never witnessed the
ceremony, nor heard the instrument played, and am not prepared to give
credence to the above story till further investigation corroborates it.
THE VIOLIN[19]
[19] _Kó-gut_.
I neither saw nor heard this instrument, but my inquiries substantiate
the existence of it. The body is said to be of coconut shell with the
husk removed. The bow is made of bamboo bent into the form of a
defensive bow, to the ends of which are attached several threads of
_abaká_ fiber that serve as the bowstring. The strings of the violin are
two in number and are made of _abaká_ fiber.
The violin is said to be played as our violins are by drawing the bow
across the strings. It is not played by women, according to reports, nor
are there any stated times and reasons, religious or otherwise, for its
use.[20]
[20] The names of some of the tunes played are: _Pan-un-gá-kit_,
_lin-íg-tui ka-bú-ka_, _ba-yú-bas_, _pan-ig-á-bon to ka-bí_.
THE JEW'S-HARP[21]
[21] _Kubíñg_.
Another instrument which is found occasionally in Manóboland, is a
species of jew's-harp, made out of bamboo. It is a frail instrument made
more for a toy than for its musical qualities. It is ordinarily about 26
centimeters long, and consists of a slender piece of bamboo from the
central part of which a small tongue about 6 centimeters long is cut.
The tongue remains attached at one end, the tip of it being toward the
middle of the instrument. On the the reverse side there is a small
cavity in the body of the instrument intended to allow sufficient room
for the tongue of the harp to move while being played.
The instrument is played by putting the mouth to the above-mentioned
cavity and by blowing as we do in an ordinary jew's-harp. The tongue is
made to vibrate by tapping with the finger a needlelike spur that is
left at the end of the instrument. This vibration, in conjunction with
variations of the mouth cavity of the performer, produces tones which
are not unlike those of an ordinary jew's-harp but which are not so loud
nor so harmonious.
THE STAMPER AND THE HORN[22] OF BAMBOO
[22] _Tam-bú-li_.
On the upper Agúsan I witnessed the use of bamboo stampers. They consist
of large bamboo joints with one partition wall removed. They are stamped
on the floor in rhythm with the drum and gong during a dance, the open
end being held up. The use of these stampers by Manóbos is rare, the
custom being confined almost exclusively to Mañgguáñgans of the upper
Agúsan and upper Sálug Valleys.
Another instrument, but one which can hardly be called musical, is the
bamboo horn used for signaling and calling purposes. It consists of an
internode of bamboo with one partition wall removed. An opening large
enough for the mouth is made on the side of the bamboo near the other
node. In using it the mouth is applied to this aperture and a good pair
of lungs can produce a loud booming blast. After the occurrence of a
death, especially if the deceased has been slain, it is customary to use
this instrument as a means of announcing the death to near-by
settlements, thereby putting them on their guard against any of the
slain one's relatives who might be impelled to take immediate vengeance
on the first human being he met.
SOUNDERS
A method of signaling, much in use among the mixed Manóbo-Mañgguáñgans
of the upper Agúsan, consists in beating on the butresses[sic][23] of
trees. It is surprising how far the resultant sound travels in the
silence and solitude of the forest.
[23] _Da-líd_.
In connection with musical instruments it may not be out of place to
mention the bamboo sounders[24] attached to looms. They are internodes
of bamboo with apertures in the joint wall and a longitudinal slit
extending almost from node to node. One of these always constitutes the
yarn beam of the loom.
[24] _Ka-gú_.
These internodes, besides serving to support the fabric during the
process of weaving, denote by their resonance that the weaver is busy at
work. The movement of the batten in driving home the weft produces a
sound that, owing to the resonance of the bamboo yarn beam may be heard
for several hundred meters.
When the Manóbo maiden is especially desirous of calling attention to
her assiduity and perseverance, she has an extra internode placed in an
upright position against the yarn beam just described. This doubles the
volume of sound and serves to intimate to visiting young men that she
would be an industrious wife.
VOCAL MUSIC
Singing is as common among the Manóbos as among their countrymen of the
Christian tribes. The fond mother croons her babe to sleep with a
lullaby. In festive hours the song is the vehicle of praise, of joke, of
taunt, and of challenge, and in religious celebrations it is the medium
through which the priests address their deities.
THE LANGUAGE OF SONG
The language used in singing is so different from the common vernacular
that Bisáyas and Christianized Manóbos who speak and understand
perfectly the ordinary dialect of conversation find the language of song
unintelligible. I have had several songs dictated to me and found the
song words to be plainly archaic. This observation applies also to the
song-dialect of Mañgguáñgans, Debabáons and Mandáyas.
As interpreted to me on many occasions, songs are improvisations spun
out with endless repetitions of the same ideas in different words. To
give an instance, a mountain might be described in the song as a
"beauteous hill," a "fair mount," a "lovely eminence," a "beautiful
elevation," all depending on the facility with which the maker[25] can
use the language. This feature of the song serves to explain its
inordinate length, for a song may occupy the greater part of a night,
apparently without tiring the audience by its verbose periphrases and
its exuberant figures.
[25] _Pán-dui_, a smith or maker.
THE SUBJECT MATTER OF SONGS
The subjects of songs are as varied as those of other nations, but
legendary songs, in which the valiant deeds of departed warriors are
recounted, seem to be the favorite. As far as I know, the songs are
always extemporaneous and not composed of any set form of words and
verses.
THE MUSIC AND THE METHOD OF SINGING
One must hear the song in order to get an idea of it. In general it is a
declamatory solo. The staccatolike way in which the words are sung, the
abrupt endings, and the long slurs covering as much as an octave remind
one somewhat of Chinese singing. The singer's voice frequently ascends
to its highest natural tone and, after dwelling there for from three to
six seconds, suddenly slurs down an octave, where it remains playing
around three or four consecutive semitones.
There is no choral singing and no accompaniment. No time is observed,
the song having wholly the character of a recitation. Neither are there
any attempts at rhyming nor at versification. Recurring intervals are
the rule.
The music is, in general, of minor tonality and, unless the subject of
the song is fighting or doing some other thing that demands loudness,
rapidity, and animation, it is of a weird, melancholy character. When,
however, the subject of the song requires anything of the _spiritoso_ or
_veloce_, the strain is sung with verve and even furore. It seems to be
good etiquette to cover the mouth with the hand when the singer,
desiring to add special vigor to the strain, rises to his highest
natural pitch and dwells there with an almost deafening prolonged yell.
CEREMONIAL SONGS[26]
[26] _Túd-um_.
Sacred songs, as distinguished from secular songs for festive and other
occasions, are sung only by the priests and by warrior chiefs. They are
supposed to be taught by a special divinity.[27] The remarks that apply
to music and singing in general apply to these religious songs. The only
difference is that sacred singing is the medium by which the spirits are
invoked, supplicated, and propitiated, and by which the doings of the
supernatural world are communicated to Manóbodom. These ceremonial
chants are performed not only during religious celebrations but more
commonly at night. The greater part of the night is often worn away with
a protracted diffuse narration in which is described, with grandiloquent
circumlocution and copious imagery, the doings of the unseen world.
[27] _Tu-tu-dú-mon no diu-wá-ta_.
DANCING
The Manóbo dance is somewhat on the style of an Irish jig or a Scotch
hornpipe. It is indulged in on nearly all occasions of social and
ceremonial celebrations. Though it may be performed at any time of the
day if there is a call for it, yet it usually takes place in the evening
or at night, and especially after a drinking bout, when the feasters are
feeling extra cheerful in their cups. There are no special dance houses
in Manóboland, the ordinary dwelling place of the host serving the
purpose. Whenever the floor is in poor condition (and that is often the
case) a mat or two may be spread upon it for the safety of the dancer.
This may be done out of respect also.
Though dances are held the year round during all great rejoicings and
during the greater sacrificial celebrations, it is during the harvesting
season that they are given with greatest frequency.
THE ORDINARY SOCIAL DANCE
By the social dance is meant the dance which takes place on an occasion
of rejoicing and which is indulged in by men, women, and children, one
at a time. It is exceptional that two or more persons dance
simultaneously. A striking peculiarity in dancing is the wearing of a
woman's skirt by males during the dance. No reason is assigned for the
practice except the force of custom. It is customary, also, to array the
dancer in all the available wealth of Manóboland--waist jacket, hat,
necklaces, girdle, hawk bells, and, in case of a female, with brass
anklets. Two kerchiefs, held by the corner, one in each hand, complete
the array. No flowers nor leaves are used in the decoration of the
person during dancing.
The drum, and when it is available, the gong are the only musical
accompaniments to the dancing. When these are lacking an old tin can, if
such a thing by some good luck has made its way into the house, answers
the purpose of a musical instrument. Even the floor is sometimes beaten
to produce an accompaniment for the dance. On the upper Agúsan bamboo
stampers are occasionally used, in imitation of Mañgguáñgan custom, to
impart more animation to the dance.
The dance is never accompanied by vocal music unless the constant scream
of approbation and encouragement from the spectators be included under
that term.
The time to which the dancing is performed is the same as that described
under "the drum" at the beginning of this chapter. It corresponds
somewhat to that of our waltz when played presto, although the movements
of the feet do not correspond to those of that dance.
The dancer names the rhythm he desires and it is the rule, rather than
the exception, that several starts are made, and several drummers tried
before a good dancer feels satisfied with the method of playing. This is
an indication of the excellent ear which the Manóbo has developed for
this apparently rude and primitive form of music.
The women in dancing are more gentle in their manner than the men; they
make fewer bending motions and do not posture so much. In other respects
the dancing of the men and women is identical.
The step may be called dactyllic[28] in that a long or accented beat is
struck with one foot and, in immediate succession, two quick short steps
are taken with the other. This is varied at recurring intervals by
omitting the two short steps, especially in mimetic or dramatic dances
when the dancer desires to return to the center or to execute some extra
evolution.
[28] A term borrowed from Latin and Greek versification.
To give a satisfactory description of the attitude and movements of the
dancer is impossible, as the skill and grace of the dance consists
essentially in postures and gestures, and each individual has his own
variations and combination. In fact no two men dance alike, though the
women are much alike in their style of dancing, due to the fact that
they bend the body and gesticulate comparatively little and that they
display less force and exertion. Suffice it to say that the dancer moves
his feet in perfect time to the rhythm of the drum and gong, at the same
time keeping the arms, hands, fingers, head, and shoulders in constant
movement. Now one hand is laid upon the hip while the other is extended
upward and at an oblique angle from the shoulder. Again both hands are
placed upon the hips and the dancer trips around a few times when
suddenly turning, he retires hastily, but in perfect time, with both
arms extended upwards and at an angle from the shoulders, the two
kerchiefs waving all the time to the movements of the body. During all
his movements the arms, hands, and fingers are twisted and turned with
graceful and varied, but measured, modulation. Now he raises one
shoulder and then another. Now he gazes up with a look of defiance upon
his countenance, as if at some imaginary foe, and then down, as if in
quest of something. At one time he stops and gently moves his feet to
the rhythm of the music for several seconds, at another he circles
around with uplifted arms and flying kerchiefs, and scurries to the
other end of the dancing space, as if pursued by some foeman. At this
point he may circle around again and, the music of the drum and gong
surging loud, stamp defiance as if at an imaginary enemy, in measured
beat and with quick, wild movements of the legs and the whole body.
And thus the dance goes on, now slow, now fast, now stately, now
grotesque, the feet pounding the floor in regular and exact time to the
music, and every part of the body moving, according to the whim of the
dancer, with graceful and expressive modulation.
The whole dance requires great exertion, as is evidenced by the
perspiration that appears upon the dancer's body after a few minutes.
For this reason, a dancer rarely continues for more than ten minutes. He
names his successor by dancing up to him, and putting the kerchiefs on
his shoulders. The appointee nearly always excuses himself on the plea
that he does not know how to dance, that his foot is sore, or with some
other excuse, but finally yields to the screams of request and
exhortation from the encircling spectators.
One who has witnessed a Manóbo dance at night by the flare of fire and
torch will not forget the scene. Squatted around in the semidarkness are
the russet figures of the merry, primitive spectators, lit up by the
flickering glare of the unsteady light, the children usually naked, and
the men having frequently bared the upper parts of their bodies. In the
center circles the dancer with his wealth of ornaments, advancing,
retreating, and posturing. The drum booms, the gong clangs, and the
dancer pounds the floor in rhythm. The jingle bells and the wire anklets
of the dancer tinkle. The spectators scream in exultation,
encouragement, and approval. The dogs add to the pandemonium by an
occasional canine chorus of their own, which coupled with the crying of
the babies and several other incidental sounds, serves to enhance the
rejoicing and to add eclat to the celebration.
THE RELIGIOUS DANCE
Unlike the secular dance just described, the sacred dance is performed
exclusively by the male and female priests and by the warrior chiefs of
the tribes. It may be performed either in the house or out on the
ground, according to the place selected for the sacrifice. In the case
of the sacrifice of a pig, the dance and its accompanying rites are
always performed out of doors near the house of one of the priests.
The dress of the priests is always as elaborate as possible, as in
ordinary festive dancing. Their various portable charms and talismans
are always worn around the neck and, instead of kerchiefs being held in
the hands, palm fronds[29] are used, one in each hand.
[29] _Ma-yún-hau_.
The music is similar to that described for the ordinary dance, and the
step and movements are identical except that the dance is more moderate,
there being no attempt at grotesque or fantastic movements. As it is
usually performed before an altar, a mat is spread upon the floor, so
that the dancing range is limited. In general, the sacred dance
presents, in its simplicity and its lack of violent contortions, rapid
motions, and gestures, an element of respect and religious quietude that
is not observed in secular dancing. The encircling spectators do not
indulge in such unseemly acclamations, though it may be remarked that
they assume no posture indicative of religious worship, for they
continue to talk among themselves and to indulge in the ordinary
occupation of betel-nut chewing, leaving the performance of the dance
and the attendant ceremonies to the priests, whose profession it is to
attend to such matters.
The dance is performed either consecutively or simultaneously by the
priests but is interrupted occasionally by other rites proper to the
ceremony.[30]
[30] See Chapter XXVI.
MIMETIC DANCES
Mimetic dances in no wise differ from the ordinary festal dancing except
that they are a pantomimic representation, by gestures, by postures, and
by mimicry of some feature of Manóbo life. So far as I know these dances
are never performed by women.
Mimetic dances are very popular in Manóboland, and visitors whom it is
desired to honor, are often treated, without solicitation on their part,
to a series of these performances. They often contain an element of what
we would call lasciviousness, but to the Manóbo they merely represent
ordinary natural acts. The following are some of the mimetic dances
which I have witnessed.
_The bathing dance_.--The dancer gyrates and pirouettes in the ordinary
style for several minutes when, by a bending movement, he intimates the
picking up of some heavy object. He simulates placing this on his
shoulder and then imitates a woman's walk, indicating thereby that he is
a woman and that he is going either to get water or take a bath. All
this, as well as subsequent representations, are performed in perfect
time to the music. By a slow movement and with many a backward glance to
see whether he is being watched, he reaches the end of the dancing place
which evidently represents the stream for he goes through a pantomimic
drinking. He then cautiously and after repeated backward glances,
divests himself of all his clothes, and begins the bathing operations.
He is frequently interrupted, and upon the supposed appearance of a
person presumably a male, he indicates that he has to resume his skirt.
The operation of washing the hair and other parts of the body are
portrayed with appropriate gestures and movements, as are also the
resuming of his dress and the return to the house with a bamboo tubeful
of water.
_The dagger or sword dance_.--This dance is performed only by men, two
of whom may take part in it at the same time. It consists in portraying
a quarrel between them, the weapon used being either the Mandáya dagger,
as on the upper Agúsan, or the ordinary war bolo, as in the central and
lower Agúsan. Appropriate flourishes, parries, lunges, foils, advances,
and retreats, all extremely graceful and skillful, are depicted just as
if a real encounter were taking place.
_The apian dance_.--This is a dramatic representation of the robbing of
a bee's nest. The gathering of the materials and the formation of them
into a firebrand, the lighting of it, and the ascent of the tree, are
all danced out to perfection. A striking part of the pantomine is the
apparently fierce stinging the robber undergoes, especially on certain
parts of his body.[31]
[31] The pubic region is referred to.
This part of the performance always draws screams of laughter from the
spectators. The whole ends with a vivid but very comic representation of
the avid consumption of the honey and beebread.
_The depilation dance_.--This is an illustration, by dancing movements,
of the eradication of hair especially in the pubic region. The dancer,
indicating by continual glances that he is afraid of being seen,
simulates the depilation of the pubic hair. The pain thereby inflicted
he manifests by the most comic contortions of his face.[32]
[32] Though depilation of the pubic region is represented in dancing, I
do not know positively that it takes place in reality.
_The sexual dance_.--This is a dramatic representation of sexual
intercourse on the part of one who apparently has made no overtures or
any previous arrangements with the object of his desire. He is supposed
to enter the house and approach the recumbent object of his love (in
this case represented by a piece of wood or of bamboo) in a timorous,
stealthy way. A hand to the ear intimates that he thinks he hears some
one approaching. He therefore retires a little distance, and after
reassuring himself that all is well, proceeds to attain his object. It
is only after protracted circling, approaching, and retiring, that he
simulates the attainment of his desire. No indications of bashfulness
nor delicacy are exhibited, by the female spectators.[33]
[33] I have been informed that sexual relations between a hen and a
rooster form the main feature of another mimetic dance.
_The war dance_.--The war dance is performed outside of the house on the
ground by one man alone or by two men simultaneously. The dancer is
attired in full festive array with hat and red turban, and is armed with
lance, war bolo, and shield.
The accompaniment to the dance is the drum, but both the rhythm executed
on it and the step performed by the dancer baffled description. Suffice
it to say that the music is a continuous roll tattooed by two expert
players, one at each end of the drum. The dancer keeps his feet moving
with the greatest conceivable velocity in perfect unison to the rhythm
which gives one the general impression of a rapid two-step. The movement
of the feet reminds one of the movements made by a rooster or a turkey
cock at times. The nodding of the head of the dancer is also similar to
that of a game-cock before a fight.
As the dance is supposed to represent an encounter and harid-to-hand
fight, all the movements of advancing and retreating, thrusting and
parrying are displayed. The combatants move around in circles, now
approaching, now receding, always under the protection of the shield.
They gaze savagely at each other, now over the shield, now at the side,
constantly sticking out their tongues at each other much as a snake
does. At times they place a heel in the ground with upraised foot, and
with the knee placed against the shield, and lance poised horizontally
above the shoulder, make rapid darts at each other. Every once in a
while they kneel down on one leg behind their shields and with rapid
movements of the head and spear look defiance at each other. During all
the movements of the dance the spear is held horizontally and is thrust
forward rapidly. The shoulders are constantly moved up and down, and the
shield follows this movement, all being in perfect time to the rapid
roll of the drum.
The dance ordinarily does not last more than five minutes as the extreme
exertion and rapidity of movement soon tire the dancer. It is a
magnificent display of warlike skill and of physical agility and
endurance.
CHAPTER XVII
POLITICAL ORGANIZATION: SYSTEM OF GOVERNMENT AND SOCIAL CONTROL
CLANS
TERRITORIES OF THE CLANS AND NUMBER OF PEOPLE COMPOSING THEM
Manóboland, with the exception of such settlements as have been formed
by non-Christian Manóbos in the vicinity of Christian _settlements_ and
usually situated at the head of navigation on the tributaries of the
Agúsan, is divided into districts, well defined, and, in case of
hostility, jealously and vigilantly guarded. These territorial divisions
vary in extent from a few square miles to immense tracts of forest and
are usually bounded by rivers and streams or by mountains and other
natural landmarks. Each of these districts is occupied by a clan that
consists of a nominal superior with his family, sons-in-law, and such
other of his relatives as may have decided to live within the district.
They may number only 20 souls and again they may reach a few hundred.