Council of the Mohawk chiefs at Guy Park--A second council called by
Johnson at Cosby's Manor--Proceeds thither with his retinue--First full
meeting of Tryon County Committee--Correspondence with Guy Johnson--No
council held--Johnson proceeds farther West, accompanied by his family
and most of the Indians--Consequent apprehensions of the
people--Communication from Massachusetts Congress--Ticonderoga and Crown
Point taken by Ethan Allen--Skenesborough and St. Johns
surprised--Farther proceedings in Massachusetts--Battle of Bunker
Hill--Death of Warren--Council with the Oneidas and Tuscaroras at German
Flats--Speech to the Indians--Subsequent council with the
Oneidas--Conduct of the people toward Guy Johnson--Speech to, and reply
of Oneidas--Guy Johnson moves westwardly to Ontario--His letter to the
Provincial Congress of New-York--Holds a great Indian council at the
West--Unfavourable influence upon the dispositions of the
Indians--Causes of their partiality for the English--Great, but
groundless alarm of the people--Guy Johnson, with Brant and the Indian
warriors, descends the St. Lawrence to Montreal--Council there--Sir Guy
Carleton and Gen. Haldimand complete the work of winning the Indians
over to the cause of the Crown.
A council of the Mohawk chiefs was held at Guy Park, [FN-1] on the 25th of
May, which was attended by delegates from Albany and Tryon Counties. The
records of this council are very scanty and unsatisfactory. The principal
chief of the Mohawk tribe at that time was _Little Abraham_ [FN-2]--a
brother of the famous Hendrick who fell at Lake George, in the year 1775.
The council having been opened for business, Little Abraham addressed
them as follows:--
* * * * *
[FN-1] Guy Park: a beautiful situation immediately on the bank of the
Mohawk. The elegant stone mansion is yet upon the premises, giving the
best evidences of substantial building.
[FN-2] Little Abraham seems rather to have been a leading chief at the
Lower Castle of the Mohawks--not the principal War Chief.
"He said he was glad to meet them, and to hear the reports concerning
taking Guy Johnson, their superintendent, were false. That the Indians do
not wish to have a quarrel with the inhabitants. That during Sir William
Johnson's lifetime, and since, we have been peaceably disposed; that the
Indians are alarmed on account of the reports that our powder was stopped.
We get our things from the superintendent. If we lived as you do, it would
not be so great a loss. If our ammunition is stopped, we shall distrust
you. We are pleased to hear you say, you will communicate freely, and we
will at all times listen to what you say in presence of our
superintendent."
After a consultation with each other, the deputations from the two County
Committees replied, in substance, that "They were glad to hear them
expressing a desire to maintain the ancient friendship which had subsisted
between their fathers, they assured the chiefs that the reports of evil
designs against their superintendent were false. They farther promised
the chiefs, that whenever they had any business to transact with them,
they would meet them at their own council fires, and in presence of their
superintendent."
To which the Mohawk speaker responded to the following effect:--
"The Indians are glad that you are not surprised that we cannot spare
Col. Johnson. The love we have for the memory of Sir William Johnson, and
the obligations the whole Six Nations are under to him, must make us
regard and protect every branch of his family. We will explain these
things to all the Indians, and hope you will do the same to your people."
This council having been but thinly attended, and only by one tribe of the
Indians, the superintendent immediately directed the assembling of another
in the western part of the county, to attend which he proceeded to the
German Flats, with his whole family and retinue. His quarters were at the
house of a Mr. Thompson, on Cosby's manor, a few miles above the Flats.
It has been alleged that this second council was convoked because of the
superintendent's dissatisfaction with the first--a conclusion not
unlikely, from the absence of the western Indians, who had been invited.
On the 2d of June there was, for the first time, a full meeting of the
Tryon County Committee--the loyalists having previously prevented the
attendance of delegates from the lower, or Mohawk district. [FN] This
Committee addressed a strong and patriotic letter to the superintendent,
formally notifying him of the purposes of their organization. After
adverting to the oppressions of the mother country, in repeated attempts
to enforce unconstitutional enactments of Parliament, and asserting their
principles on the subject of taxation without representation--principles
which they declared to be undeniable--they avowed their object to be, to
consult as to the best methods of saving the country from devastation and
ruin; "which object, with the assistance of Divine Providence, it was
their fixed determination and resolution to accomplish;" adding, with
emphasis, "and if called upon, we shall be foremost in sharing the toil
and danger of the field." They once more adverted to the distressed
situation of the people of New England in the common cause; and declared
that they should be wanting in duty to their country and to themselves,
were they longer to refrain from announcing their determination to the
world. After repelling the charges promulgated against them, of having
compelled people to join their Committees, and of having drunk treasonable
toasts, they proceeded to discuss matters more directly personal to the
superintendent himself The following is an extract from this portion of
the letter:--
* * * * *
[FN] It may be interesting to some to give the names of this body of men,
who had so often professed their willingness to peril their lives and
property in defence of the liberties of their country. (From Palatine
district)--Christopher P. Yates, John Frey, Andrew Fink, Andrew Reeber,
Peter Waggoner, Daniel McDougal, Jacob Klock, George Ecker, Jun.,
Harmanus Van Slyck, Christopher W. Fox, Anthony Van Veghten. (Canajoharie
district)--Nicholas Herkimer, Ebenezer Cox, William Seeber, John Moore,
Samuel Campbell, Samuel Clyde, Thomas Henry, John Pickard. (Kingsland
and German Flats districts)--Edward Wall, William Petry, John Petry,
Augustine Hess, Frederick Orendorf, George Wentz, Michael Ittig,
Frederick Fox, George Herkimer, Duncan McDougal, Frederick Helmer, John
Frink. (Mohawk district)--John Morlett, John Bliven, Abraham Van Home,
Adam Fonda, Frederick Fisher, Sampson Sammons, William Schuyler, Volkert
Veeder, James McMaster, Daniel Line--42. Christopher P. Yates was chosen
chairman of this body.--_Campbells Annals._
"We are not ignorant of the very great importance of your office as
superintendent of the Indians, and therefore it is no more our duty than
inclination to protect you in the discharge of the duty of your proper
province; and we meet you with pleasure in behalf of ourselves and our
constituents, to thank yon for meeting the Indians in the upper parts of
the County, which may be the means of easing the people of the remainder
of their fears on this account, and prevent the Indians committing
irregularities on their way down to Guy Park. And we beg of you to use
your endeavours with the Indians, to dissuade them from interfering in the
dispute with the mother country and the Colonies. We cannot think that,
as you and your family possess very large estates in this County, you are
unfavourable to American freedom, although you may differ with us in the
mode of obtaining a redress of grievances. Permit us farther to observe,
that we cannot pass over in silence the interruption which the people of
the Mohawk district met in their meeting; which, we are informed, was
conducted in a peaceable manner; and the inhuman treatment of a man,
whose only crime was being faithful to his employers, and refusing to give
an account of the receipt of certain papers, to persons who had not the
least colour of right to demand any thing of that kind. We assure you that
we are much concerned about it, as two important rights of English
subjects are thereby infringed--to wit, a right to meet, and to obtain all
the intelligence in their power."
Colonel Nicholas Herkimer and Edward Wall were deputed to deliver the
letter to the superintendent, for which purpose they proceeded to Cosby's
Manor, and discharged their trust. The following was Colonel Johnson's
reply--manly and direct; and with which, if sincere, certainly no fault
could be found, bating the lack of courtesy in its commencement:--
"_Thompson's, Cosby's Manor, June_ 5_th,_ 1775.
"Gentlemen,
"I have received the paper signed Chris. P. Yates, Chairman, on behalf of
the districts therein mentioned, which I am now to answer, and shall do
it briefly, in the order you have stated matters. As to the letter from
some Indians to the Oneidas, I really knew nothing of it till I heard
such a thing had been by some means obtained from an Indian messenger,
and from what I have heard of its contents, I can't see any thing material
in it, or that could justify such idle apprehensions; but I must observe
that these fears among the people were talked of long before, and were,
I fear, propagated by some malicious persons for a bad purpose.
"As to your political sentiments, on which you enter in the next
paragraph, I have no occasion to enter on them or the merits of the cause.
I desire to enjoy liberty of conscience and the exercise of my own
judgment, and that all others should have the same privilege; but, with
regard to your saying you might have postponed the affair, if there had
been the least kind of probability that the petition of the General
Assembly would have been noticed, more than that of the delegates, I must,
as a true friend to the country, in which I have a large interest, say,
that the present dispute is viewed in different lights according to the
education and principles of the parties affected; and that, however
reasonable it may appear to a considerable number of honest men here, that
the petition of the delegates should merit attention, it is not viewed in
the same light in a country which admits of no authority that is not
constitutionally established; and I persuade myself you have that
reverence for his Majesty, that you will pay due regard to the royal
assurance given in his speech to Parliament, that whenever the American
grievances should be laid before him by their constitutional assemblies,
they should be fully attended to. I have heard that compulsory steps were
taken to induce some persons to come into your measures, and treasonable
toasts drank; but I am not willing to give too easy credit to flying
reports, and am happy to hear you disavow them.
"I am glad to find my calling a Congress on the frontiers gives
satisfaction; this was principally my design, though I cannot sufficiently
express my surprise at those who have, either through malice or ignorance,
misconstrued my intentions, and supposed me capable of setting the Indians
on the peaceable inhabitants of this country. The interest our family has
in this country and my own, is considerable, and they have been its best
benefactors; any malicious charges, therefore, to their prejudice, are
highly injurious, and ought to be totally suppressed.
"The office I hold is greatly for the benefit and protection of this
country, and on my frequent meetings with the Indians depends their peace
and security; I therefore cannot but be astonished to find the endeavours
made use of to obstruct me in my duties, and the weakness of some people
in withholding many things from me, which are indisputably necessary for
rendering the Indians contented; and I am willing to hope that you,
gentlemen, will duly consider this and discountenance the same.
"You have been much misinformed as to the origin of the reports which
obliged me to fortify my house and stand on my defence. I had it,
gentlemen, from undoubted authority from Albany, and since confirmed by
letters from one of the Committee at Philadelphia, that a large body of
men were to make me prisoner. As the effect this must have on the Indians
might have been of dangerous consequences to you, (a circumstance not
thought of,) I was obliged, at great expense, to take these measures. But
the many reports of my stopping travelers were false in every particular,
and the only instance of detaining any body was in the case of two New
England men, which I explained fully to those of your body who brought
your letter, and wherein I acted strictly agreeable to law, and as a
magistrate should have done.
"I am very sorry that such idle and injurious reports meet with any
encouragement. I rely on you, gentlemen, to exert yourselves in
discountenancing them; and I am happy in this opportunity of assuring
the people of a country I regard, that they have nothing to apprehend
from my endeavours, but that I shall always be glad to promote their true
interests.
"I am, Gentlemen, your humble Servant,
G. Johnson."
This reply of Colonel Johnson, together with a written report of the
proceedings of himself and colleague, and their interview with Johnson,
was transmitted to the County Committee by Mr. Wall. In his letter to the
Committee, Mr. Wall indulged in some complaints, in regard to the
reprehensible conduct of the people--probably toward Johnson and his
followers, who were looked upon with increasing distrust. But the
character of the irregularities complained of is not distinctly set forth
in Mr. Wall's communication.
Guy Johnson did not remain long at Cosby's Manor, nor did he hold the
Indian council there which had been notified, but departed immediately
farther west. His removal from Thompson's was thus announced to the
Committee of Palatine by Mr. Wall, on the 8th of June:--"Our people are
greatly alarmed at Colonel Johnson's motions, and cannot understand his
reasons for the same. We dare say, that before now you have been [made]
acquainted that he has removed with his retinue from Mr. Thompson's to
Fort Stanwix, and there are rumors that he intends to move yet farther.
We leave you to conjecture what may be his reasons."
These apprehensions were certainly not unreasonable. For although Colonel
Johnson's letters were plausible, and apparently frank and sincere, when
the people saw him setting his face thus to the west, and moving up
through the valley, not only with his own family, but accompanied by a
large retinue of his dependents and the great body of the Mohawk
Indians--who left their own delightful country at this time, never more
peaceably to return--it is not strange that suspicions, as to his ulterior
designs, were excited.
This feeling was not diminished by the reception, just at this time, of
the following communication from the Provincial Congress of Massachusetts,
through that of New-York:--
"In Provincial Congress,
_Watertown, June_ 13_th,_ 1775.
"_To the Honourable Delegates of the Congress of the Province
of New-York:_
"Gentlemen,
"Considering the exposed state of the frontiers of the Colonies, the
danger that the inhabitants of Canada may possibly have disagreeable
apprehensions from the military preparations making in several of the
Colonies, and the rumors that there are some appearances of their getting
themselves in readiness to act in a hostile way--this Congress have made
application to the Honourable Continental Congress, desiring them to take
such measures as to them shall appear proper, to quiet and conciliate
the minds of the Canadians, and to prevent such alarming apprehensions.
We also have had the disagreeable accounts of methods taken to fill the
minds of the Indian tribes adjacent to these Colonies with sentiments very
injurious to us; particularly we have been informed that Col. Guy Johnson
has taken great pains with the Six Nations, in order to bring them into
a belief that it is designed by the Colonies to fall upon them and cut
them off. We have, therefore, desired the Honourable Continental Congress
that they would, with all convenient speed, use their influence in
guarding against the evil intended by this malevolent misrepresentation;
and we desire you to join with us in such application.
"Jos. Warren, President.
Attest, Samuel Freeman, Sec'y."
{Transcriber's Note: Pages 78 and 79--opposite sides of the same leaf--
appear to be missing from the scanned copy of the work at this point.}
secure their neutrality in the contest; nor were they wholly unsuccessful,
although the majority of the Six Nations ultimately threw themselves into
the opposite scale. Disappointed in not meeting a fuller and more general
council at Guy Park in May, a conference was arranged with the Oneidas
and Tuscaroras, through the agency of their friend, the Rev. Mr. Kirkland,
which took place at the German Flats on the 28th of June. The Indians
were met by the inhabitants of that district, and also by a deputation
from Albany. The minutes of that meeting were not preserved at large
among the papers of the Tryon County Committee. The following was the
address of the inhabitants to the Indians:--
"Brothers: We are glad to have you here to return you thanks. We should
have been much pleased to have spoken with you at the appointed place;
that is, by your superintendent, where of late you kept your council fire;
but since his removing so far from us, we do not think it wrong or
imprudent to communicate our sentiments of peace to you here. It is at
this place, Brothers, it has often been done; and here again we renew it,
and brighten the old chain of peace and brotherly love.
"Brothers: We cannot see the cause of your late council fire, or
superintendent going away from among us. We did him no harm, and you well
know that none of us ever did, and you may depend on it, there was no
such thing meant against him. He told our people he was going up to
Thompson's (Cosby's Manor) to hold a council fire with our brothers, the
Five Nations, there. We helped him to provisions to support you there,
and every thing we had that he wanted. But he is gone away from among us,
and told some of our people, that he would come back with company which
would not please us; which, if true, it is certain his intentions are bad,
and he may depend, that whatever force he may or can bring, we regard not.
"Brothers: Our present meeting does not arise from any unfriendly
thoughts we entertain of you, or from any fear of ourselves. It is purely
on account of the old friendship which has so long been kept up between
us; that friendship we want to retain. It is that friendship which will
be an equal benefit to us. It is as much wanted on your side as ours.
"Brothers: We cannot too much express our satisfaction of your conduct
toward us by your late proceedings with the superintendent at the carrying
place, for which we are also obliged to you, and do not doubt but that
your conduct will be blessed with greater benefits than any other of those
who will hurry themselves into mischief; which can never be of any other
benefit to them, but sorrow for the innocent blood shed on an occasion
wherewith they have no concern.
"Brothers: We look to you particularly to be men of more understanding
than others, by the benefits you have received in learning; wherefore we
confide and trust more freely in you, that you can communicate to the
other tribes and nations the error they want to lead you in, and cannot
doubt but your wisdom and influence with the other nations will be
attended with that happy success, which will hereafter be a blessing to
you and your posterity.
"Brothers: What we have said is supposed to be sufficient to convince you
that our meaning is for our joint peace and friendship; in which we hope
that we and our children may continue to the end of time."
The answer of the Indians to this address has not been preserved. The
result of the council, however, was, to obtain a pledge of neutrality
from the greater portion of the Indians assembled. The efforts of Mr.
Kirkland had uniformly been directed to the same humane design.
Colonel Guy Johnson, as we have already seen, had previously left the
lower district of the Mohawk Valley. He was a man of too much discernment,
holding the opinions he did, to remain at Johnstown an inactive spectator
of events, the inevitable tendency of which could only be very soon to
rouse the whole thirteen Colonies to arms against the British power, and
he had prudently anticipated the battle of Bunker Hill in his departure.
But his movements had thus far been pacific, or rather not openly
belligerent; and it is probable that an excited and jealous people may
not have treated him, during his hegira, with all their wonted respect.
Indeed, the complaint of Mr. Wall, of the objectionable conduct of the
people, has already been noted at a previous page. But it is not stated
in what respect they had been offending. Some light, however, may perhaps
be thrown upon the subject, by the following notes of a council between
the inhabitants of the Upper, or Kingsland district, and the Oneida
Indians; from which it will be seen that the inhabitants had cut off the
supplies provided by Colonel Johnson for his journey: [FN]
* * * * *
[FN] These notes are quite imperfectly written, by a very incompetent
scribe. The author has endeavoured to arrive at the true import,
preserving as much of the language as possible.
Kingsland District. _At a council held upon desire of the Oneidas, July_
1_st,_ 1775, _the following speeches were delivered:_
To the Oneidas.
"Brothers: The reason of stopping the provisions from Mr. Thompson to
Colonel Johnson, is, that we suppose him to be our enemy; and for all that
he gets as much from Niagara as he wants; and we believe he is only
getting intelligence, from this place, how matters run. We have done for
him and his retinue what was in our power for his supply. We believe he
should have held his council fire at Mr. Thompson's, or, furthest, at Fort
Stanwix. But you have heard, Brothers, that he would bring a force along
with him which we would not like. That was the reason that we stopped his
provisions. But on your request, as you think it was not well done, we
will hear your sentiments about it. Not being laid to your or our charge,
we shall then let pass all that is brought to him."
Answer of the Oneidas.
"Brothers: It is Sunday to-day, and the Lord gave six days for work and
the seventh for rest. But since occasion happens, we give you our positive
answer.
"Brothers: We have consulted about stopping the provisions at Mr.
Thompson's, and we don't think it proper to do it. If it should have been
for his own use, we should not have mentioned it; but we know that he
calls up the Five Nations, and may be they will suffer by it. So,
therefore, let him have it. All that we have said we can be answerable
for, but this act we cannot.
"Brothers: If we should assent to these things, we are jointly brothers;
we should be left alone, and may be both would be disappointed. We are
obliged to have a care over our brothers of the Five Nations, as well as
for you, so that we may get no blame afterward for it. Then we don't know
what Colonel Johnson's design is. Let us first have proof, and as soon as
we have found out something, we shall assemble together and consider of it.
"Brothers: We ought to do as we want to have done to us by others; and it
is better to suffer than to do amiss.
"Brothers: As long as we are brothers, don't let us then suffer in
provisions, if they are to be got, (without your loss.) While we belong
to the Five Nations, we shall help one another as much as does lie in our
power, so that nobody is wronged by it.
"Brothers: You did leave this to us, though you consented not to leave us
to bear this burden quite alone upon our own shoulders. If you can find
a fault in our speech, you may speak about it."
Rejoinder.
"Brothers: As we have heard your speech, and well considered it, and as
we find that our other brothers may suffer by it, we are resolved that all
the flour and other provision which is really brought for Colonel Johnson,
may be sent thither without being molested. But considering that it may
not be employed for the use proposed, we desire the favour of you to
acquaint us of the fact, that we may take the necessary measures for our
own welfare.
"Brothers: We are greatly obliged for your brotherly love showed to us,
and that you have told us, out of the bottom of your heart, your sense of
this matter. We confess it is an evidence of sincere friendship, which we
hope will ever be maintained between us."
Making a very brief sojourn at Fort Stanwix, Guy Johnson hastened as far
west as Ontario, there to hold a grand council with the Indians, remote
from the white settlements; and where, as he alleged, their action might
be independent and unembarrassed by the interference of the Colonists. It
was at Ontario that he received the letter from the Provincial Congress
of New-York, already adverted to as having been written at the
solicitation of the Congress of Massachusetts. He replied to it on the
8th of July, in a letter glowing with loyalty, and complaining bitterly
of the malcontents, and those in opposition to regular governments; who,
as the reader will observe, he again repeated, were exciting the Indians
against him. The letter is inserted entire:--
"Guy Johnson to Peter Van Brugh Livingston.
_Ontario, July the_ 8_th,_ 1775.
"Sir,
"Though I received your letter from the Provincial Congress several days
ago, I had not a good opportunity to answer it till now. I suppose,
however, this will reach you safe, notwithstanding all the rest of my
correspondence is interrupted, by ignorant impertinents.
"As to the endeavour you speak of, to reconcile the unhappy differences
between the Parent State and these Colonies, be assured I ardently wish
to see them; as yet, I am sorry to say, I have not been able to discover
any attempt of that kind, but that of the assembly, the only true legal
representatives of the people; and as to the individuals who you say
officiously interrupt (in my quarter) the mode and measures you think
necessary for these salutary purposes, I am really a stranger to them.
If you mean myself, you must have been grossly imposed on. I once, indeed,
went, with reluctance, at the request of several of the principal
inhabitants, to one of the people's meetings, which I found had been
called by an itinerant New England leather-dresser, and conducted by
others, if possible, more contemptible. I had, therefore, little
inclination to revisit such men or attend to their absurdities. And,
although I did not incline to think that you, Gentlemen, had formed any
designs against me, yet it is most certain that such designs were formed.
Of this I received a clear account by express, from a friend near Albany,
which was soon corroborated by letters from other quarters, particularly
one from a gentleman of the Committee at Philadelphia, a captain in your
levies, who was pretty circumstantial; and since, I have had the like
from many others. I have, likewise, found that mean instruments were
officiously employed to disturb the minds of the Indians, to interrupt
the ordinary discharge of my duties, and prevent their receiving messages
they had long since expected from me. To enter into a minute detail of
all the falsehoods propagated and all the obstructions I met with, though
it could not fail astonishing any gentlemen disposed to discountenance
them, would far exceed the limits of a letter or the time I have to spare,
as I am now finishing my Congress, entirely to my satisfaction, with 1340
warriors, who came hither to the only place where they could transact
business or receive favours without interruption; and who are much
dissatisfied at finding that the goods which I was necessitated to send
for to Montreal, were obliged to be ordered back by the merchant, to
prevent his being insulted, or his property invaded by the mistaken
populace. That their ammunition was stopped at Albany--the persons on this
communication employed in purchasing provisions for the Congress insulted,
and all my letters, as well as even some trifling articles for the use of
my own table, stopped. And this moment the Mayor of Albany assured me
that he was the other day roused out of his bed, at a certain Mr.
Thompson's above the German Flats, by one Herkimer and fifteen others,
who pursued him to search for any thing he might have for me. You may be
assured, Sir, that this is far from being agreeable to the Indians--that
it might have produced very disagreeable consequences long since, had not
compassion for a deluded people taken place of every other consideration;
and that the impotent endeavours of a missionary (who has forfeited his
honour, pledged to me,) with part of one of their tribes, is a
circumstance that, however trifling, increases their resentment.
"I should be much obliged by your promises of discountenancing any
attempts against myself, &c. did they not appear to be made on conditions
of compliance with Continental or Provincial Congresses, or even
Committees formed or to be formed, many of whose Resolves may neither
consist with my conscience, duty, or loyalty. I trust I shall always
manifest more humanity, than to promote the destruction of the innocent
inhabitants of a Colony to which I have been always warmly attached, a
declaration that must appear perfectly suitable to the character of a man
of honour and principle, who can, on no account, neglect those duties that
are consistent therewith, however they may differ from sentiments now
adopted in so many parts of America.
"I sincerely wish a speedy termination to the present troubles, and I am,
Sir,
Your most humble Servant,
G. Johnson.
"P. V. B. Livingston, Esq.
"I shall have occasion to meet the Indians of my department in different
quarters this season." [FN]
* * * * *
[FN] This letter was copied by the author from the original, in the State
Department, Albany.
Colonel Johnson was accompanied in his departure by Joseph Brant, or
Thayendanegea, his secretary, and by Colonel John Butler and his son
Walter. By the preceding letter, the reader will have seen that they
succeeded in convening a very large council at Ontario. The greater
portion of the Indians attending, however, were probably Cayugas and
Senecas. These were now far the most numerous of the Six Nations, although
the Mohawks yet stood in rank at the head of the confederacy. Formerly
the last-mentioned tribe had been the most numerous and powerful of the
Cantons; but at an early day after the planting of the Colony of New-York,
the French had succeeded in seducing a large section of the Mohawks to
return to Canada, whence they originally came, after breaking the
vassalage in which they had been held by the Algonquins. Their proximity
to the whites, moreover, had been attended by the effect, invariable and
seemingly inevitable, in regard to their race, of diminishing their
numbers. Added to all which, their warlike character, and their daring
ferocity, exposing them to more frequent perils than were encountered by
their associated Cantons, had contributed still farther to this unequal
diminution. [FN]
* * * * *
[FN] Among the manuscripts of Sir William Johnson, I have found a census
of the Northern and Western Indians, from the Hudson river to the great
Lakes and the Mississippi, taken in 1763. The Mohawk warriors were then
only 160; the Oneidas, 250; Tuscaroras, 140; Onondagas, 150; Cayugas,
200; Senecas, 1050. Total, 1950. According to the calculation of a
British agent, several of the tribes must have increased between the
close of the French war and the beginning of the American Revolution, as
it was computed that, during the latter contest, the English had in
service 300 Mohawks, 150 Oneidas, 200 Tuscaroras, 300 Onondagas, 230
Cayugas, and 400 Senecas.--_Author._
It is not known that any record of this council was preserved, although
the speeches interchanged were doubtless written, since that was the
universal practice in the conduct of Indian intercourse. But no doubt
exists as to the fact, that the superintendent succeeded in still farther
alienating the affections of the great majority of the Indians from the
Americans, if they did not immediately join the ranks of the invaders.
Nor, when all the circumstances of their case and position are
dispassionately considered, is it surprising that their inclinations were
favorable to the Crown. On the contrary, the wonder is that Colonel
Johnson did not succeed in carrying with him the Oneidas and Tuscaroras
also; and he probably would have done so, but for the salutary though
indirect influence of Mr. Kirkland, and their noble chief, the sagacious
Schenandoah--always the warm and unwavering friend of the Colonists. With
regard to these Indians, it must be considered that they had then been in
alliance with Great Britain during a period of more than one hundred
years. In all their wars with their implacable enemies the Algonquins,
acting in alliance with the French, the Six Nations had been assisted by
the English, or fighting side by side with them. For a long series of
years Sir William Johnson had been their counselor and friend. His family
was to a certain extent allied with the head canton of the confederacy,
and he was consulted by them in all affairs of business or of high
emergency, as an oracle. They had drawn their supplies through him and his
agents, and it was natural that, upon his decease, their affection for
him should be transferred to his successor in office, who was also his
son-in-law. Miss Molly, moreover, was a woman of vigorous understanding
and of able management. And, as we have already seen, she and Colonel Guy
himself, were sustained by the powerful aid of Thayendanegea, who united
the advantages of education with the native sagacity of his race. Added
to all which, the cause was considered, if not desperate, at least of
doubtful issue; while the unenlightened Indians had been taught to hear
the name of the king with great reverence, and to believe him
all-powerful. They considered the officers of the Crown their best
friends; and it was but natural that they should hold on upon the great
chain which they had so long laboured to keep bright between them.
It has already been remarked, that, thus far, Colonel Guy Johnson had
committed no act of actual hostility. While this council was holding in
Ontario, however, the whole valley of the Mohawk was filled with alarm, by
reports that he was preparing an expedition to return upon them, and lay
the country waste by fire and sword. On the 11th of July, Colonel Herkimer
wrote from Canajoharie to the Palatine Committee, that he had received
credible intelligence that morning, that Guy Johnson was ready to march
back upon them with a body of eight or nine hundred Indians, and that the
attack would be commenced from the woods below the Little Falls, on the
northern side of the river. He therefore proposed sending to Albany
immediately for a corresponding number of men. An urgent letter was
forthwith despatched by the Committee to Schenectady and Albany, for the
amount of assistance mentioned, "to prevent these barbarous enterprises,"
and to enable them "to resist their inhuman enemies with good
success--that they might not be slaughtered, like innocent and defenceless
sheep before ravaging wolves."
From the positive character of the intelligence, and the mysterious
movements of Guy Johnson and his followers, the inhabitants had good
cause of alarm; more especially as Sir John Johnson [FN-1] remained at the
Hall in Johnstown, having at his beck a large body of loyalists, making
his castle (for the Hall was now fortified,) their head quarters,--who,
in the event of such a movement by his brother-in-law from the west,
would doubtless be prepared to join the Indians in the enterprise, and
between them both, be able to whelm the settlements in destruction at a
single blow. Every possible preparation was therefore made for their
defence, but the alarm proved to be without foundation; and after Guy
Johnson had completed his business at Ontario, he returned to Oswego,
where he very soon afterward convened another council and held a treaty,
at which he succeeded in still farther estranging the Indians from the
Colonies. The particulars of this council have never transpired in
writing; but some interesting references to it will occur in an Indian
speech a few pages onward. [FN-2]
* * * * *
[FN-1] Sir John Johnson held a commission as Brigadier-general of
militia.
[FN-2] The following passage from Ramsay's History of the Revolution,
seems to refer to this Indian convocation at Oswego. There was no other
meeting during that year, to which this notice of Ramsay could refer.
"Colonel Johnson had repeated conferences with the Indians, and
endeavoured to influence them to take up the hatchet, but they steadily
refused. In order to gain their co-operation, he invited them to a feast
on a Bostonian, and to drink his blood. This, in the Indian style, meant
no more than to partake of a roasted ox and a pipe of wine at a public
entertainment, which was given on design to influence them to co-operate
with the British troops. The Colonial patriots affected to understand it
in its literal sense. It furnished, in their mode of explication, a
convenient handle for operating on the passions of the people."
From Oswego, Guy Johnson crossed into Canada, and thence descended the
St. Lawrence to Montreal, accompanied by a large number of the chiefs and
warriors of the Six Nations, who were invited to an interview with Sir
Guy Carleton and Sir Frederick Haldimand--both those distinguished
officers being in that city at the time--and were induced by them to
embark in the cause of the King.
It has often been asserted, especially by British historians, that Sir
Guy Carleton was opposed to the employment of the Indians in the contest,
from principles of humanity. Such, however, was not the fact. Brant
repeatedly asserted in afterlife, in speeches delivered by him, copies
of which are yet extant, that on their first arrival in Montreal, General
Carleton proposed to them to enter the service. In a speech delivered by
the Chief in the year 1803, recapitulating the history of the services of
the Mohawks in that war, the following passages occur, touching the point
now under discussion:--"We were living at the former residence of Guy
Johnson, when the news arrived that war had commenced between the king's
people and the Americans. We took but little notice of this first report;
but in a few days we heard that five hundred Americans were coming to
seize our superintendent. Such news as this alarmed us, and we immediately
consulted together as to what measures were necessary to be taken. We at
once reflected upon the covenant of our forefathers as allies to the King,
and said, 'It will not do for us to break it, let what will become of us.'
Indeed, it is a long time since the Governor (Sir Guy Carleton) said to
us: 'I exhort you to continue your adherence to the King, and not to break
the solemn agreement made by your forefathers; for your own welfare is
intimately connected with your continuing the allies of his Majesty.'
He also said a great deal more to the same purport; and on this our minds
were the more firmly fixed, for we acknowledged that it would certainly
be the best in the end, for our families and ourselves to remain under
the King's protection, whatever difficulties we might have to contend
with. . . . A council was next convened at Montreal, in July, 1775, at
which the Seven Nations, (or Caughnawagas,) were present, as well as
ourselves the Six Nations. On this occasion General Haldimand told us
what had befallen the King's subjects, and said, now is the time for you
to help the King. The war has commenced. Assist the King now, and you will
find it to your advantage. Go now and fight for your possessions, and
whatever you lose of your property during the war, the King will make up
to you when peace returns. This is the substance of what General Haldimand
said. The Caughnawaga Indians then joined themselves to us. We immediately
commenced in good earnest, and did our utmost during the war."
The speech of Brant, from which the preceding extract is taken, was
written in the Mohawk language, and never, by him, rendered into English.
It is an important document, developing a new fact in regard to the
conduct of Sir Guy Carleton, and has accordingly been translated for the
present work. Strict historical accuracy is often of slow attainment; but,
after all deductions from the merits of General Carleton, afterward Lord
Dorchester, enough that is truly excellent and great will remain to leave
him a reputation of which most public men might well be proud.