No interest is charged on loans except in the case of paddy. There are

few loans made, and no leases or pledges. These last imply a distrust

that is not pleasing to the Manóbo.

The law of liability is very strict. For instance, if one should ask

another to accompany him on a journey and the latter should fall sick or

die, the former would be liable for his death. If one should die in the

house, thereby causing the abandonment of it, the relatives of the dead

man would have to pay the value of the house. Similar instances are of

frequent occurrence and can readily be understood. This liability law

extends to evils supposed to be due to the violation of taboos and to

the possession of magic powers.

There is a system of fining that serves, harsh though it may seem, to

maintain proper deference to the person and the property of another.

Thus, spitting on another, rudely grasping another's person, entering

another's district without due permission, bathing in river without the

owner's leave, are a few of the many cases that might be adduced. The

fine varies according to the damage and amount of malice that may be

proved in the subsequent arbitration.

_Regulations governing domestic relations and property; customary

procedure in settlements of disputes._--The house belongs collectively

to the builders. The property in it belongs to the male inmates who have

acquired it.

The elder brother takes possession of the property of his deceased

brother, unless the eldest son of the deceased is of such an age as to

be capable of managing the household. In case the deceased did not have

a brother, a brother-in-law or a son-in-law becomes the representative

of the household. The eldest son inherits his father's debts and must

pay them.

There is so little property in the ordinary Manóbo home that there are

no disputes as to the inheritance. After a death the house is abandoned

and the grief-stricken relatives scurry off with their baskets, mats,

and simple utensils to make another home in a solitary part of the

forest.

The relations both prenuptial and postnuptial between the sexes are of

the strictest kind. All evil conduct from adultery down to immodest

gazing is punished with appropriate fines and even with death. The fines

vary from the equivalent of three slaves down to the equivalent of a few

pesos.

The marriage contract is very rigid. I know of few cases in which the

stipulated price was not paid prior to the delivery of the fiancé. In

case of the death of one of the affiancéd parties, the payments made

must be refunded. In case of the refusal of the bridegroom to continue

his suit even though there has been no fault on the part of the bride or

of her relatives, he loses all right to recover. Should the bride's

people, however, decide to discontinue the proceedings, they must return

the previous payments and make, I believe, compensation for the trouble

and expenses incurred during the previous transactions. No case of a

discontinuance of the marriage proceedings ever passed under my

observation.

The father has theoretically full power over his wife and children, but

in practice his domestic jurisdiction is of the most lenient kind.

Marital affection and filial devotion reign in the household.

The husband may not marry a second wife during the lifetime of the first

without the latter's consent. This rule, as well as the lack of

sufficient worldly possessions to purchase another helpmate, makes

polygamy comparatively infrequent.

The bridegroom is supposed to live with his father-in-law or with the

previous owner of his wife, very often his wife's brother, but nearly

always sets up his own establishment a few years after marriage.

With the exception of adultery, fornication, rape, and wanton homicide,

all crimes presuppose an appeal to arbitration. The one that is the

author of another's death is the one on whom vengeance must be taken, if

it is possible.

When an outraged party is unable to obtain redress by arbitration or by

the direct reprisal, he avenges himself on a third party, preferably a

relative of his enemy, by killing him or by seizing his property. He

thus brings matters to a head. It is usual to compound with the

relatives of this third party, either for the death or for the seizure,

on condition that they will league themselves with the one who is

seeking revenge, in opposition to the original wrongdoer or that they

themselves will undertake, as his paid agents, to wreak vengeance on his

enemy.

Minor offenses are punished by fines that are determined by arbitration.

These fines vary in amount, but nearly always include a feast, more or

less elaborate, the expenses of which are borne by the party that lost

the case.

The arbitration of a question may be made immediately after it has

arisen or it may not be brought about for weeks or months. When the

discussion has begun it is not considered politic for either side to

yield at once. Threats are bandied between the principals until, through

the influence of friendly chiefs, they are brought together. Then the

relatives discuss the affair, each side exaggerating its own view of the

question. It is only after lengthy discussions, and the use of

similitudes and allegories, loud shouts, dissimulation, and through the

sagacity and influence of the chief men that the opinions of the parties

are so molded that an agreement is reached.

It may be necessary to determine the offense. This is done by witnesses

who give, as far as I have been able to judge, truthful testimony.

Whenever the veracity of a witness is doubted he may be obliged to take

a kind of oath which consists in the burning of beeswax. A little

beeswax is melted by holding a firebrand over it. While this is being

done, the person whose veracity it is desired to test, utters a wish

that in case of falsehood his body may be melted like the wax. In the

case of suspects, ordeals are employed. They consist of making the

parties under suspicion either plunge their hands into boiling water, or

undergo the diving test, or take the candle ordeal.

Circumstantial evidence is admissible. By means of it, the authors of

hidden crimes are often brought to punishment after years of patient

waiting.

It is customary for the guilty one to make at least a partial payment

immediately after the arbitration, and to treat the assembly to a

banquet in which it is good form for the two opponents to close the

breaches of friendship by generous quaffs to each other's health.

CHAPTER IV

RELIGIOUS IDEAS AND MENTAL CHARACTERISTICS IN GENERAL

A BRIEF SURVEY OF RELIGION

A study of Manóbo religion is difficult because of the natural

secretiveness and suspiciousness of this primitive man, because of his

dependence for his religious ideas on his priests, because of the

variations and apparent contradictions that arise at every step, and,

finally, because of his inability to expound in a satisfactory manner

the beliefs of his religious system.

THE BASIS, INFLUENCE, AND MACHINERY OF RELIGION

The religious belief of the Manóbo is an essential part of his life. On

his person he often carries religious objects. The site for his home is

not selected till omens and oracles are consulted. In his method of

cooking there are religious rules. He can not procure his meat from the

forest nor his fish from the streams without making an appropriate

offering. He sows and harvests his rice under the auspices of certain

deities. His hunting dogs are under the protection of a special

divinity. His bolo and his spear must answer a special magic test. He

can not go forth to fight till divination and sacrifice have assured him

success. All the great events of his life--his marriage, the

pregnacy[sic] and parturition of his wife, death, burial, war--all are

consecrated by formal, and often public, religious rites.

As far as I have been able to judge, fear of the deities of evil

spirits, of the dead--of all that is unintelligible, unusual, somber--is

the mainspring of the Manóbos religious observances and beliefs.

In order to detect the evils, natural and supernatural, to which he may

be exposed, he has recourse to dreams, divination, auguries, and omens,

and, in more serious cases he calls upon his priests to ascertain by

invocation, oblation, and sacrifice, the source of the evil that has

befallen him, or of the danger that he fears.

THE HIERARCHY OF MANÓBO DIVINITIES, BENEFICENT AND MALIGNANT

There is no supreme being in the Manóbo pantheon, though there are two

principal classes of beneficent divinities. Little is known of one of

these classes beyond its supposed existence. The other class is made up

of humanlike deities called _diwáta_ that retain a fondness for this

world and the good things thereof. They select mortals for their

favorites, and through them keep themselves provided with such earthly

delicacies as they may desire, even though they may have to plague their

mortal votaries in order to secure them.

There is another category of spirits, of a slightly different character,

whose desire is blood. These are the war divinities that select certain

individuals for their champions and urge them on to deeds of valor, with

the hope of procuring blood.

In contradistinction to the above divinities are others of a malignant

or dangerous character. Chief among them are the _búsau_, black, hideous

spirits that dwell in dark, desolate places, and who are for the most

part implacable enemies of man. To counteract the machinations of these

spirits, the beneficent dieties[sic] are called upon by Manóbo priests

and feasted with song and dance and sacrifice. Pleased with these tokens

of friendship, the good spirits pursue the evil ones, and even engage in

battle with them.

The _tagbánua_ are a class of local spirits that reign over the forest

tracts and mountains. They are not of an unkindly nature as long as a

certain amount of respect is paid them. Hence the practice of making

offerings during hunting and other forest occupations.

Among the other inimical spirits are: The rice pilferer, _Dágau_;

_Anit_, the thunderbolt spirit; numerous epidemic demons; the goddess of

consanguineous love and marriage; the spirit of sexual excess; the

wielder of the lightning and the manipulator of the winds and storms;

the cloud spirit; and various others.

Agricultural and hunting operations are all performed under the auspices

of gods and goddesses. Thus _Hakiádan_ and _Taphágan_ take care of the

rice during sowing and harvest time, respectively; _Tagamáling_ attends

to other crops; _Libtákan_ is the god of sunshine and good weather; and

_Sugújun_ is the god of the chase.

There are other gods: _Mandáit_, the birth deity; _Ibú_, the goddess of

the afterworld; _Makalídung_, the founder of the world; _Manduyápit_,

the ferryman; and _Yúmud_, the water wraith.

PRIESTS----THEIR FUNCTIONS, ATTRIBUTES, AND EQUIPMENT

The performance of nearly all the greater religious rites is left to the

priests who are of two classes--_bailán_ or ordinary priests, and

_bagáni_ or war priests. It is the prerogative of these priests to hold

communication with their familiar spirits; to find out from them their

desires; to learn the doings of the unfriendly spirits, and the means to

be taken for a mitigation of the evil in question.

The ordinary priests are simple intermediaries, claiming no wondrous

powers, making use of no deceptive nor mercenary methods, as far as my

observation goes, with no particular dress and little paraphernalia,

having no political influence, but possessing, in all that concerns

religion, paramount authority. Their title to priesthood is derived from

violent manifestations, such as trembling, perspiring, belching,

semiunconsciousness, that are believed to be a result of communication

with their familiars.

The war priests have blood spirits for their favorites, and accordingly

perform their rites only in matters that concern war and wounds.

Ceremonial accessories consist of a few heirlooms, a small altar house,

a wooden oblation tray, a one-legged stand, a sacrificial table,

ceremonial decorations, sacred images, and sacrificial offerings.

The religious rites peculiar to the ordinary priests, consist of

betel-nut offerings, the burning of incense, invocations, prophylactic

fowl waving, omen taking, blood unction, the child ceremony, the death

feast, the rice-planting ceremony, the hunting rite, and the sacrifice

of pig or fowl.

The ceremonies peculiar to the warrior priests, besides the betel-nut

tribute to the war spirits and invocation offered to them, are:

Invocation and offerings to the spirit companions or "souls" of the

living enemy, special forms of divination connected with war, a special

invocation to the omen bird preparatory to the war raid, placation and

propitiation of the tutelary war deities by invocation, by sacrifice,

and ceremonial cannibalism; and, probably, in the remote districts, by

human sacrifice.

THE MAIN CHARACTERISTICS OF MANÓBO RELIGION

The main features, then, of the Manóbo religious system are:

(1) A firm traditional belief in the existence of anthropomorphic

beneficent deities that will help the Manóbo if he supplies them with

the offerings they desire, but, if not, that will allow and even cause

evil to befall him.

(2) A belief in the existence of forest spirits and sky spirits, who on

occasions may become hostile and must be propitiated.

(3) An absolute reliance on priests, who are the favorites of one or

more of the friendly divinities, and through whose mediation he secures

their good will and assistance.

(4) The fear of the dead who are thought to harbor an envious feeling

toward the living.

(5) The frequent consultation or interpretation of omens, auguries, and

oracles for ascertaining future events.

(6) A rigid adherence to a numerous set of taboos, some based on

religious ideas, some founded on sympathetic magic.

(7) A frequent application of the principle of sympathetic magic by

which one act is believed to be productive of a correlated result.

(8) A conscientious avoidance of everything disrespectful in word and

act toward one of the brute creation.

(9) A belief in two spirit companions that accompany each mortal from

birth till death.

(10) A belief in the possibility of capture of one of these spirit

companions by malignant spirits.

(11) A universal and constant faith in the existence of an afterworld

and of the eternal survival of at least one spirit companion therein.

(12) A belief in dreams as being often indicative of future evil.

(13) A belief in secret methods that may be productive of harm to others.

(14) The recourse to oaths and ordeals for the enforcement of promises

and for the determination of truth.

(15) The unmistakable apotheosis of bravery as illustrated by the

warlike character of one class of deities.

Such are the main characteristics of this form of primitive religion.

The peculiar fear, entertained by its lowly votary, of lonely mountains,

odd-shaped rocks, gloomy caves and holes, hot springs and similar

formations of nature; his belief that planted things have "souls" and

his peculiar respect for animals and insects--these and minor

manifestations may point perhaps to a former nature and animal worship,

but at present there is no indication of such. The Manóbo's conduct in

the presence of such objects and phenomena is one of fear toward, and

placation of, the agencies which he believes produce the phenomena or of

the spirit owners of the objects that come across his path. It is to

them alone that he pays his respect, and not to the material object or

manifestation that has become the object of his perception.

Though one of the characteristics of Manóbo religion is the apotheosis

of bravery, as is apparent from the warlike character of the divinities,

and from the general desire to die the death of the slain, yet I find

little trace of ancestor worship. The dead are feared, their burial

place is shunned, their character is deemed perfidious, and relations

with them are terminated by a farewell mortuary feast, after which it is

expected that they will depart, to vex the living no more.

MENTAL AND OTHER ATTAINMENTS AND CHARACTERISTICS

The Manóbo's intellectual attainments are very limited. He counts on his

fingers and on his toes, or by means of material objects such as grains

of maize. He has never had any system of writing and does not know how

to read. His "letters" and his "contracts" are material objects in the

shape of bolos and other things, sent from one person to another with a

verbal message, or strips of rattan with knots. His method of counting

is decimal, and comprehends all numbers up to a hundred, though I am

inclined to think that this last number represents to him infinity.

The reckoning of time is equally simple. The day is divided into day and

night, the hour being indicated by stretching out the arm and open hand

in the direction of that part of the sky where the sun or the moon would

be at the time it is desired to indicate.

The month is not divided into weeks but the lunar month itself is

carefully followed, each phase of the moon having its distinct name,

though it is only in the case of the extreme of each phase that they

agree on its name.

Years are reckoned by the recurrence of the rice-harvesting season,

which varies according to the climate and geographical position of

different regions. It is seldom that one can count backwards more than

four or five years unless he can help his memory by some event such as

an earthquake, and extra heavy flood, the arrival of the Spanish

missionaries, the Philippine insurrection, or the growth of trees, but

as a rule no attempt is made to determine the number of years that have

elapsed since any event. I have seldom met a Manóbo who had any idea as

to his age, or any ability to judge approximately of the age of another.

Historical knowledge is confined almost entirely to events that have

occured[sic] within one's lifetime. There are few traditions that have

any historical value, and even in these there is an element of the

wonderful that makes them unreliable as guides.

It is obvious that the pagan Manóbo has made no advance along academic

lines, clue to the fact that he never has had an opportunity afforded

him, but judging of his intellectual ability by that of the

Christianized Manóbos, it is not inferior to that of the Bisáya. I had

experience in organizing and conducting schools among the _conquistas_,

and it has been my experience that _ceteris paribus_, they advance as

rapidly as Bisáyas. If the _conquistas_ have not progressed as far

intellectually, it is due to lack of facilities and not to any inherent

inability to learn.

Knowledge of astronomy is limited among the Manóbos to the names of a

few of the principal stars and constellations. The nature of the stars,

moon, sun, eclipses, and kindred phenomena are all explained in

mythological tales, from a belief in which no amount of reasoning can

move them. The old story that the comet is the harbinger or bearer of

disease is in vogue.

Esthetic arts, such as painting and architecture, are unknown, though

Manóbos can carve rude and often fantastic wooden images, and can make

crude tracings and incisions on lime tubes and baskets.

Notwithstanding their lack of scientific and esthetic knowledge, their

observation of nature is marvelous. This is obviously due to long

familiarity with the forest, the stream, and the mountains. From his

boyhood years the Manóbo has lived the life of the forest. He has

scanned the trees for birds and monkeys, the streams for fish. Living,

as he generally has, within a definite district, and roaming over it in

search of game and other things to eat, at the same time keeping a close

watch for any variation that might indicate the presence of an outsider,

he has come to possess those marvelous powers of sight and of

observation that would astonish the average white man. Within his own

district the position of every tree is known. Every stream and every

part of it, every mountain, every part of the forest is known and has

its appropriate name. The position of a place is explained in a few

words to a fellow tribesman, and is understood by the latter.

Trees and plants are recognized, and their adaptation in a great many

cases for certain economic uses is known, though I think that, in his

knowledge of the latter, the Manóbo is inferior to both the Bisáya and

the Mandáya, as he is undoubtedly of a more conservative and less

enterprising disposition.

The Manóbo character has been so maligned by missionaries, and by all

the Bisáyas who have dealings with them, that it deserves a clearance

from the aspersions that have been cast upon it. In dealing with the

Manóbo, as with all primitive peoples, the personal equation brings out

more than anything else the good qualities that underlie his character.

Several of the missionaries seem not to have distinguished between the

pagan and the man. To them the pagan was the incarnation of all that is

vile, a creature whose every act was dictated by the devil. The Bisáya

regarded him somewhat in the same light, but went further. He looked

upon him as his enemy because of the many acts of retribution, even

though retribution was merited, that had been committed by the Manóbo or

by his ancestors. He entertained a feeling of chagrin and disappointment

that this primitive man was unwilling to become an absolute tool in his

hands for thorough exploitation. Hence no name, however vile, was too

bad for the poor forest dweller who refused to settle near his

plantation and toil--man, woman, and child--for an utterly inadequate

wage. His feeling toward the _conquistas_ is little, if at all, better.

Upon first acquaintance the Manóbo is timid and suspicious. This is due

to the extreme cautiousness that teaches him to guard a life that among

his own people has only a nominal value. When in the presence of

strangers for the first time, he remembers that reprisals have been

bandied from time immemorial between his people on the one hand, and

Bisáyas, on the other, and he realizes that without proper care,

reprisals might be made on him. Again, if the visitor has penetrated

into his district, his suspicion may be aroused to its full force by

calumnious reports or rumors that may have preceded the visitor's

arrival. My own visits were frequently preceded by rumors to the effect

that I had magic power to poison or to do other things equally

wonderful, that I was a solider[sic] in disguise, or by other similar

reports. But in these cases and in all others one may allay the

timorousness and suspiciousness of these primitive people to a great

extent by previous announcement of one's visit and intentions, and upon

arrival in their settlement, by refraining from any act or word that

might betray one's curiosity. Surprise must not be expressed at anything

that takes place. The mere question as to what, for instance, is beyond

such and such a mountain, or where is the headwaters of such and such a

stream, may start up the full flame of suspicion. Hence prudence, a

kind, quiet, but alert manner, a good reputation from the last visited

locality and a distribution of trifling gifts, is always efficacious in

removing that feeling of distrust that these primitive people feel

toward a stranger.

Another charge is that they are revengeful. They certainly believe in

"an eye for an eye, a tooth for a tooth." Revenge for an unatoned wrong

is a stern, fundamental, eternal law, sanctioned by Manóbo institutions,

social, political, and religious; one that is consecrated by the breath

of the dying, and passed on from generation to generation to be

fulfilled; but it has one saving clause, _arbitration_. Hence a stranger

must inform himself of such past happenings as might jeopardize him. The

Manóbo has a very limited conception of the extent of the outside world

and of the number of its inhabitants, and he is inclined to believe that

one American, for instance, knows every other one and may be related by

blood to any other. Hence any imprudent action on the part of one may

draw down revenge on the head of another[1], relative or not, for even

innocent third parties may, by Manóbo custom, be sacrificed to the

unsatisfied spirit of revenge. The danger, however, in which a stranger

might find himself from this cause, is easily eliminated by questioning

the people as to who had wronged them on previous occasions; and should

he learn that he is considered a party to the wrong through identity of

blood or of race with the guilty one, he must gently suggest a plan for

arbitration at some later date, and in other pacific ways avert the

revenge from himself.

[1] It is not improbable that the death of Mr. H. M. Ickis, geologist of

the Bureau of Science, Manila, was partly due to the capture and exile

of one Gubat of the upper Umaíam some 15 or 20 years ago.

It is, moreover, affirmed that Manóbos are treacherous. If by treachery

is meant a violation of faith and confidence, they can not be said to be

treacherous. They kill when they feel that they are wronged. I know of

few cases where they did not openly avow their feelings and demand

reparation. Refusal to make the reparation demanded is equivalent to a

declaration of war, and in war all is fair. It is every man's duty to

safeguard himself as best he can. The Manóbo, Mandáya, Mañgguáñgan, and

Debabáon houses erected in strategic positions throughout the interior

of eastern Mindanáo, bear witness to the fact that these people

recognize the principle that all is fair in war. The fact that they

frequently carry their spears and shields when on the trail, and in time

of trouble accompany their womenfolk to the farms and guard them there,

is sufficient evidence of the fact that every means must be taken to

safeguard one's self and interests from an enemy. But let a case be once

arbitrated, and beeswax burned or other solemn manifestation of

agreement be made, and it is my opinion that the pledge will not, as a

rule, be broken.

Cowardice is a trait attributed to Manóbos and other people of Mindanáo.

It is true that they do not take inordinate risks. The favorite hour for

attack on an enemy's house is dawn. They prefer to thrust a spear

through the floor rather than to call the enemy out to fight a

hand-to-hand battle. In other cases they prefer to ambush him on the

trail, 5 or 10 men against 1. Again, it may be more convenient to pick

off a lone woman in a _camote_ patch. Such are recognized methods of

warfare. Once aroused, however, the Manóbo will fight, and fight to a

finish. Throughout the Jesuit letters we find mentioned various

instances of really brave deeds on the part of Manóbos. In some cases

the husband killed his family and then himself rather than fall into the

hands of the Spanish troops. I have been informed of hundreds of

instances in which the male members of the attacked party threw

themselves against superior numbers in order that their wives might

escape. Hand-to-hand encounters are not uncommon, if I may believe the

endless stories that have been narrated to me by warriors throughout

eastern Mindanáo.

Laziness and dilatoriness can certainly be predicated of Manóbo men, but

such qualities are to be attributed to lack of incentive to work and to

hurry. All the household duties fall, by custom, upon the shoulders of

the women, so that there is little left for the man except to fish,

hunt, trap, trade, and fight. When, however, the men set themselves to

clearing the forest or to other manual tasks, it is surprising with what

agility, skill, and perseverance they work, though such spells of labor

are short lived.

No one has ever uttered or written a word against the Manóbo's sexual

morality. It is true that sexual matters are discussed with the greatest

freedom, but the most venial breaches of morality are punished. The

greatest modesty is observed in regard to the exposure of the private

parts. Gazing at an undressed woman, for instance, at the bathing place

results in a fine. Unseemly insinuations to a woman are visited with a

similar punishment, but should such overtures go further, even death may

be the penalty.

As to temperance and sobriety, the rule is to eat and drink all one can,

hence the amount of food and drink consumed depends upon the supply.

Sobriety is not a virtue. To lose one's equilibrium and senses is to do

honor to the host and justice to his generosity.

Honesty is certainly a trait of the Manóbo character. I do not mean to

maintain that there are not occasional pilferings, especially in small

things that are considered to be more or less communal in their nature,

such as palm wine while still flowing from the tree, but other kinds of

property are perfectly safe. The rare violations of the rule of honesty

are punished more or less severely according to the amount of the

property stolen and according to other considerations.

Though respect for another's property is decidedly the rule, yet it is

surprising to note with what care everything is counted, tied up, or put

away, and how marks of ownership are set up on all occasions. I think,

however, that these precautions are due not so much to a fear of

pilferers as to a feeling of the instability of conditions in a country

that has always been subject to turmoil.

Honesty in the payment of debts is one of the most striking

characteristics of these people. I have advanced merchandise on credit

to people whom I had never met before and the whereabouts of whose

houses I did not know except from their own information, and yet, six

months or a year later, when I entered their region I had no difficulty

in locating them nor in collecting from them. So high is their feeling

of obligation to pay a debt that even children are sometimes parted with

in settlement, but this occurs in extreme cases only. Though debts are

satisfied conscientiously, yet a certain amount of consideration is

expected as to the time and other details of payment, except in some

very urgent cases.

Honesty in other matters, as in the performance of formal agreements, is

equally noticeable though I must say that the performance may not be as

prompt in point of time as we would expect. But it must be remembered,

in connection with this last point, that in making an agreement one is

presumed to make allowance for a great many impediments, such as evil

omens, that do not figure in our system of contracts. Another

difference, which applies also to the matter of debts, is that the man

who owes a debt must be reminded of his obligation and urged in a gentle

way to the performance of it. It occurs in some rare instances that a

debtor is under a definite contract as to the exact time for meeting his

obligation. In these cases the creditor may be more insistent upon

payment. It is to the credit of the Manóbo that he never disowns a debt

nor runs away to avoid the payment thereof.

It has been said that the Manóbo is ungrateful, but I do not think that

his gratitude is so rare nor so transitory a virtue as is claimed by

those who pretend to know him. It is true that he has no word to express

thanks, but he expects the giver to make known his desires and ask for

what he wants. This is the reason why he himself is such an inveterate

beggar. He receives you into his house, feeds you, considers you his

friend, and proceeds to make you reciprocate by asking for everything he

sees. If he is under any obligation to you, he expects you to ask in a

similar manner. If you do not do it, he considers you either apathetic

or rich, and hence no reciprocation is forthcoming. Among Manóbos no

presents are made except of such trifles as have no value.

The Manóbo feels that he is at perfect liberty to conceal his real

thoughts and to give utterance to such distortions of truth as may not

compromise him with others. The penalty for slander is so great that

this is a fault that is seldom committed. Hence to get the truth from a

Manóbo, it is useless, as a rule, to question him singly or even in the

presence of his friends alone. He must be brought face to face with

those who hold an adverse opinion or belong to an opposite faction. If

this can be done, in a more formal way, as for example, by having a

number of principal men attend, it will be so much the easier to obtain

the desired information.

Queries as to trails or the dwelling places of neighboring Manóbos are

hardly ever answered truthfully and do more harm than good, because they

tend to arouse suspicions as to the questioner's motives. Such

information is obtained more readily by cultivating the friendship of

boys than by consulting the older folks. This tendency to disguise or to

distort the truth, though it has its natural basis in a desire for

self-protection, gives the Manóbos a reputation for lack of that

straightforwardness and frankness that is so noticeable among the

Mandáyas, even after very short acquaintance. This lack of frankness,

coupled with a certain amount of natural shrewdness, makes the truth

difficult to discover, unless the suggestion made before be carried out,

or unless one is willing to wait till the truth leaks out in private

conversation among the Manóbos themselves.

One trait of the Manóbo that seems hard to understand is his love for

long discussions. No matter how trifling the matter may be, it always

becomes the subject of an inordinately long conference even though there

are no dissenting parties. Even in such trifles as getting a guide to

take me, by well-known trails, to settlements of people with whom I was

well acquainted, the inevitable discussion would always take place. A

great number of people would assemble. The matter would be discussed at

length by every one present without a single interruption, except such

exclamations of assent as are continuously uttered whether the speaker's

views are acceptable or not. It seems that these and more solemn

discussions afford the speakers an opportunity to make themselves

conspicuous or to display their judgment. I can divine no other reason

for these conferences because, in many cases that I have known, the

result of the discussion was a foregone conclusion from the beginning.

Perhaps such discussions are for the purpose of "making no concessions"

or if they must be made, of making them begrudgingly.

These conferences are as a rule rather noisy, for though one speaker at

a time "has the floor," there are always a number of collateral

discussions, that, joined to the invariable household sounds, produce

somewhat of a din. Noise, in fact, is a general characteristic of Manóbo

life, so much so that at times one is inclined to be alarmed at the loud

yelling and other demonstrations of apparent excitement, even though the

occasion for it all may be nothing more than the arrival in the

settlement of a visitor with a dead monkey.

Harmony and domestic happiness are characteristic of the Manóbo family.

The Manóbo is devoted to his wife, fond of his children, and attached to

his relatives, more so than the Mañgguáñgan, but much less so than the

Bisáya or the Mandáya. He is dearly fond of social gatherings for,

besides the earthly comforts that he gets out of them, they afford him

an opportunity to display such wealth, rank, and possessions as he may

possess. His invitations to neighbors serve to keep him high in their

estimation and thereby gather around him a number of friends who will be

of service in the hour of trouble. Of the Manóbo, as of the other people

of Mindanáo, too much can not be said of his hospitality. If he has once

overcome his suspicions as to a stranger's motives, he takes him into

his house and puts himself to infinite pains to feast him as best he

knows how. In Manóboland one who travels carries no provisions. He drops

into the first house and when the meal hour arrives he sits down upon

the floor and helps himself without any invitation. It is practically

his own house, because for the time being he becomes one of the family.

If there happens to be a feast, he partakes without any special

invitation, and when he is ready to go, he proceeds upon his journey,

only to repeat the operation in the next house, for it is customary

always to pay at least a short visit to every friendly house on or near

the trail.

One of the mental traits that has perhaps done more than anything else

to retard the Manóbo in his progress towards a higher plane of

civilization is his firm adherence to traditional customs. All things

must be done as his forefathers did them. Innovations of any kind may

displease the deities, may disturb the present course of events, may

produce future disturbances. "Let the river flow as it ever flowed--to

the sea," is a refrain that I heard quoted on this subject by Manóbos.

"Fish that live in the sea do not live in the mountains," is another,

and there are many others, all illustrating that conservatism that tends

to keep the Manóbo a Manóbo and nothing else. He is Christianized but,

after going through the Christian ritual, he will probably invoke his

pagan divinities. He takes on something new but does not relinquish the

old. Hence the difficulty of inducing the Manóbo to leave the district

of his forefathers, and take up his abode in a new place amid unfamiliar

spirits.

This feature of their character explains the inconstancy and fickleness

exhibited by the Christianized Manóbos at the beginning of their

conversion. These were due to the call of the forest hailing them back

to their old haunts. These characteristics will explain also a host of

anomalies that are noticeable throughout the Manóbo's life.

The first visit of a stranger to a primitive settlement may produce upon

him a very unfavorable impression. He may find that the women and

children have fled, so that he finds himself surrounded by men, all

armed. This should not discourage him, as it happens in many cases that

the men were unable to keep the women from flight. The wearing of arms

is as much a custom with Manóbos as the wearing of a watch is with us.

The bolo is his life and his livelihood. Were he not to wear it he would

be branded as insane, and he looks upon a defenseless person, stranger

or otherwise, much in the same light, unless he attributes the absence

of a weapon to the possession of secret powers of protection, in which

case he is inclined to follow the example of the fugitive women and

betake himself beyond the reach of harm.

Upon first acquaintance the Manóbo will ask a host of questions that

will tax the patience of the visitor if he ventures to answer them

personally. These questions spring from a desire to learn the motives of

the visit. People from the neighboring houses drop in at intervals just

as soon as word reaches them of the new arrival, and may continue to do

so until the time of the visitor's departure, thereby keeping the house

crowded. The assembling of these people arises from a desire to see the

visitor and to find out the object of his visit. Hence the newcomers

will proceed to ask him every imaginable question that may suggest

itself and if any answer conveys information that has anything of the

wonderful in it for them, it gives rise to a thousand and one other

questions, the responses to which often tax a visitor's patience.

Another part of the visit is the frank demand on the part of the

primitive people for any object of the visitor which they may take a

fancy to. They always understand, however, a quiet refusal, if it is

accompanied by an appropriate reason.

It happens sometimes that the chief of the settlement will claim a fee

for transgression upon his territory, but he will usually accept a small

present in lieu thereof, or will forego any gift, if the matter is

argued, quietly and diplomatically. The Manóbo resents harsh words,

especially when used toward him in the presence of those who are his

nominal subjects. Personalities or threats in such a case often prove

fatal.

It is not good etiquette to ask a Manóbo his name, especially if he is a

chief, until one has acquired somewhat of an acquaintance with him. The

information must be secured from a third party and in a quiet way.

Moreover, it is customary to address chiefs and other persons of

distinction by the names of their corresponding titles. Thus a warrior

chief is addressed _bagáni_, and not by his proper name.

It is needless to say that no familiarity should be taken with the

person of another until acquaintance has been cultivated far enough to

permit it. Thus touching another on the arm to call his attention to

something may be resented and may result in an attempt to collect a fine.

The handling of arms requires a word. The lance must be stuck in the

ground, head up, at the foot of the house ladder; or, if it must be

brought into the house, as at night, the owner must take care that it

points at no one while being handled. If one desires to draw a bolo from

its sheath, he must draw it slowly, and if it is to be presented to

another, the blade must be kept facing the owner's body and the handle

presented to the other man. The same rule holds for the dagger.

It will be noticed that as a general rule the men in a Manóbo settlement

go armed and keep their hands on their weapons, especially during

mealtime, at which time it is customary to eat with the left hand, the

right hand being reserved for the use of the weapon in an emergency.

There are a number of other rules of intercourse that serve to safeguard

life and to maintain proper respect on the part of each individual for

the person of his neighbor. These will be found scattered throughout

this paper.

PART II. GENERAL MATERIAL CULTURE

CHAPTER V

THE MANÓBO HOME

IN GENERAL

The Manóbo, as a rule builds a house of no great pretensions, because he

always remembers that an evil combination of omens or a death in the

house or an attack by his enemies, may deprive him in the near future of

his home. His best structure is better than the low wall-less

Mañgguáñgan home but can not compare with the comparatively solid

structure of the Mandáyas of Kati'il and the Debabáons of the Sálug

country.

He has no tribal halls, no assembly houses. In fact, with the exception

of a rude shack[1] on his farm, built to shelter those who are guarding

the crops against marauders (monkeys and birds), he builds only one

house, where he and usually several of his relatives dwell until such

time (usually after a year) as he finds it convenient or necessary to

abandon it.

[1] _Pin-ái-ag_.

MOTIVES THAT DETERMINE THE SELECTION OF THE SITE

The motives that determine the selection of the site are twofold.

RELIGIOUS MOTIVES

It is obvious that in such an important undertaking the Manóbo must be

guided by the omens and oracles that manifest to him the will of the

supernal powers. Hence, as he sallies forth to seek the site, he keeps

his ear alert for the turtledove's[2] prophetic cry. If this is

unfavorable, he returns home and resumes his search the following day.

It frequently happens that this omen may be unfavorable for two or three

successive days, but, however urgent the case may be, this bird's sacred

warning must on no account be disregarded, for it would mean failure,

disaster, or death, as the Manóbo can prove to you by a host of

instances that happened within his memory, or that of his relatives.

Once satisfied, however, with this first omen, he proceeds upon his

journey and selects, from material motives that will be mentioned later

on, a site for the new house, and returns to his people to inform them

of the outcome of his journey.

[2] _Li-mo-kon_.

Now, the selection of the site is of such serious import to the Manóbo

that he must assure himself, by every means in his power, that it is

approved by the unseen powers, and for this purpose he has recourse to

the egg omen and the suspension oracle. The former I witnessed on

several occasions and in every case it proved auspicious. The

_bu-dá-kan_ or vine omen is sometimes consulted in selecting a house

site, and the significance of the various configurations is the same as

that described under "Divination or Omens." I was told that this latter

omen is also taken _in the forest_ before the final decision as to the

selection of the site is made.

The occurrence of ominous dreams at this juncture, as also the passing

of a snake across the trail, are considered of evil import, but the evil

is neutralized by the fowl-waving ceremony that will be described later.

MATERIAL MOTIVES

When no further objection is shown by the "powers above" to the

selection of the home site, the Manóbo is guided by such motives as

fertility of soil, proximity of water, and fishing facilities, and, if

he is in a state of vigilance against his enemies, as in remote regions

he nearly always is, by desirability of the site for defense. In this

latter case he selects a high place difficult of access, frequently a

lofty mountain, and chooses the most strategic point upon it.

RELIGIOUS CEREMONIES CONNECTED WITH THE ERECTION OF A HOUSE

An invocation to the special deities of the family is made by a priest,

usually a relative. After an offering of a betel nut has been made to

the local deities of this particular part of the forest, the head of the

family, assisted by such of his numerous relatives as are able to help

him, proceeds to clear the ground for the new building. When a more

influential Manóbo begins to erect a capacious house, usually everyone

in the vicinity--men, women, and children--attracted by the prospective

conviviality that is sure to accompany the work, throng to lend a

helping hand, so that in a few days the clearing is made, cleaned and

planted, and the frame of the house with the roof completed.

People belonging to the less influential class may take months to

complete the house, depending on the number of relatives who help them

and on the leisure that they have. It is of importance to note here that

the house must not be completed at once.[3]

[3] It is believed that the thatch must be allowed to turn yellow before

the house is completed.

When the first post is put into the ground, a sacrifice is frequently

made and a part of the victim's blood is poured upon the base of the

post. As soon as the roof and floor have been constructed, a formal

sacrifice of a chicken is made to the special divinities under whose

protection the family is thought to be. The chicken must be of the color

that is pleasing to these deities. An interesting feature of this

ceremony is that the center of the floor, the place intended for the

doorway, and one or more of the posts, are lustrated with the blood of

the victim.

STRUCTURE OF THE HOUSE

THE MATERIALS

The materials for the house are taken from the surrounding forest and

are generally of a light character. It is only in the erection of a

house[4] for defense that more substantial materials are employed.

[4] _I-li-hán_.

THE DIMENSIONS AND PLAN OF CONSTRUCTION

In height from the ground to the floor the house may vary from 1.50 to 8

meters, though a structure of the latter height is infrequent. In size

it may be between 2 by 3 meters and 5 by 8 meters, but as a rule it is

nearer to the former than to the latter figures. Rectangular in form, it

is built upon light posts varying in number from 4 to 16, the 4 corner

ones being larger and extending up to support the roof. Four horizontal

pieces attached to these corner posts and, supported by several of the

small posts, form, together with a few joints, the support for the

floor. In order to give more rigidity to the building and to render the

floor stronger, the joints are supported by several posts, these last

being propped by braces set at an angle of about 45°. In the case of a

house built for defense, the number of supports and crosspieces is such

that the enemy would find it impossible to hack it down.

Houses built on trees were rare at the time of my stay among the Manóbos

of the Agúsan Valley. In the few cases which I saw, the tree was cut off

at a point about 2 meters above the divergence of the main branches from

the trunk. Then the house was built in the ordinary way by erecting long

auxiliary posts, the trunk of the tree and its main branches forming the

principal support. In Baglásan, upper Sálug River, I saw a Debabáon

house, belonging to Bagáni pinamailan Lantayúna, built on a tree but

without any auxiliary posts.

No nails, and pegs only very occasionally are employed in fastening

together the various parts of the structure. Either rattan strips or

pieces of a peculiar vine[5] are used in lashing the beams and

crosspieces to the posts, whereas for the other fastenings, rattan

strips are universally employed.

[5] Hag-nái-a (_Stenochlena_ spp.).

THE FLOOR

The floor consists of laths of bamboo, or of a variety of palm[6] laid

parallel and running along the length of the house with more or less

regular interstices. Almost universally one or both sides of the floor,

for a width of 50 centimeters to 1.5 meters, are raised to a height

varying from 10 to 50 centimeters above the main floor. This raised

portion serves for a sleeping place, but in the poorer classes of houses

the height of this platform is so slight that I think that there exists

or has existed some superstitious belief connected with it, though I

have been unable to elicit any positive information on the point. In

houses of the better class one occasionally finds roughhewn boards used

for the floor of these platforms, as also for the walls.

[6] A-ná-nau. Palma brava. (_Livistonia_ sp.).

THE ROOF AND THE THATCH

The roof is of the gable style, but is four-sided, with two smoke vents,

as may be seen in Plates 4b and 6a. The four beams that form the main

support for the rafters are lashed to the posts of the house at a height

varying from 1.5 meters to 2 meters above the floor. Four substantial

rafters, resting upon the four beams just mentioned, run up at an angle

of 45° from the corner posts. Upon these rafters rests the ridgepole.

Numerous light rafters of wood or of bamboo extend from the ridgepole in

parallel rows at intervals of 30 to 40 centimeters. They project about

50 centimeters beyond the side beams upon which they rest and serve to

support the roofing material.

The thatch consists almost invariably of fronds of rattan gathered in

the adjoining forest. This thatch is made by bending back on the midrib

every alternate spike till all the spikes lie parallel. Another way is

to cut the midrib in the center at the small end and tear the frond into

two pieces. These half-fronds are neither so durable nor so serviceable

as if the midrib is left entire. Two, three, or four of these fronds, or

double that number of half-fronds, are then superimposed, and fastened

to the rafters with rattan in shingle fashion.

In localities where sago palm is available an excellent thatch is made

in the ordinary Philippine fashion by sewing the spikes of the frond to

a slat of bamboo. It is claimed that this thatch will not last much more

than a year, as it is a breeding place for a multitude of small

cockroaches that seem to thrive upon it.

In the mountainous districts, where up to a few years ago feuds were

rife, it was not uncommon to find houses roofed with big strips of bark,

or with shingles of flattened bamboo. This style of roofing was employed

as a precaution against the burning arrows used by the enemy during an

attack.

There is always an extra layer of leaves over the ridgepole as a

protection against the rain. Occasionally a long strip or two of bark is

placed as a hood on the ridgepole to help prevent the entrance of the

rain during the northwest monsoon, when it comes down in indescribable

torrents.

A glance at the illustrations will show better than words can describe

the peculiar smoke outlets invariably found in Manóbo houses. They not

only afford an exit for the smoke, and admit light, but also permit,

during storms, the entrance of an amount of rain that does not conduce

to comfort.

THE WALLS

The walls are nearly always in the case of better class houses, light

poles of wood or of bamboo, laid horizontally one above the other and

tied to upright pieces placed at intervals for their support. In poorer

houses palm fronds are tied loosely to a few upright pieces. The eaves

project down almost as far as the top of the walls. The latter never

extend to the roof, but are usually of such a height that a person

sitting on the floor can see between the walls and the eaves the space

surrounding the house. It is rare to find boards used for the walls,

but, if used, they are roughhewn, and are laid horizontally and

edgewise, one above the other. They are held in place with rattan strips.

The space, then, between the top of the walls and the roof is open all

around the house and serves as one continuous window that affords more

ventilation than light. The purpose of this peculiar arrangement seems

to be for defense, for no one can approach the house from any side

without being seen, and, in time of attack, it affords the inmates of

the house an admirable vantage ground from which to ply their arrows.

THE DOORWAY AND THE LADDER

There is no door in a Manóbo house. In the middle of one end of the

house a small opening is left scarcely wide enough for two persons to

enter at one time. A notched pole leads up to this opening. If the house

is high, a certain amount of maneuvering on the part of one not

accustomed to it, may be required in climbing the pole, for there is

seldon[sic] any rail to aid one and the notches are not of the deepest.

This is another of the Manóbo's devices against enemies, for on

occasions of attack the inmates of a house can dislodge by a slight

movement of this cylindrical ladder any foolhardy enemy who might

attempt, under protection of his shield, to make an ascent during a

fight.

In the house of a chief or well-to-do Manóbo, one frequently finds a

crude ladder for the convenience of the family dogs.

INTERNAL ARRANGEMENTS

The internal arrangements of the house are very simple. The one

ceilingless square area between the roof and the floor constitutes the

house. There is no dining room, no kitchen, no bedroom, no toilet. Even

the little stalls erected by Mandáyas for the married couples are very

seldom to be found. The owner of the house occupies the part farthest

from the door, and nearest the fire, while visitors are relegated to the

part near the door.

DECORATIONS

No paint is applied to the house and, with the exception of a rude

carving of the ridgepole into the suggestion of a human head with a

rudimentary body, there is no decoration in the interior. On the

outside, one frequently sees at the ends of the ridgepole, and set

upright at right angles to each other, two narrow, thin pieces of wood

about 1 meter long. Along the sides of these are cuttings which are

intended to represent the crested head of a fowl, as the name given to

them indicates.[7]

[7] _Min-an-úk_ from _mán-uk_, a fowl.

THE FURNITURE AND EQUIPMENT OF THE HOUSE

The Manóbo house fittings are of the scantiest and most necessary kind.

The tenure of the house may be brief, depending, as it does, upon a

suspicion of danger or even on a dream. So the Manóbo does not indulge

in the luxury of chairs, tables, or similar articles. The upraised

portion of the floor, or the floor itself, serves him as a chair and a

bench. For a table he uses a small board such as is so universally used

throughout Mindanáo by the poorer classes. Yet many are the houses that

can not boast of even this simple equipment. He has no bedsteads, for

the bamboo floor with a grass mat thrown over it affords him a cool and

comfortable resting place. He has a fair abundance of mats, but they are

ordinarily short, being made according to the length of the grass he

happens to find. By day these mats are rolled up and laid aside on the

floor or upon the beams of the house. If left on the floor, they afford

the family dogs, who ensconce themselves therein, a convenient refuge

from flies.

He dispenses with the use of pillows, unless the handiest piece of wood

or of bamboo can be called a pillow. Lacking that, he lays his head upon

the mat and enjoys as good a sleep, perhaps, as his more civilized

fellowmen.

It is seldom, indeed, that he uses a mosquito bar, though wild _abaká_

is abundant and his wife is a weaver. The mosquito bars which are in use

are made out of _abaká_ fiber. As the cloth for them, made on the

ordinary loom, is less than a meter wide, and as much as 24 meters long,

it must be cut up into strips nearly 2 meters long and sewn together to

form the mosquito bar. It must be made of an odd number of pieces of

cloth, for an even number is unlucky. A net made of 11 or 13 pieces is

considered especially lucky. The use of the mosquito bar is very common

among the _conquistas_ of the Lake region.

Pictures and like ornaments are unknown, but in lieu of them may be seen

trophies of the chase, such as wild-boar jawbones, deer antlers, and

hornbill skulls and beaks. It is not infrequent to see the tail of some

large fish fastened to one of the larger beams, under the roof. There is

a special significance in the preservation of this trophy.

There is one article, however, which the Manóbo prizes as a mark of

wealth and as a venerable relic. It is the sacred jar.[8] I have been

unable to obtain any information as to the origin of these jars except

that they were usually obtained as marriage fees and that they were

bought from the Banuáons. Be that as it may, they are a matter of pride

in Manóboland, and on every occasion, festive and religious, they are

set out, brimful of brew. Not every Manóbo is the proud possessor of one

of these, but he who has one is loath to part with it. A glance at Plate

14 _k_, _l_, will give an idea of what these jars look like. They are

decorated, as a rule, in alto relievo with figures of birds, snakes,

etc., and to judge from their appearance are of Chinese workmanship.

When given as marriage payments or for other purposes they are valued at

about 4 pesos if they have no ears, but when they have ears they are

worth as many pesos minus 1 as they have ears.

[8] _Ba-hán-di_.

Next to jars the Manóbo values plates and bowls, even those of the

cheapest kind, and it is with a gleam of satisfaction on his face that

the host sets out an array of old-fashioned plates for his guests. The

Manóbo of the middle Agúsan, unlike his Mandáya neighbor, is

particularly poor in plateware. I found houses that could not boast of a

single plate, but as a rule each house has about four plates, a bowl,

and a glass.

Depending from the roof are to be seen baskets of various shapes

intended for a variety of uses, fish baskets, rice baskets of several

kinds, storage baskets, betel-nut baskets, pack baskets, some of

wickerwork and some of plaited rattan. Also, hanging from the rafters

are to be seen fish traps, wild chicken traps, religious objects such as

oblation trays, a guitar, or a bamboo harp, and if it is a priest's

house, a drum and gong.

One sees almost invariably a nest or two up in a corner under the roof.

They are for the domestic hens and are ungainly things, made ordinarily

out of a piece of old matting. In these the hens lay their eggs, after

meandering around the rafters and disturbing the inmates of the house

with their cackling. After the eggs are laid, it is frequently necessary

to drive the hens from the house.

The fireplace is another very important item in the house. It is usually

located on the side of the house away from the door and near the wall.

It consists of four roughhewn pieces of wood approximately 1 meter long

and about 10 centimeters high, set together on the floor and lashed in

the form of a rectangle. A piece of bark is placed on the floor within

this rectangle, and the inclosed space is filled with earth. A half

dozen stones form supports for the earthen jars. Above the fireplace is

a rough frame for firewood, of which there is usually a plentiful

supply. Here the wood is dried thoroughly before it is used.

In close proximity to the hearth and scattered around without any regard

for tidiness may be seen the rice winnow, the bamboo water tube, the

coconut-shell watercup, the rice paddles and ladles, leaves of banana

and other plants, and the whetstone, while on the fireplace are seen a

variety of earthen pots with their covers, and frequently an imported

iron pan for cooking.

Tied up under the roof, but within reach, may be seen bows and arrows,

probably a fish spear, or it may be, a fish rod. Spears and other

weapons of defense which, when not in use, are unsheathed and put into a

rude wooden rack made for the purpose, while the sheaths are hung up

close by.

It is not exceptional to find a cage with a turtledove[9] or a variety

of parrakeet[sic][10] in it. The cage is usually hung from the roof

under the eaves outside the wall. The turtledove is kept for religious

purposes, whereas the parrakeet[sic] is kept as other people keep a pet

bird, though it is occasionally employed by the young folks as a lure to

attract its wild fellows to the bird line.

[9] _Li-mó-kon_. (_Phabitreron brevirostris_ Tweedale). Generally called

fruit dove.

[10] _ku-li-li-si_.

THE UNDERPART AND THE ENVIRONMENT OF THE HOUSE

The space under the fireplace is usually not occupied because of the

water and refuse that fall from the kitchen, but to one side of it is

the inevitable pigpen, containing a pig or two. It is only the wealthier

Manóbos who can boast of more than a few, for the maintenance of many

would be a heavy drain on their limited food supply. These few pigs

subsist on such scraps and parings as may be thrown or allowed to fall

down to them.

To one side of the pigpen, if there is room, is placed the rice mortar,

an article of indispensable necessity in every household. In it is

hulled with wooden pestles, and frequently in measured time, the daily

supply of rice.

At the time when the house is constructed, the forest adjoining is

cleared, and _camotes_,[11] a little sugarcane, and a few other things

are planted. The house usually overlooks this clearing at least on one

side. On the other sides there is usually the grim, silent forest. When

the house is built with a view to defense, trees are felled all around

in such a way as to make a regular abatis. Ordinarily there are at least

two trails, one, a main trail, so tortuous and difficult, in the

generality of cases, that it would lead one to imagine that the owner of

the house had deliberately selected it for its difficulties, the other,

a trail leading to the watering place. In approaching the house the

visitor is obliged to climb over fallen logs, the passing of which

requires no little maneuvering on the part of a novice. Without a guide

it would be often difficult, if not impossible, to locate the houses,

even if one had been shown their location from a distance.

[11] _Ipomoea batatas_.

ORDER AND CLEANLINESS OF THE HOUSE

As from one to four families may live in a single house, it is needless

to say that there is generally a decided appearance of disorder, as well

as a tumult that baffles description. In the only room of the house are

congregated the married couples, generally a few extra relatives, their

children, and their dogs. The Manóbos are naturally very loud talkers,

their children, especially the infants, are as noisy as children the

world over, and their dogs, which may number from 3 to 15, are so

constituted that, when they are not fighting with one another, they may

at any moment, without apparent motive or provocation, begin one grand

dismal howl which, united to the crying of the babies and to the loud

tones of their elders, produces a pandemonium. It is at meal times that

the pandemonium waxes loudest, for at that time the half-starved dogs,

in their efforts to get a morsel to eat, provoke the inmates to loud

yells of "Sida, sida,"[12] and to other more forcible actions.

[12] An exclamation to drive away a dog.

In a large house, with such a conglomeration of human beings, it is

obvious that an impression of confusion is made upon the visitor. The

performance of the various culinary operations by the women, the various

employments in which the men are engaged, making arrows, fish traps,

etc., the romping of the children, all these tend to heighten the

impression. But the Manóbo goes on with his work, tranquil in the midst

of it all, savoring his conversation with incessant quids of betel nut

or tobacco.

The Manóbo has not yet come to a knowledge of the various microbes and

parasites that are liable to undermine the foundations of health, so

that the sanitary condition of his house is not such as would pass a

modern inspection. Both men and women are inveterate chewers of betel

nut and tobacco, and, instead of using a spittoon, they expectorate the

saliva through the interstices of the floor or anywhere that they may

find convenient, thereby tinging the floor and walls a bright red. As

the Manóbo broom is a most crude affair made out of a few twigs, it does

not remove all the remains of the meals as they lie spread over the

floor. The peelings of sugarcane, the skin of bananas and of other

fruits, the remains of rattan, and such other refuse as may be the

result of the various occupations that take place in the house are all

strewn around the floor and frequently are not removed for a

considerable length of time.

In the preparation and cooking of food a considerable amount of water

fails necessairly[sic] under the house which, together with the excreta

of the inmates and the other refuse, animal and vegetable, produces a

somewhat unfavorable appearance and sometimes an unpleasant odor.

There is no drainage, artificial or natural and no means are provided

for the removal of the ordure, unless it be the services of the

scavenger pigs, who busy themselves as soon as they become aware of the

presence of refuse. The effluvium, however, usually does not reach the

inmates unless the house is very low.

As the smoke outlets are comparatively remote from the fireplace, it is

obvious that the smoke does not make a rapid exit, but wreathes up among

the beams and rafters thereby blackening them out of all semblance to

wood. The underside of the thatch, especially those portions above the

fire, receives a goodly coating of soot which, mixed with the greasy

emanations from the pots, assumes a lustrous black.

Another matter that tends to give the house an air and feeling of

uncleanliness is the host of small insects, presumably a species of

cockroach, that infest the thatch, and, notwithstanding the volume of

smoke that at times almost suffocates the inmates, swarm down into the

baskets used for provisions and for other things. These multitudinous

insects seem to flourish on the rattan vine especially, and no means are

known whereby to exterminate them. Ants, especially the white ant, pay

frequent visits to the house, but the worst scourge of all is the

ravenous bedbug. This unpleasant insect is found under the joists just

beneath the floor laths, but in greatest numbers under those parts of

the floor that are continually used as sleeping places, and in the

hammocks. Occasionally an effort is made to scrape them out, but they

are so cunning in concealing themselves and breed with such rapidity

that efforts to get rid of them are unavailing.

The presence of vermin on the bodies of the Manóbos is due to the lack

of soap and of washing facilities. But, if questioned, these primitive

people will inform you, that the vermin are natural growths or

excretions proceeding from the inside.[13] It is for this reason that no

shame is exhibited in removing publicly the pests from the clothes or

from the hair. Owing to the custom of the people of huddling together

during the night these insects are propagated from one individual to

another, so that it is seldom that the Manóbo is free from them.

[13] I found this belief to be almost universal in eastern Mindanáo.

CHAPTER VI

DRESS

GENERAL REMARKS

DELICACY IN EXPOSURE OF THE PERSON

Like all tribes of eastern Mindanáo, Manóbos, both men and women, wear

sufficient clothes to cover the private parts of the body. Children up

to the age of 5 or 6 years may go without clothes, but female children

commonly wear a triangular pubic shield[1] of coconut shell, suspended

by a waist string. Men, though they may denude themselves completely

when bathing, always conceal their pudenda from one another's gaze.

[1] _Pú-ki_.

Married and elderly women may occasionally expose the upper part of

their persons, but unmarried girls seldom do so. No delicacy is felt in

exposing the breasts during the suckling of a babe.

VARIETY IN QUANTITY AND QUALITY OF CLOTHES

The quantity and quality of clothes worn varies slightly in different

localities. The farther away from settlements the people live, the

poorer and less elaborate is the dress, due to their inability to obtain

the imported cloth and cotton yarn, for which they entertain a high

preference. On the upper Agúsan, where the Manóbos have adopted a

certain amount of Mandáya culture, their apparel partakes of the more

gorgeous character of that of the Mandáya. In places where they are of

Mañgguáñgan descent, as is often the case on the upper Agúsan, on the

Mánat, on the upper Ihawán and tributaries, and on the upper Sálug,

their clothes resemble those of their poor progenitors. In the middle

Agúsan (including the Wá-wa, Kasilaían, lower Argáwan, lower Umaíam,

lower Ihawán, Híbung, and Simúlau Rivers) the dress may be called

characteristically Manóbo.

THE USE OF BARK CLOTH

The use of bark cloth[2] in a region situated somewhere between the

headwaters of the Libagánon and the Sábud, a western tributary of the

Ihawán, was reported to me. My informants, both on the Sálug River and

on the Umaíam River, spoke of the people of that locality as _true

Manóbos_, very dark in color, and wearing bark clothes. If this report

is correct, and I am inclined to give credence to it, it is probably the

only case at the present time of the use of bark cloth in Mindanáo,

excepting perhaps among the Manánuas[sic].

[2] _A-ga-hán_.

DRESS AS AN INDICATION OF RANK

There are no characteristic dresses by which the rank or profession of

the wearer is indicated except that of the warrior chief. Female priests

very frequently may be distinguished by a prodigality of charms,

talismans, and girdle pendants, as also by a profuseness of embroidery

on the jacket, but such lavishness is not necessarily an infallible sign

of their rank as priestesses but rather of their wealth. Neither is it a

mark of their unmarried condition, for in Manóboland, as in other parts

of the world, the maiden loves to display her person to good advantage

and for that reason decks herself with all the finery of which she may

be the possessor.

Slaves may be recognized by the wretchedness of their clothes.

DRESS IN GENERAL

The man's dress invariably consists of long loose trousers or of

close-fitting breeches, and of a moderately tight-fitting, buttonless

jacket. These two articles of dress are supplemented by a bamboo hat, a

betel-nut knapsack, and by such adornments in the shape of beads, and

other things, as the man may have been able to acquire.

The woman's dress consists almost invariably of a close-fitting,

buttonless jacket with red body and black sleeves. Her skirt is a double

sacklike garment made out of _abaká_ fiber. A girdle of braided human

hair or of braided vegetable fiber holds this coarse dress in place. A

selection of beads, shells, and herbs hang from this girdle at the right

side. A comb in the hair, a pair of ear disks in the ears, a few

necklets, and frequently leglets, complete the apparel. The children's

clothing is a duplicate of that of their respective parents on a smaller

and less elaborate scale.

PREFERENTIAL COLORS IN DRESS

In the matter of color a decided preference is shown for red, yellow,

white, and dark blue. This is not so exacting in the case of beads,

which are purchased indiscriminately, but even in these I am of the

opinion that if there were a choice in the supply, the above-mentioned

colors would be preferred.

The Manóbo, then, is not encumbered with all the weight and variety of

modern modes and fashions. Shoes, slippers, and hose are not a part of

his apparel. Blankets and other articles for protection against cold are

not to be found in his wardrobe. In the house and out of the house, by

night and by day, in peace and in war, his dress is the same, one suit

for every day usage and one for festal occasions and for visits.

THE MAN'S DRESS

HATS AND HEADKERCHIEFS

The hat worn on the Ihawán, upper Agúsan, and upper Simúlau resembles

that worn by Mandáyas. It is made out of two pieces of bamboo,[3] dried

over the fire into the desired shape, and is held together by two

slender strips of rattan running around and stitched to the edges of the

headpiece proper. These pieces project backward and overlap to form the

tail of the hat. The upper surface of the whole hat is then painted with

beeswax. The sustaining pieces of rattan around the rim and the under

surface of the back part receive a heavy coating of this same material

mixed with pot black. Odd tracings and dottings of beeswax and soot or

of the juice of a certain tree[4] serve to decorate the whole upper

surface; small seed beads, usually white, are often sewed around the rim

in a single row and at slight intervals, or are sewed on the top,

especially around the conical peak. Little tufts of cotton are sometimes

dotted over the top, and occasionally one finds the emerald green wings

of a beetle[5] placed in the seams on top. All of these devices serve to

enhance the beauty of the headpiece.

[3] _Caña bojo_.

[4] _Ka-yú-ti_.

[5] Called _dú-yau_.

A notable feature of the hat is five or six tail plumes of a domestic

rooster. These are set upright in small holes in the back part of the

hat and are held in place by lumps of beeswax placed at the ends of the

quills, which protrude through the bamboo. It is needless to say that

the most gaudy plumes are selected for this purpose. They enhance in no

small degree the elegant appearance of the hat. These plumes curve very

gracefully indeed, and nod in unison with every movement of the wearer.

The hat is held on the head by two strings made either of braided

imported cotton of the typical colors, of _abaká_ fiber of the same

colors, of vegetable fiber, or of slender slips of rattan. These two

strings, often strung with beads, are attached at both ends of the hat

and are sufficiently loose to permit the head of the wearer to be

inserted between them. A further adornment may consist of two or more

beaded pendants that may be tipped with tassels of imported cotton of

the preferential colors.

The hat, on the whole, is serviceable, economical, and cool, and serves

to set off its wearer to good advantage and to protect his hair from the

rain. As far as I have been able to ascertain, the decorative tracings

and appanages on the hat have no other significance than that of

personal adornment.

A second form of head covering, in use in the parts of the Agúsan River

Valley not mentioned above, as also among the Manóbos of the Pacific

coast,[6] is circular. It is made of the sago palm or of bamboo. It

varies in diameter between 25 and 35 centimeters and has the shape of a

low broad cone. The edges, like those of the hat already described, are

reinforced with rattan painted with a mixture of beeswax and pot black

for preserving the rattan against atmospheric influences. No paint is

applied to the sago sheath, but the beeswax is applied to the bamboo as

a preservative against cracking. Neither are any decorative incisions or

tracings used in this form of hat, it being primarily and essentially

for protection against sun and rain. Two parallel strips of rattan

fastened at the ends of a diagonal serve to hold the hat in position on

the head.

[6] The Manóbos of the Pacific coast inhabit the upper waters of the

Kantílan, Tándag, Tágo, Marihátag, Húbo, Bislig, and Liñgig Rivers.

A noteworthy feature of this hat is that within the area mentioned

above, it is frequently worn by women. I know of no other headdress that

is employed by the female members of the Manóbo, Mandáya, and Debabáon

tribes.[7]

[7] The Manóbos of the lower Agúsan, inhabiting the towns of San

Vicente, Amparo, San Mateo, Las Nieves, and surrounding regions are not

referred to here. The Debabáons are looked upon as forming a separate

tribe till further investigation.

Besides the headkerchief,[8] worn universally by warrior chiefs[9] and

recognized warriors[10] throughout all tribes in eastern Mindanáo, a

kerchief[11] bound round the head is very often worn by Manóbos of the

Argáwan and Umaíam Rivers.

[8] _Tá-bang_.

[9] _Ba-gá-ni_.

[10] _Man-ík-i-ad_.

[11] _Pó-dung_.

THE JACKET

In general the jacket is close-fitting, square-cut, and closed. It has

long sleeves and a tongue-shaped opening for the head extending from the

neck downward in front. Ordinarily the jacket is scarcely long enough to

reach the top of the trousers. It is not rare to find a narrow strip of

cloth of a color different from the rest of the jacket inserted between

the sleeves and body of the garment or running down the waist between

the two pieces that form the body. This sidepiece in the jacket of men

and women serves to give the desired width to the garment and the

variation in color secured by it is regarded as an addition to the

general ornamental effect. The jacket is embroidered more or less

elaborately according to the skill of the embroiderer and the amount of

imported cotton yarn available. This embroidery is done on the back from

shoulder to shoulder in a band from 4 to 6 centimeters broad, and in

continuous narrow lines around the neck opening, along the seams between

the sleeves and body of the garment, on the lower parts of the sleeves,

around the waist at the bottom of the garment, and down the arm at the

joining of the sleeves; in a word, over all seams.

In the central portion of the Agúsan Valley and on the Pacific coast,

the most common form of jacket is made of unstained _abaká_ fiber cut

like the one just described. It has, however, inwoven in the cloth,

horizontal parallel lines of dark-blue yarn on the back and the upper

part of the front. These dark-blue bands are set at intervals from each

other and usually amount to from six to nine lines in number. Tufts of

cotton in a continuous recurrence of red, yellow, and dark blue, without

any interstices, cover all the seams. If there is any embroidery, it is

upon the lower part of the sleeves, on that part of the jacket that

covers the back of the neck, and along the seams between the sleeves and

the body of the jacket. The distribution of this style of garment is

very wide. I have seen it on the Tágo River (Pacific coast), on the

upper Umaíam, Argáwan, Kasilaían, and Simúlau Rivers.

On the upper Agúsan, including the upper Bahaí-an, Ihawán, and Baóbo

Rivers, a style that resembles the Mandáya is most frequently to be

seen. The jacket is made of a gauze-like _abaká_ cloth dyed black, or

preferably of black or blue imported cloth. One frequently finds, for

ornamental purposes, just above the wrists or between the sleeves and

the body of the jacket, or down the waist between the main pieces of the

garment, thin strips of white cloth inserted. Usually there is no

embroidery as such, the previously described alternating tufts of cotton

yarn covering all, or nearly all, the seams. When, however, it is

desired and it is feasible to adorn the garment with embroidery, the

back-of the jacket from shoulder to shoulder, the space along the

shoulder seams and the back and front of the sleeves are selected for

this prupose[sic]. Bands 5 to 7 centimeters in breadth of more or less

intricate pattern are embroidered in these places, with much patient

labor and no little skill. It is needless to say that the ordinary

colors, with a predominance of red, are used.

THE LOWER GARMENT

The lower garment is of two kinds, one being a short, close-fitting

garment made out of either undyed _abaká_ fiber with a woof of native

cotton or of imported blue cloth. This garment resembles closely the

ordinary bathing tights. It is the working breeches of the Manóbo and

makes no pretense of being ornamental. The white or undyed form is the

more common.

The other kind of lower garment worn by the men may be called trousers,

though they reach only about halfway between the knees and the ankles.

They are square-legged and baggy, made of undyed _abaká_ fiber or of

_abaká_ fiber with a woof of cotton, both undyed. Whenever it is

obtainable, imported blue cloth is used. The two legs of the trousers

are each about 65 centimeters long by 24 centimeters broad and are

joined together by a triangular piece of cloth. These trousers are worn

on festive and other occasions that require a display of personal

dignity.

The decoration of the trousers consists usually of fringes of imported

cotton attached to all the seams except those around the waist. When it

is considered desirable to make a more showy garment, embroidery of

cotton yarn is added to the ends of the legs and to the part that covers

the sides of the calves. The designs used depend on whether the wearer

is of the central or of the upper Agúsan group.

THE GIRDLE

Around the waist of the garment is a hem through which passes a

drawstring or girdle usually of braided _abaká_ fiber dyed in the usual

colors, with dependent extremities and tassels of imported cotton, also

in the preferential colors. On the upper Agúsan one finds at times beads

and even small bells added to the tassels. These are allowed to hang

down in front.

The method of fastening the girdle is by the ordinary method of

tieing[sic], or by another simple method, which consists in attaching

near one end of the drawstring the operculum of a shell said to be found

in the forests. At the other end of the girdle is a loop large enough to

admit the operculum, which on being slipped into this loop retains the

garment in position.

THE BETEL-NUT KNAPSACK[12]

[12] _Pú-yó_.

The knapsack is such an omnipresent, indispensable object that it may be

considered a part of Manóbo raiment. It is a rectangular bag, on an

average approximately 30 by 25 centimeters, with a drawstring for

closing it. This string is nearly always of multicolored braided _abaká_

fiber, and is a continuation of the strings by which the knapsack is

suspended on the back from the shoulders, so that when it is carried in

that position the mouth of it is always closed. The cloth of which it is

made is the usual undyed _abaká_ cloth, though among the upper Agúsan

group one finds in use blue imported cloth or, perhaps more frequently,

Mandáya cloth,[13] imported especially for knapsacks.

[13] Called _gú-au_.

The decoration consists of embroidery, more or less extensive, of the

type that is characteristic of the wearer's group and which corresponds

to that of his dress, if the dress is decorated. Tassels of imported

cotton at the extremities of the drawstrings, and perhaps pendants of

small seeds, or beads, usually white, together with cotton fringes in

proper colors, enhance the beauty of the knapsack. As a rule, however,

among the Manóbos of regions remote from Christian settlements, one

finds little attempt at decoration, either of the dress or of the

knapsack. A few fringes of cotton yarn and a little ornamental

stitchwork are about the only display attempted. This lack of decoration

is due not only to the fact that they have little cotton yarn, but also

to lack of ability on the part of the women. The latter fact might lead

the observer to conclude that the art of embroidery and cloth decoration

originated outside the tribe.

THE WOMAN'S DRESS

THE JACKET

The great distinguishing mark of a woman's dress is the difference in

color between the body of the upper garment, which is almost invariably

red, and the sleeves, which must always be of a different color. Should

the body be made of black cloth, then the sleeves are always of red. And

if the sleeves are of black, blue, or white, then the body must be of

red.

Another differentiating feature of the woman's jacket is that the cuffs,

if they may be so called, are generally of the color of the body of the

garment, and that the pieces often inserted between the main parts of

the body and extending vertically down the sides from the armpits are of

the same color, and, if possible, of the same material as the upper

parts of the sleeves. These two points, together with the more extensive

and elaborate embroidery, serve to distinguish the woman's upper garment

from the man's.

In the regions which I visited the styles of jackets may be reduced to

two, the more elaborate types of which are as follows:

_The upper Agúsan style_.--On the upper Agúsan, on the Ihawán (excepting

on its western tributaries), and on the Bahaían, the woman's jacket

partakes of the style and characteristics of that of the Mandáya. In

shape it is not different from that of the man, but is more

close-fitting, especially the sleeves, which may be compared to a long

cylinder. Lines of cotton yarn in alternating colors cover and adorn the

seams and the oval-shaped opening for the neck, but are not found on the

bottom of the jacket. Embroidery of skillful and intricate design, in

bands about 5 or 6 centimeters wide, adorns the garment on the back from

shoulder to shoulder and around the seam at which the sleeves are joined

to the body of the jacket.

This garment is made out of either gauzelike _abaká_ cloth of native

weaving, dyed either red or black, or it is of imported European cloth

obtained by barter. Sometimes it is a combination of the two, when

enough imported cloth has not been obtained.

_The style of the central group_.--The main differences between this

style and that just described are that the latter is more loosely cut in

the body and sleeves, is more profusely embroidered, and has a

longitudinal cut in the cuffs for the admission of the hands. One finds,

too, but only very occasionally, a type of jacket in which the sleeves

are white and the body black.

The embroidery may be so profuse that it covers not only the lower

halves of the sleeves and the back of the neck, but the whole front of

the garment.

THE GIRDLE AND ITS PENDANTS

The girdle may be a mere braided cord of _abaká_ fiber often mixed with

strands of cotton yarn, but more commonly it is a series of braided

cords of _nito_,[14] or of human hair. The girdle is made by braiding

the _nito_ or the hair into circular cords, each about 45 centimeters in

length and about 2 millimeters in width. Anywhere from 10 to 20 of these

braids are fastened together by involving the ends in small pieces of

cloth wrapped with cotton yarn of the preferential colors.

[14] _Lygodium circinnatum_ sp.

To one end of this girdle is attached a numerous array of beads, shells,

and charms. To the other is attached a braided _abaká_ cord, also

variegated with the proper colors, which enables the wearer to fasten

and tighten the girdle. One frequently sees white seed beads in greater

or less quantity strung on each cord of this form of belt.

The pendants are a very noticeable feature of the girdle. Hung from the

right side they present to the eye anything but a pleasing effect.

Bundles of white scented grass, about 5 centimeters long by 1 centimeter

in diameter, that have dried to a semblance of hay, detract most from

the appearance of the wearer. The whole mass of pendants is a tangle of

divers objects, the quantity of which depends upon the good fortune of

the wearer. The following are the objects that may be found among these

pendants: Large hawk bells, seldom exceeding six in number and

ordinarily not more than three; bunches of odorous grass, amounting

sometimes to as much as eight in number; the red seed of the _ma-gu-hai_

tree; small shells, especially cowry shells, picked up, it is said, in

the forest; the pods of the _ta-bí-gi_ tree, one or more, used for

carrying incense[15] for religious purposes; odoriferous seeds and

roots[16] cut up small and strung on _abaká_ filaments with such beads

as the wearer may not desire to use, because of their color or shape,

for the ornamentation of other parts of his body.

[15] Called _pa-lí-na_. It is obtained by tapping the _ma-gu-baí_ tree.

[16] The following are the native names of the roots and plants seen by

the writer: _ta-bó_, the seed of a plant which looks like a sweet

potato; _sá-i_, a helmet-shaped seed of a tree of the same name;

_kú-su_, the root of a leguminous plant; _ma-gu-baí_, the bright red

seed of a tree of the same name. It is interesting to note that this

same seed is used for the eyes of sacred images. _Ka-bis-da'_ and

_ko-múd-la_ are also made use of.

The purpose of these various objects is, to all appearances, to ornament

the person and to impart a fragrance to the wearer. In this last respect

the redolent herbs and seeds admirably fulfill their purpose. But many

of these objects serve other ends, medicinal and religious. I took no

little pains in investigating this point, but the replies to my

inquiries were at times so indeterminate, at others so varied, and so

contradictory that I can not make any definite statement; but I am

strongly inclined to believe, for sundry reasons, that both medicinal

and magic powers are attributed to many of the innocent-looking objects

that go to make up the girdle pendants.

THE SKIRT

The Manóbo woman is not encumbered with all the wearing apparel of more

cultured tribes. She vests herself with the simple sacklike skirt of

good strong _abaká_ cloth, durable, and admirably suited to her manner

of life.

As the cloth comes from the loom it is in one long rectangular piece

(3.6 meters by 90 centimeters more or less). It is cut in two and the

ends of each of the two pieces are sewed together, so that two

bottomless sacks are made. These two sacks are then joined together,

thus forming one long rectangular garment, which by night serves for

blanket, sheet, and frequently mosquito bar, and by day for a skirt.

When used as a skirt, it is folded over in such a way that it resembles

two sacks, one inside the other. As it is considerably larger than the

person of the wearer it must be drawn to one side, always the left, and

tucked in. The lower part of the garment on the left side bulges out so

far that it makes the woman's figure ungraceful in appearance.

From the dimensions given above it follows that the dress does not reach

much below the knees, a salutary arrangement, indeed, for one whose

occupations lead her through the slush of forest trails and the grime of

farming life.

There are two types of skirt in common use; first, the type that is of

purely Manóbo manufacture, and, second, the type that is imported from

the Mandáyas of southeastern Mindanáo.

The purely Manóbo type is distinguished by its simplicity and absence of

elaborate design. Alternating bands of red and black, with dividing

lines of white, all running longitudinally along the warp, and inwoven,

are the only effort at beauty of design.

The second form of skirt is that imported from the Mandáyas or

purchased, whenever obtainable, from Bisáya traders or, on the upper

Agúsan, from trafficking intermediaries. It is striking with what

appreciation the Manóbo regards this article. A Manóbo from the Argáwan

and Umaíam will travel over to Hinatuán, a journey of three or four

days, to procure a piece of Mandáya skirt cloth. He values it above the

costliest pieces of European fabric that he has seen. The Manóbo woman

upon seeing a fine specimen dances with joy, and is long and loud in her

praise of it. No value is too high for such a specimen and no sacrifice

too great to purchase it.

The explanation of this high regard in which Mandáya cloth is held is

simple. The cloth is made, I was habitually assured by Manóbos, _by

enchantment_, under the direction of the priestesses in the lofty

mountain fastnesses of Mandáyaland.[17] No other explanation will

satisfy the credulous Manóbo. He can not possibly understand how the

fanciful and elegant designs on Mandáya cloth can be produced by other

than supernatural means.

[17] I have covered nearly the whole of the Mandáya country and can

testify to the numerous religious practices and restrictions connected

with the fabrication of the cloth.

The cloth as it comes from the loom is of practically the same size as

Manóbo cloth and it is made into the form of a skirt in identically the

same way. The only difference is that the Mandáya fabric is heavier and

has a beautiful inwoven pattern.

A minute description of the patterns would be needlessly lengthy and

necessarily deficient. In general, it may be said that the designs are

executed in longitudinal panels, of which there are several lateral and

one central, all of which run parallel and warpwise. The main figures

are four, two grotesquely suggestive of a crocodile but more nearly

portraying a turtle, and two that delineate the fanciful figure of a

woman. The intermediate parts of the panels consist of reticulations

whose general design depends upon the skill and whim of the weaver.[18]

[18] The cloth is classified (1) according to the color of the woof

threads (_pu-gáu-a_) into _kan-aí-yum_ (black) and _lin-í-ba_ (red); (2)

according to the design on the central panel--_ím-pis no laí-ag_ if it

is 25 centimeters wide, _bin-a-ga-kís_ if the central panel is no wider

than the lateral ones; (3) according to the use of narrow (_sin-ák-lit_)

or of broad (_pin-al-áw-an_) white stripes; (4) according to the

locality in which the cloth is manufactured, the most famous and most

prized cloth being called _ban-a-háw-an_, which proceeds from the

Banaháwan district in the Kasaúman River Valley in the southeastern part

of Mindanáo. The Mañg-á-gan type is highly esteemed for being very

similar in design and dye effects to the Banaháwan. It is made by the

_Tagabuztai_ group of Mandáyas in the Karága River Valley.

CHAPTER VII

PERSONAL ADORNMENT

GENERAL REMARKS

The adornment of the person is confined almost exclusively to women so

that the following observations apply principally to them. In the

discussion of bodily mutilations reference will be made to such

permanent adornment as tattooing, perforation and elongation of the ear

lobes, superciliary and axillary depilation, grinding of the teeth, and

the blackening of the teeth and lips--all of which, with the exception

of the elongation of the ear lobes, are common to both men and women.

The finger nails of both sexes are sedulously clipped, not even

thumb-nails being allowed to grow long. This may be due to the fact that

these latter are not required for playing the guitar, nor for gambling

with cards, in which occupations they prove a valuable aid to the Bisáya

of the Agúsan Valley.

HAIR AND HEAD ADORNMENT

CARE AND ORNAMENTATION OF THE HEAD

With the exception of the Manóbos of the far upper reaches of the

Argáwan, Umaíam, and Sábud Rivers, whom I did not visit, and of Manóbos

who live in settlements and may have adopted the hairdressing methods of

Bisáyas, one mode of dressing the hair is almost invariably in use by

both men and women. The hair is parted in a straight line over the

cranium from ear to ear. The front division is then combed forward over

the forehead where it is banged square from ear to ear in the plane of

and parallel to the superciliary ridges. The back division is combed

back, and after being twisted into a compact mass, is tied in a chignon

upon the crown of the head. The knot is a single bow, which from our

standpoint is not very prepossessing.

In men the chignon is usually lower, being about half way between the

crown and the nape of the neck.

One occasionally sees two locks of hair left hanging down in front of

the ears to the level of the jaws. This fashion is not very prevalent

even on the upper Agúsan, and is probably adopted from the Mandáyas.

No fillets, flowers, garlands nor any other ornamentation are ever used

on the hair. Coconut oil, if obtainable, is used, but the meat of the

coconut, rasped or chopped into small particles, is preferred, whenever

it can be obtained. As a wash for the hair, wild lemons, the seed of an

uncommon tree whose name has escaped my memory, and the bark of a tree,

are used sporadically. I can not laud the condition of the hair.

Notwithstanding the fact that a crude bamboo comb with close-set teeth

is made use of, the vermin are never eliminated.

On occasions the hair of children is cut for the purpose of promoting

its growth, and the hair of female slaves is often cut as a punishment.

With these exceptions, the hair is never cut, being left with all the

profusion which nature gives it.

COMBS

An ornamental comb is always worn by women. It consists of a segment of

bamboo, 7 or 8 centimeters long and 5 centimeters high, curved while

still green and made to retain its shape by a slip of bamboo fastened

into two holes on the concave side. The teeth are whittled out and the

upper part and sides are cut into the characteristic shape seen in Plate

9. On the front or convex side of the comb are ornamental incisions the

style and variety of which depend upon the caprice and adeptness of the

fashioner. Skeat and Blagden[1] quote an authority who asserts that the

tribes of the Malay Peninsula attribute magic properties to the

decorative incisions on their combs. Following out this idea, the writer

made numerous inquiries in the Agúsan Valley as to the existence of a

similar or of an analogous attribution but found none. According to all

reports these patterns are purely esthetic in their character, with no

magic or other attributes. The fact that among the Manóbos of the upper

Agúsan in the vicinity of Veruéla, one finds combs without incised work

and among the Manóbos of Argáwan, Umaíam, and Kasilaían one occasionally

sees combs with circular, square, and triangular pieces of

mother-of-pearl inlaid, is an indication of the absence of the aforesaid

belief. In fact, combs of the last-mentioned type seem to be more highly

prized than the plain incised bamboo ones, a fact due probably to the

scarcity of mother-of-pearl. Another point that goes to bear out the

above statement is the fact that no reluctance is displayed in parting

with a comb, no matter how intricate or unusual may be its incisions.

[1] Pagan Races of the Malay Peninsula.

On the upper Agúsan it is not rare to find combs that have a band of

beaten silver with a fretwork pattern laid across the convex part above

the teeth. These combs, however, are imported from the Debabáons of

Moncáyo or from the composite group living farther up the river. The

writer knows of no Manóbo silversmith.

No hairpins nor other means of fastening the hair are made use of,

neither are any dyes nor other materials used to alter its color.

EAR DISKS

Another ornament found on the Manóbo woman's head is the ear disk. This

is a disk of wood[2] about 3 centimeters in diameter, and 6 millimeters

wide, with a small groove around the edge in which rests the edge of the

ear perforation. When the wearer has been lucky enough to get a thin

lamina of silver or of gold[3] it is fastened on the outside of the

wooden disk by means of a few strands of imported cotton yarn nearly

always red. The yarn passes through a hole in the lamina and in the

disk, a little tuft being left over the hole. These metal plates have

usually stellate edges and are often decorated with a simple chiseled

pattern. They are rare except on the upper Agúsan where there are

Debabáon and Mandáya smiths. In lieu of gold and silver, a lamina made

out of beaten brass wire answers the purpose.

[2] Usually of _ku-li-pá-pa_.

[3] Gold laminae are very rare and are seldom parted with. They are

highly valued heirlooms. The silver lamina is beaten out of a piece of

silver money.

On the upper Agúsan both men and women suspend four strings of beads

from each ear, when the dignity of the occasion requires it. These

strings are about 30 centimeters long and have colored cotton tassels at

the ends. Both these tassels and the strings of beads are of the

preferred colors, red, white, black, and yellow. I am inclined to think

that this custom is also of Mandáya origin. Occasionally one or two

buttons[4] are worn in the ear lobes of men on the upper Agúsan. This

practice seems to have been adopted from the Mandáyas.

[4] Ordinary undershirt buttons.

NECK AND BREAST ORNAMENTS

The number of necklets and necklaces worn depends on the wealth of the

wearer or on her good fortune in having been able to secure a supply of

beads. The components of the necklace are principally beads with

alternating odoriferous seeds or pieces of seeds. Here and there a small

shell may be added, or a larger bead, or a crocodile tooth. The writer

has seen worn coils of beads with small shells, seeds, and crocodile

teeth, that must have weighed at least 2 kilograms. Such an array as

this is not worn every day but is reserved for occasions of religious or

secular festivity and for times when the possessor feels bound to make

an unusual display. The seeds worn are the same as those that form part

of the girdle--pendants, above described.

It may not be out of place here to note the fondness displayed by the

feminine portion of the tribe for perfumes. This is characteristic of

all the peoples of eastern Mindanáo with whom I have been in contact.

Though medicinal and magic virtues are attributed, perhaps, to these

odorous seeds, yet their fragrance is also undoubtedly a determining

factor in the choice of them.

In the color of the beads used the Manóbo is restricted by the character

of the supply, but it may be said that where he has his choice he

selects red, yellow, black, and white. He prefers the small seed bead,

but likes to have a few large beads to place at recurring intervals.

Necklets are occasionally worn. They consist of bands of beads, arranged

symmetrically according to color in geometrical figures--a triangle of

yellow beads, a rectangle of black ones, or other patterns. This necklet

is usually about 2 centimeters broad and long enough to fit the neck

tightly. It is fastened at the back by a button and usually has a single

string of beads depending from it and lying upon the back. Men may wear

this necklet, but its use by them is very infrequent. They, however,

occasionally wear a necklace from which to suspend the hair eradicator.

I observed this only on the upper Agúsan, and, as it is an ordinary

Mandáya practice I suppose that the custom is borrowed--another

indication of the influence of Mandáya culture on the Manóbos of the

upper Agúsan. The eradicator is a small pair of tweezers made,

ordinarily, out of a piece of beaten brass wire bent double and having

inturned edges.

The only breast ornament, besides tattooing on the skin and embroidery

on the jacket, is the silver plaque or disk worn nearly always by

unmarried women and frequently by others. The wearing of these disks is

a custom practiced only on the upper Agúsan, Ihawán, and Simúlau Rivers,

and is without doubt of Mandáya origin. The plaque is a large thin sheet

of beaten silver varying from 7 to 10 centimeters in diameter. It is of

Debabáon or of Mandáya workmanship. It has a pattern of concentric

circles and other symmetrical figures traced upon it, together with a

fretwork of small triangular holes. The more elaborate ones display an

amount of artistic skill that gives the Mandáya[5] the high reputation

that he has in eastern Mindanáo as a man of superior attainments.

[5] Mandáyaland produces nearly all the lances, spears, bolos, daggers,

and artistic cloth used by the Manóbos throughout eastern Mindanáo.

Outside of a few silversmiths among the Debabáons, and a few among the

hybrid group occupying the upper Agúsan from Gerona to Tagaúnud, the

Mandáya smiths are the only ones that are skilled in silverwork.

ARM AND HAND ORNAMENTATION

Men wear on one or both upper arms black bands of braided _nito_. These

are about 1.5 centimeters in breadth and are braided into one continuous

piece of such a size as to fit the arm tightly. The writer has seen many

that fitted so closely that they caused sores. They are, besides being

distinctly ornamental, designed to serve another purpose, for they are

supposed to impart strength to the muscles.

Men often wear, on one or both wrists, one or more vegetable ligatures

plaited in one continuous piece. These are of a jet black glossy color

when made of the _ág-sam_[6] vine. They are rectangular in cross

section, being about 6 millimeters by 6 millimeters. They must be

moistened to make the filaments expand so that the wearer can pass them

over his hands on the wrist. On drying they contract to the size of the

wrist, Women often wear a few of these with their forearm ornaments.

[6] Both _pug-nút_ and _ág-sam_ are species of _nito_ (_Lygodium_ sp.).

Crude rings, round or flat, more commonly beaten out of brass wire or of

copper money, but occasionally made of silver money and still less

occasionally of carabao horn, adorn in greater or less number the

fingers of both men and women.

The forearm adornments of women are more numerous and elaborate than

those of men. Besides the vegetable circlets described above, segments

of the black coral plant,[7] cut into palm lengths and bent into rings

by heating, are worn on either or both arms, though, in case of an

insufficient supply, the left arm is adorned in preference to the right.

These marine ringlets are not solely for purposes of ornamentation, for

a magic influence is attributed to them, at least by the Manóbos of the

upper Agúsan. They are thought to contract and grip, as it were, the

wearer's arm on the approach and in the presence of danger. Hence they

are greatly prized but are comparatively rare. This is due to the

difficulty of obtaining the plant as it grows in deep water where the

danger from sharks deters the native divers.

[7] Called _sag-ai-ság-ai_ in Manóbo and _baná-ug_ in Bisáya

(_Antipatharia_ sp.).

The whorl of a sea shell,[8] ground and polished into white heavy rings,

whose cross section is an isosceles triangle, form a very common forearm

adornment for women on the upper Agúsan. Sometimes as many as five of

these are worn, ordinarily on the left arm. The weight of a full

equipment of shell bracelets may amount to at least a kilo. The use of

such cumbrous adornments is confined to festal occasions except in the

case of unmarried maidens, who nearly always wear them. These shell

bracelets with the black alternating rings of sea coral are very

becoming indeed, as they tend, by the contrast of jet black and marble

white, to set off the color of the skin to advantage.

[8] Tak-lo-bo (_Tridacna gigas_).

It is noticeable that as one approaches the Mandáya country, the

similarity in dress and personal adornment to that of the Mandáyas

becomes more apparent. This is true on the upper Simúlau, Agúsan, and

Ihawán, another indication of the influence of Mandáya culture on the

Manóbo. Hence in those regions one finds forms of bracelets that are

typical of Mandáya adornment. Thus bands of beaten brass wire, 1

centimeter broad approximately, are seen occasionally. Also flat braided

bands of jungle fiber covered with white beads are sometimes used. On

one occasion the writer saw a hollow circular brass bangle into which a

piece of lead had been inserted, and which with every movement of the

arm produced a tinkling sound.

In the central Agúsan region and among the Manóbos of the Pacific coast,

one finds the use of a small whorl of a sea shell[9] as a Bracelet but

its use is uncommon, especially on the Pacific side. This is due to the

fact that only an occasional shell has made its way into the country. In

these regions the Manóbo is particularly poor in arm adornments.

[9] Called _lá-gang_.

KNEE AND ANKLE ADORNMENTS

Men, especially unmarried ones, often wear on one or both legs just

below the knee a ligature similar in every respect to that worn on the

upper arms. Its purpose, too, is twofold, to strengthen, and, at the

same time, to adorn the legs. On the upper Agúsan one sees beads sewn on

these bands.

Women have similar ligatures on one or both legs just above the ankles.

They are worn for decorative purposes, but it is said by some that they

are a sign of virginity and that upon marriage it costs the husband the

value of one slave to remove them. But the fact that married women

occasionally wear them seems to contradict this statement.

Women wear at festal periods and especially during dances a few

rings[10] of stout brass wire some 6 millimeters in diameter. The rings

are large enough to allow the foot to be passed through them, hence they

hang loosely at the ankles. In number they rarely exceed two to each

leg. During a dance they tintillate to the jingling of the hawk bells

that depend from the girdle and are considered highly ornamental.

[10] Dú-tus.

BODY MUTILATIONS

GENERAL REMARKS

The purpose of most body mutilations among the Manóbos is ornamentation.

The one exception is circumcision which will be discussed later.

Scarification is nowhere practiced in eastern Mindanáo except among the

Mamánuas. In 1905 I came in contact with several Mamánuas of the upper

Tágo River (within the jurisdiction of Tándag, Province of Surigáo) and

noticed that they had cicatrices on the breast and arms. I concluded

that the scars were due to the practice of scarification. Inquiries

since that time made among both Manóbos and Bisáyas have confirmed these

conclusions. Head deformation is not practiced in eastern Mindanáo.

No painting of the body is resorted to other than the blackening of the

lips with soot. To effect this a pot is taken from the fireplace and the

bottom of it is dexterously passed across the lips, leaving a black

coating that, with the fluid from the chewing quid made up of tobacco,

lime, and _máu-mau_ frequently becomes permanent till moistened by

drinking. It is a strange sight to see a handsome Manóbo belle, decked

out with beads and bells, or a dapper Manóbo dandy, take the _olla_, and

darken the lips.

No religious or magic significance is attributed to any of the following

mutilations, nor are any religious or other celebrations performed in

connection with them.

MUTILATION OF THE TEETH[11]

[11] _Há-sa-to-únto_.

As the age of puberty approaches, both boys and girls have their teeth

ground. The process is very simple but extremely painful, so much so

that the operation can not be completed at one sitting. I think,

however, that the painfulness of the process depends on the quality of

the stone used, for the Mandáyas of the upper Karága River claim that

there is a species of stone that does not cause much pain.

A piece of wood is inserted between the teeth to keep them apart. The

operator, usually the father, then inserts a small flat piece of

sandstone, such as is used for sharpening bolos, into the mouth and with

a moderate motion grinds the upper and lower incisors to the gums. It is

only the difficulty of reaching the molars that saves them, as the

writer was informed. In all, 10 front teeth disappear, and a portion of

4 others. After filing, the teeth of the upper jaw appear convex and

those of the lower, concave.

I estimate the minimum time necessary to grind the teeth to be from 3 to

6 hours, spread over a period varying from 3 to 10 days.

The patient displays more or less evidence of pain, according to his

powers of endurance but is continually exhorted to be patient so that

his mouth will not look like a dog's. This is the reason universally

asserted for their objection to white, sharp teeth: "They look like a

dog's."

After each grinding, the subject experiences sensitiveness in the gums

and can not masticate hard food. When this sensitiveness is no longer

felt, usually the following day, the grinding is resumed.

Blackening of the teeth is effected principally by the use of a plant

called _máu-mau_ which, besides being used as a narcotic, has the

property of giving the teeth a rather black appearance. After being

chewed, it is rubbed across the teeth. The juice of the skin is

expressed into a quid of tobacco mixed with lime and pot black, the

whole forming the inseparable companion of the Manóbo man, woman, and

even child. It is a compound about the size of a small marble and is

carried, until it loses its strength and flavor, between the upper lip

and the upper gum, but projecting forward between the lips.

It is to be noted here that the primary object in the use of this

combination is not the discoloration of the teeth. The compound is used

mainly for the stimulating effects it produces, the pot-black being

added as an ingredient in order to blacken the lips and so improve the

personal appearance of the user of it. The quid is frequently carried

behind the ear when circumstances require the use of the mouth for other

purposes.

Another means that helps to stain the teeth is the constant use of betel

nut and betel leaf mixed with lime, and, in certain localities, with

tobacco.

MUTILATION OF THE EAR LOBES