Unyielding course of the parent Government--Efforts of the Earl of
Chatham unavailing--Address to the Crown from New-York--Leslie's
Expedition to Salem--Affair of Lexington--Unwise movements of Tryon
County loyalists--Reaction--Public meetings--The Sammons
family--Interference of the Johnsons--Quarrel at Caughnawaga--Spirited
indications at Cherry Valley--Counteracting-efforts of the Johnsons
among their retainers--Intrigues with the Indians--Massachusetts
attempts the same--Correspondence with the Stockbridge Indians--Letter
to Mr. Kirkland--His removal by Guy Johnson--Neutrality of the
Oneidas--Intercepted despatch from Brant to the Oneidas--Apprehensions
of Guy Johnson--Correspondence--Farther precautions of the
Committees--Reverence for the Laws--Letter of Guy Johnson to the
Committees of Albany and Schenectady--Substance of the reply.
The parent government did not relax its coercive measures, notwithstanding
the efforts of the Earl of Chatham, now venerable for his years, who,
after a long retirement, returned once more into public life, to interpose
his eloquence and the influence of his great name in behalf of the
Colonies. His lordship's address to the King for the removal of the troops
from Boston, was rejected by a large majority. His conciliatory bill was
also rejected. On the 26th of January, Messrs. Bolland, Franklin, and Lee,
the Committee from the Colonies, charged with presenting the petition of
the Continental Congress for a redress of grievances, brought the subject
before the House of Commons, and after an angry debate they refused to
receive it by a decisive vote. Meantime bills were passed, by large
majorities, restraining all the thirteen Colonies, excepting only
New-York, Delaware, and North Carolina, from the prosecution of any
foreign commerce other than with Great Britain and her dependencies. The
Eastern States were likewise excluded from the fisheries of Newfoundland.
But notwithstanding that, from motives of policy, New-York had been thus
excepted from the restraining law, its local legislature was at the same
time engaged in preparing a memorial to the Crown for a redress of
grievances--a fact which the ministers soon learned, and not without
mortification. The New-York address was a strong denunciation of the
measures of the Government toward the Colonies, and an energetic appeal
for redress. "We feel," said they, "the most ardent desire to promote a
cordial reconciliation with the parent state, which can be rendered
permanent and solid only by ascertaining the line of Parliamentary
authority and American freedom, on just, equitable, and constitutional
grounds. . . . From the year 1683 till the close of the late war, they had
enjoyed a legislature consisting of three distinct branches, a Governor,
Council, and general Assembly; under which political frame the
representatives had uniformly exercised the right of their own civil
government, and the administration of justice in the Colony. It is,
therefore, with inexpressible grief that we have of late years seen
measures adopted by the British Parliament, subversive of that
constitution under which the good people of this Colony have always
enjoyed the same rights and privileges, so highly and deservedly prized by
their fellow-subjects of Great Britain." Adverting to the essential
privilege of trial by a jury of the vicinage, they "view with horror the
construction of the statute of the 35th of Henry the VIII. as held up by
the joint address of both houses of Parliament in 1769, advising his
Majesty to send for persons guilty of treasons and misprisions of
treasons, in the Colony of Massachusetts Bay, in order to be tried in
England;" and they "are equally alarmed at the late acts, empowering his
Majesty to send persons guilty of offences in one colony, to be tried in
another or within the realm of England." They complain of the act of 7th
of George the III. requiring the legislature of this Colony to make
provision for the expense of the troops quartered among them; of the act
suspending their legislative powers till they should have complied; and
of the Quebec act; considering themselves as interested in whatever may
affect their sister Colonies; they cannot help feeling for the distresses
of their brethren in Massachusetts, from the operation of the several acts
of Parliament passed relative to that province, and earnestly
remonstrating in their behalf. "We claim," said they, "but a restoration
of those rights which we enjoyed by general consent before the close of
the last war; we desire no more than a continuation of that ancient
government to which we are entitled by the principles of the British
constitution, and by which alone can be secured to us the rights of
Englishmen." The address was presented to the House of Commons by Mr.
Burke, but was never called up. [FN]
* * * * *
[FN] Holmes's Annals.
A new Provincial Congress was assembled in Massachusetts in February,
which, anticipating that the parent Government was preparing to strike the
first blow at that Colony, adopted farther means of precaution and
defence--but with great wisdom avoiding any thing like an overt act of
resistance. Hostilities had well nigh been commenced on the 26th of
February, between Salem and Danvers, by the opposition of Colonel Timothy
Pickering and others, to Colonel Leslie, who had been sent to Salem by
General Gage, to seize some military stores, which he had been informed
were collecting at the former place. The interposition of Mr. Barnard, the
minister of Salem, prevented the effusion of blood, and Leslie returned
to Boston from a bootless errand.
The ill-starred expedition, by the direction of General Gage, to Concord,
and the battle of Lexington on the 19th of April, gave the signal of a
general rush to arms throughout most of the Colonies. True, it was not
admitted to be a formal commencement of hostilities, and the Provincial
Congress of Massachusetts despatched an account of that affair to Great
Britain, with depositions, establishing the fact indisputably, that both
at Concord and Lexington the firing had been commenced by the King's
troops--Major Pitcairn himself discharging the first shot, at the former
place. But although this message was accompanied by an address to the
people of Great Britain with continued professions of loyalty, yet those
professions were sent, hand in hand, with a declaration that they would
"not tamely submit to the persecution and tyranny" of the existing
ministry, and with an appeal to heaven for the justice of a cause in which
they were determined to die or conquer. It was very evident, therefore,
that reconciliation was out of the question, and that a trial of arms was
near at hand. Of course the exasperation of the public mind was now at
its height, and those who had not taken sides could no longer stand
neutral.
It was at this moment, just as the Continental Congress was about to
reassemble, and just as the exciting intelligence was received from
Boston, that, most unwisely for themselves, the influential loyalists of
Tryon County undertook to make a demonstration against the proceedings
of the Congress of the preceding Autumn. A declaration in opposition to
those proceedings was drawn up, and advantage taken of the gathering of
the people at a Court holden in Johnstown, to obtain signatures. The
discussions ran high upon the subject, but the movers in the affair
succeeded in obtaining the names of a majority of the Grand Jurors, and
the greater portion of the magistracy of the County.
The Whigs in attendance at the Court were indignant at this procedure,
and on returning to their respective homes, communicated their feelings
to those of their neighbors who had embraced kindred principles. Public
meetings were called, and committees appointed in every district, and
sub-committees in almost every hamlet in the County.[FN-1] The first
of these public meetings was held at the house of John Veeder in
Caughnawaga. It was attended by about three hundred people, who assembled,
unarmed, for the purpose of deliberation, and also to erect a
liberty-pole--the most hateful object of that day in the eyes of the
loyalists. Among the leaders of the Whigs on that occasion, were Sampson
Sammons, an opulent farmer residing in the neighbourhood, and two of his
sons, Jacob and Frederick. Before they had accomplished their purpose of
raising the emblem of rebellion, the proceedings were interrupted by the
arrival of Sir John Johnson, accompanied by his brothers-in-law, Colonels
Claus and Guy Johnson, together with Colonel John Butler, and a large
number of their retainers, armed with swords and pistols. Guy Johnson
mounted a high stoop and harangued the people at length, and with great
vehemence. He dwelt upon the strength and power of the King, and attempted
to show the folly of opposing his officers or revolting against the
authority of his crown. A single ship, he said, would be sufficient to
capture all the navy which could be set afloat by the Colonies; while on
the frontiers, the Indians were under his Majesty's control, and his arms
were sustained by a chain of fortified posts, extending from the Gulf of
the St. Lawrence to the Mississippi. He was very virulent in his language
toward the disaffected, causing their blood to boil with indignation. But
they were unarmed, and for the most part unprepared, if not indisposed,
to proceed to any act of violence. The orator at length became so abusive,
that Jacob Sammons, no longer able to restrain himself, imprudently
interrupted his discourse by pronouncing him a liar and a villain. Johnson
thereupon seized Sammons by the throat, and called him a d--d villain in
return. A scuffle ensued between them, during which Sammons was struck
down with a loaded whip. On recovering from the momentary stupor of the
blow, Sammons found one of Johnson's servants sitting astride of his body.
A well-directed blow relieved him of that incumbrance, and, springing upon
his feet, he threw off his coat and prepared for fight. Two pistols were
immediately presented to his breast, but not discharged, as Sammons was
again knocked down by the clubs of the loyalists, and severely beaten. On
recovering his feet once more, he perceived that his Whig friends had all
decamped, with the exception of the families of the Fondas, Veeders, and
Visschers.[FN-2] The loyalists also drew off, and Jacob Sammons returned
to his father's house, bearing upon his body the first scars of the
Revolutionary contest in the County of Tryon.
* * * * *
[FN-1] The County of Tryon then included all the Colonial settlements
West and South-west of Schenectady. It was taken from Albany County in
1772, and named in honour of William Tryon, then Governor of the
Province. In 1784 the name was changed to Montgomery. When formed, it
embraced all that part of the State lying West of a line running North
and South, nearly through the centre of the present County of Schoharie.
It was divided into five districts, which were again subdivided into
smaller districts or precincts. The first, beginning at the East, was
the Mohawk district, embracing Fort Hunter, Caughnawaga, Johnstown,
and Kingsborough. Canajoharie district, embracing the present town of
that name, with all the country South, including Cherry Valley and
Harpersfield, Palatine district North of the river, and including the
country known by the same name, with Stone Arabia, &c., and German
Flats and Kingsland Districts, being then the most Western settlements,
and the former now known by the same name. The county buildings were at
Johnstown, where, as before mentioned, was the residence of Sir William
Johnson.--_Campbell's Annals._
[FN-2] Narratives of Jacob and Frederick Sammons, furnished to the
author; repeated references to both of which will be made hereafter.
One of the largest and most spirited of these meetings took place in
Cherry Valley. It was held in the church, and the people entered into the
subject with so much enthusiasm, that they took their children to the
assembly, that they might imbibe lessons of patriotism, as it were at the
altar--thus hallowing the cause in which they were about to engage, with
the impressive sanctions of religion. The orator of the occasion was an
Indian interpreter by the name of Thomas Spencer; he was rude of speech,
but forcible; and, warming with his theme, spoke with such power and
effect, that the story of his eloquence yet lives in the annals of
tradition. [FN] The result of this meeting was the adoption of a strong
counter-declaration, condemning the proceedings of the loyalists at
Johnstown, and approving, in the most unequivocal and solemn terms, of the
proceedings of the Continental Congress.
* * * * *
[FN] And also in Campbell's Annals
These proceedings took place early in May. But from a letter addressed to
the Committee of Safety of Albany, by the Committee of the Palatine
district, on the 18th of that month, it appears that the Johnsons and
their powerful confederates in the Mohawk district succeeded, by threats,
intimidation, and an array of military strength, in preventing the
adoption of a corresponding declaration by the Whigs. "This County," says
the Palatine Committee, "has for a series of years been ruled by one
family, the several branches of which are still strenuous in dissuading
the people from coming into Congressional measures, and have even, last
week, at a numerous meeting of the Mohawk district, appeared with all
their dependents armed to oppose the people considering of their
grievances; their number being so large, and the people unarmed, struck
terror into most of them, and they dispersed." The Committee farther
notified their friends in Albany, that Sir John Johnson was fortifying the
Baronial Hall, by planting several swivels around it; and he had paraded
parts of the regiment of militia which he commanded, on the day previous,
for the purpose of intimidation, as it was conjectured. It was likewise
reported that the Scotch Highlanders, settled in large numbers in and
about Johnstown, who were Roman Catholics, had armed themselves to the
number of one hundred and fifty, ready to aid in the suppression of any
popular outbreaks in favor of the growing cause of Liberty.
Strong suspicions were early entertained that the Johnsons, Butlers, and
Colonel Claus, were endeavouring to alienate the good-will of the Indians
from the Colonists, and prepare them, in the event of open hostilities, to
take up the hatchet against them. Thayendanegea, alias Joseph Brant, as
heretofore mentioned, was now the secretary of Colonel Guy Johnson, the
superintendent, and his activity was ceaseless. Notwithstanding his former
friendship for Mr. Kirkland, the faithful missionary to the Oneidas,
Thayendanegea was apprehensive that his influence would be exerted to
alienate the Indians from the interests of the Crown, and attach them to
those of the Colonists. The wily chief accordingly attempted to obtain the
removal of Mr. Kirkland from his station; and at his instigation, a
dissolute sachem of the Oneidas preferred charges against the minister to
Guy Johnson, the superintendent. A correspondence took place between
Johnson and Mr. Kirkland upon the subject, in which the latter sustained
himself with force and dignity. The Oneida nation, moreover, rallied to
his support, almost to a man; so that the superintendent was obliged, for
the time being, to relinquish the idea of his forcible removal. [FN]
* * * * *
[FN] The correspondence referred to in this passage was discovered by the
author among the unpublished papers of Mr. Kirkland--obligingly loaned
for his use by President Kirkland of Boston.
Justice, however, both to Brant and Guy Johnson, requires it to be stated
that the vigilant eyes of the Bostonians had already been directed to the
importance of securing an interest among the Indians of the Six Nations,
in anticipation of whatever events were to happen. To this end a
correspondence was opened through Mr. Kirkland, even with the Mohawks, by
the Provincial Congress of Massachusetts, before the affair of Lexington
and Concord. [FN] The following is a copy of the letter addressed to the
missionary by the Provincial Congress:--
* * * * *
[FN] Sparks's Life and Cor. of Washington, vol. iii. Appendix.
"To The Rev. Samuel Kirkland.
"_Concord, April_ 4_th,_ 1775.
"Sir,
"The Provincial Congress have thought it necessary to address the sachem
of the Mohawk tribe, with the rest of the Six Nations, upon the subject
of the controversy between Great Britain and the American Colonies. We
are induced to take this measure, as we have been informed that those who
are inimical to us in Canada have been tampering with those nations, and
endeavouring to attach them to the interest of those who are attempting
to deprive us of our inestimable rights and privileges, and to subjugate
the Colonies to arbitrary power. From a confidence in your attachment to
the cause of liberty and your country, we now transmit to you the enclosed
address, and desire you will deliver it to the sachem of the Mohawk tribe,
to be communicated to the rest of the Six Nations; and that you will use
your influence with them to join with us in the defence of our rights; but
if you cannot prevail with them to take an active part in this glorious
cause, that you will at least engage them to stand neuter, and not by any
means to aid and assist our enemies; and as we are at a loss for the name
of the sachem of the Mohawk tribe, we have left it to you to direct the
address to him, in such way as you may think proper."
There were at that time dwelling at Stockbridge, in the western part of
Massachusetts, a remnant of the Mohickanders, or "River Indians" as they
were usually called during the greater portion of the last century, but
latterly Stockbridge Indians, from their locality. These Indians were the
remains of the Muhhekaneew [FN-1] of the Hudson river, at the time of the
discovery. They came originally, according to their own traditions, from
the far West--even beyond the great lakes. That such was their original
location is supported by the fact, that their language was radically
different from that of the Narragansetts and New England Indians
generally, and also from the language of the Five Nations. Its affinities
were allied to the Shawanese and Chippewa, affording farther evidence that
they had emigrated from the West, crossing the country of the Delawares,
and establishing themselves on the banks of the Hudson, or Mohickannittuck
as the North River was called. They were a powerful tribe at the time of
the discovery, numbering a thousand warriors, and inhabiting the country
between the Upper Delaware and the Hudson, together with portions of
territory now included in Massachusetts and Vermont. They dwelt mostly in
little towns and villages, their chief seat being the site of the present
city of Albany--called by them Pempo-towwuthut-Muhhecanneuw, or the
Fire-place of the Nation. Becoming feeble and dispersed as the white
population increased around and among them--although their numbers had
been partially recruited by refugees from the Narragansetts and Pequods,
on the conquest of those nations--the Muhhekaneew were collected together
at Stockbridge, in 1736, under the care of the Rev. John Sergeant, who,
and his son after him, were long the spiritual guides of the tribe. They
were ever faithful to the English, having been actively employed by
General Shirley to range the country between Lake George and Montreal,
during the French war ending in the conquest of Canada. [FN-2]
* * * * *
[FN-1] This is the orthography of Dr. Edwards, who was long a missionary
among them at Stockbridge. Heckewelder says their proper name was
_Mahicanni._ It is one of the most difficult things in the world to
arrive at any thing like system or certainty in regard to Indian names
of persons, places, or things. For instance, the author has papers
before him at the time of writing, in which the River Indians are called
_Moheagans, Mourigans,_ or _Mahingans,_ (French,) _Mahickanders,_
(Dutch,) _Mohiccons,_ (English,) _Mohuccans, Mahickinders, Schaticooks,
Wabingas, Muhheakunnuks,_ and the _Moheakounucks;_ indeed, it has been
the practice of writers of different, and of even the same nations, to
spell more by the ear than by rule, until our Indian names have been
involved in almost inextricable confusion.
[FN-2] Brown, in his pamphlet History of Schoharie, gives a singular
tradition in regard to the kings of the Mohawks, of which I have found no
other mention. Mohawks and River Indians were once bitter enemies, the
former becoming the scourge and terror of the latter. Brown states that
the last battle between the Mohegan's and Mohawks took place on Wanton
Island, in the Hudson River, not far from Catskill. The question between
them was, which should have the honour of naming their king, or which
should have the preference in the kingly honours. Both nation collected
their utmost strength upon that island, for the purpose of a final
decision and fought a pitched battle, which continued during the whole
day. Toward night the Mohawks, finding that the Mohegans were likely to
prove an overmatch for them, deemed it necessary to resort to stratagem,
for which purpose they suddenly took to flight, and gained another island
in the evening. They here kindled a great number of fires, and spread
their blankets on some bushes, gathered and disposed around them for that
purpose, as though they themselves had encamped by their fires as usual.
The Mohegans following on, landed upon the island in the depth of night,
and were completely taken in by the deception. Supposing that the Mohawks
were sleeping soundly beneath their blankets, after their fatigue the
Mohegans crept up with the greatest silence, and pouring a heavy fire
upon the blankets, rushed upon them with knives and tomahawks in hand,
making the air to ring with their yells as they fell to cutting and
slashing the blankets and bushes instead of Indians beneath them. Just
at the moment of their greatest confusion and exultation the Mohawks,
who had been lying in ambush flat upon the ground at a little distance,
poured a murderous fire upon their foes, whose figures were rendered
distinctly visible by the light of their fires, and rushing impetuously
upon them, killed the greater part and made prisoners of the residue. A
treaty was then concluded, by which the Mohawks were to have the king,
and the Mohegans were to hold them in reverence and call them "Uncle."
Hendrick was the king first named such by the Mohawks, after this
decisive victory, "who lived to a great age," says Brown, "and was killed
at the battle of Lake George under Sir William Johnson."--_Author._
The relations of the Stockbridge Indians with the Oneidas had become
intimate, and it is very possible that the negotiations had even then
commenced between the two tribes, which a few years afterward resulted in
the removal of the Stockbridge Indians to the Oneida. Be that, however,
as it may, when the troubles began to thicken, the Provincial Congress
of Massachusetts sent a message to the Stockbridge Indians, apprising them
of the gathering tempest, and expressing a desire to cultivate a good
understanding between them. The Indians, in return, dispatched Captain
Solomon Ahhaunnauwaumut, their chief sachem, to the Congress, to make a
reply, and on the 11th of April he delivered the following speech:
"Brothers: We have heard you speak by your letter--we thank you for it--we
now make answer.
"Brothers: You remember when you first came over the great waters, I was
great and you was little, very small. I then took you in for a friend,
and kept you under my arms, so that no one might injure you; since that
time we have ever been true friends; there has never been any quarrel
between us. But now our conditions are changed. You are become great and
tall. You reach to the clouds. You are seen all around the world, and I
am become small, very little. I am not so high as your heel. Now you take
care of me, and I look to you for protection.
"Brothers: I am sorry to hear of this great quarrel between you and Old
England. It appears that blood must soon be shed to end this quarrel. We
never till this day understood the foundation of this quarrel between you
and the country you came from.
"Brothers: Whenever I see your blood running, you will soon find me about
to revenge my brother's blood. Although I am low and very small, I will
gripe hold of your enemy's heel, that he cannot run so fast, and so light,
as if he had nothing at his heels.
"Brothers: You know I am not so wise as you are, therefore I ask your
advice in what I am now going to say. I have been thinking, before you
come to action, to take a run to the westward, and feel the mind of my
Indian brethren, the Six Nations, and know how they stand--whether they
are on your side or for your enemies. If I find they are against you, I
will try to turn their minds. I think they will listen to me, for they
have always looked this way for advice, concerning all important news that
comes from the rising of the sun. If they hearken to me, you will not be
afraid of any danger behind you. However their minds are affected, you
shall soon know by me. Now I think I can do you more service in this way,
than by marching off immediately to Boston, and staying there; it may be
a great while before blood runs. [FN] Now, as I said, you are wiser than I;
I leave this for your consideration, whether I come down immediately or
wait till I hear some blood is spilled."
* * * * *
[FN] A company of minute-men, composed of the Stockbridge Indians, was
organized by the Massachusetts Congress before the battle of Lexington.
They were retained in service some time after the war began, and came
down and joined the camp at Cambridge.--_Spetz._
"Brothers: I would not have you think by this that we are falling back
from our engagements. We are ready to do any thing for your relief, and
shall be guided by your counsel.
"Brothers: One thing I ask of you, if you send for me to fight, that you
will let me fight in my own Indian way. I am not used to fight English
fashion, therefore you must not expect I can train like your men. Only
point out to me where your enemies keep, and that is all I shall want to
know."
Two days afterward the Congress directed the following reply to be made
to the Moheakounnuck tribe, through their chieftain:
"Brothers: We this day, by the delegate from Stockbridge, first heard of
your friendly answer to our speech to you by Captain William Goodrich,
which answer we are told you made to us immediately by a letter, which we
have not yet received. We now reply:
"Brothers: You say that you were once great, but that you are now little;
and that we were once little and are now great. The Supreme Spirit orders
these things. Whether we are little or great, let us keep the path of
friendship clear, which our fathers made, and in which we have both
traveled to this time. The friends of the wicked counselors of our King
fell upon us, and shed some blood soon after we spake to you last by
letter. But we, with a small twig, killed so many, and frightened them so
much, that they have shut themselves up in our great town, called Boston,
which they have made strong. We have now made our hatchets, and all our
instruments of war, sharp and bright. All the chief counselors, who live
on this side the great water, are sitting in the grand Council House in
Philadelphia; when they give the word, we shall all as one man, fall on,
and drive our enemies out of their strong fort, and follow them till they
shall take their hands out of our pouches, and let us sit in our
council-house, as we used to do, and as our fathers did in old times.
"Brothers: Though you are small, yet you are wise. Use your wisdom to help
us. If you think it best, go and smoke your pipe with your Indian brothers
toward the setting of the sun, and tell them of all you hear and all you
see; and let us know what their wise men say. If some of your young men
should have a mind to see what we are doing, let them come down and tarry
among our warriors. We will provide for them while they are here.
"Brothers: When you have any trouble, come and tell it to us, and we will
help you.
"To Captain _Solomon Ahhaunnauwaumut,_ chief Sachem of the _Moheakounnuck_
Indians."
These documents have been thus incidentally introduced, not only as being
connected with the main history, and also as being interesting in
themselves, but in justice to Guy Johnson; since, in regard to his own
measures of defensive preparation, he is entitled to the benefit of all
the facts, going to warrant his suspicions that an extraneous influence
was exerting over the subjects of his general superintendency; and it can
hardly be supposed that he was kept altogether in ignorance, either of the
correspondence with Mr. Kirkland or of that with the Stockbridge Indians,
through whom, probably, the Bostonians were at the same time holding
intercourse with the Six Nations. These circumstances could not but awaken
a lively jealousy, in regard to the movements of the white people among
the Indians under his charge, and especially in regard to Mr. Kirkland.
Accordingly, although in the month of February the superintendent had not
been able to effect the removal of Mr. Kirkland from his station among the
Oneidas, he nevertheless accomplished that object in the course of the
Spring, as appears by a letter from the missionary himself, addressed from
Cherry Valley to the Albany Committee:
"Mr. Kirkland to the Committee of Albany.
_Cherry Valley, Jan._ 9, 1775.
"Gentlemen,
"I am much embarrassed at present. You have doubtless heard that Colonel
Johnson has orders from Government to remove the dissenting missionaries
from the Six Nations, till the difficulties between Great Britain and the
Colonies are settled; in consequence of which he has forbidden my return
to thy people at Oneida. He has since given encouragement that I may
revisit them after the Congress is closed; but to be plain, I have no
dependence at all on his promises of this kind. He appears unreasonably
jealous of me, and has forbidden my speaking a word to the Indians, and
threatened me with confinement if I transgress. All he has against me I
suppose to be a suspicion that I have interpreted to the Indians the
doings of the Continental Congress, which has undeceived them, and too
much opened their eyes for Colonel Johnson's purposes. I confess to you,
gentlemen, that I have been guilty of this, if it be a transgression. The
Indians found out that I had received the abstracts of said Congress, and
insisted upon knowing the contents. I could not deny them, notwithstanding
my cloth, though in all other respects I have been extremely cautious not
to meddle in matters of a political nature. I apprehend that my
interpreting the doings of the Congress to a number of their sachems, has
done more real good to the cause of the country, or the cause of truth and
justice, than five hundred pounds in presents would have effected."
Mr. Kirkland no doubt spoke the honest truth in this letter. His influence
was great among the Oneidas, and deservedly so. Hence, had he undertaken
the task, he might, beyond all doubt, and easily, have persuaded the
Indians of his forest-charge to espouse the cause of the Colonies. But he
did no such thing; or, at least, he avoided the exertion of any farther
influence than to persuade them to the adoption of a neutral policy. This
determination, probably, was an act of their own volition, after listening
to the interpretation of the proceedings of Congress. It was made known
to the people of New England by the following address, transmitted by the
Oneidas to Governor Trumbull, of Connecticut, with a request that he would
cause it to be communicated to the four New England Colonies:
"The Oneida Indians to Governor Trumbull.
"As my younger brothers of the New England Indians, who have settled in
our vicinity, are now going down to visit their friends, and to move up
parts of their families that were left behind--with this belt by them, I
open the road wide, clearing it of all obstacles, that they may visit
their friends and return to their settlements here in peace.
"We Oneidas are induced to this measure on account of the disagreeable
situation of affairs that way; and we hope, by the help of God, they may
return in peace. We earnestly recommend them to your charity through their
long journey.
"Now we more immediately address you, our brother, the Governor, and the
chiefs of New England.
"Brothers: We have heard of the unhappy differences and great contention
between you and Old England. We wonder greatly, and are troubled in our
minds.
"Brothers: Possess your minds in peace respecting us Indians. We cannot
intermeddle in this dispute between two brothers. The quarrel seems to be
unnatural. You are _two brothers of one blood._ We are unwilling to join on
either side in such a contest, for we bear an equal affection to both you
Old and New England. Should the great king of England apply to us for aid,
we shall deny him; if the Colonies apply, we shall refuse. The present
situation of you two brothers is new and strange to us. We Indians cannot
find, nor recollect in the traditions of our ancestors, the like case, or
a similar instance.
"Brothers: For these reasons possess your minds in peace, and take no
umbrage that we Indians refuse joining in the contest. We are for peace.
"Brothers: Was it an alien, a foreign nation, who had struck you, we
should look into the matter. We hope, through the wise government and
good pleasure of God, your distresses may be soon removed and the dark
clouds be dispersed.
"Brothers: As we have declared for peace, we desire you will not apply to
our Indian brethren in New England for their assistance. Let us Indians
be all of one mind, and live with one another; and you white people settle
your own disputes between yourselves.
"Brothers: We have now declared our minds; please to write to us, that we
may know yours. We, the sachems and warriors, and female governesses of
_Oneida,_ send our love to you, brother governor, and all the other chiefs
in New England." [FN]
* * * * *
[FN] The translation of this Oneida proclamation of neutrality was made
by Mr. Kirkland, for Gordon's History of the Revolution. It was signed by
_William Sunoghsis, Nickldsha Watshaledgh, William Kanaghquaesed, Peter
Thayebeare, Jimmy Tekayabeare, Nickbis Aghsenbare,_ i. e. garter; _Thomas
Yoghtanowea,_ i. e. spreading of the dew; _Adam Ohenwano, Quedellis
Agwerondongwas,_ i. e. breaking of the twigs; _Handerebeks
Tegahsweahdyen,_ i. e. a belt (of wampum) extended; _Johnko' Skeanendon,
Thomas Teondeatha,_ i. e. a fallen tree.
Of an Indian foe the inhabitants of Tryon County entertained a special
dread. In the communication of the Palatine Committee to that of Albany,
therefore, cited a few pages back, it was suggested whether it would not
be expedient to prevent the sending of powder and ammunition into the
Mohawk Valley, unless consigned to the Committee, to be sold under their
inspection. In conclusion, the Committee declared, that, although few in
number, they were determined to let the world see who were, and who were
not, attached to the cause of American liberty; and they closed by avowing
their fixed determination, "to carry into execution every thing
recommended by the Continental Congress, and to be free or die."
Three days after making this communication to their Albany brethren, that
is to say on the 21st of May, the question whether Guy Johnson was or was
not tampering with the Indians in anticipation of hostilities, was solved
by an intercepted communication from Thayendanegea to the chiefs of the
Oneida tribe. The letter, written in the Mohawk language, was found in
an Indian path, and was supposed to have been lost by one of their
runners. The following is a translation, being the earliest specimen
extant of the composition of Brant.
"_Written at Guy Johnson's, May,_ 1775
"This is your letter, you great ones or sachems. Guy Johnson says he will
be glad if you get this intelligence, you Oneidas, how it goes with him
now; and he is now more certain concerning the intention of the Boston
people. Guy Johnson is in great fear of being taken prisoner by the
Bostonians. We Mohawks are obliged to watch him constantly. Therefore
we send you this intelligence, that you shall know it; and Guy Johnson
assures himself, and depends upon your coming to his assistance, and that
you will without fail be of that opinion. He believes not that you will
assent to let him suffer. We therefore expect you in a couple of days
time. So much at present. We send but so far as to you Oneidas, but
afterward perhaps to all the other nations. We conclude, and expect that
you will have concern about our ruler, Guy Johnson, because we are all
united.
"(Signed) Aren Kannenzaron,
Johannes Tegarihoge,
Deyagodeaghnaweagh.
"Joseph Brant
_Guy Johnson's Interpreter._"
The surface of this intercepted despatch discloses nothing more than a
desire, on the part of Guy Johnson, to strengthen his domestic forces for
the protection of his person, in the event of any attempt to seize and
carry him away. But the inhabitants allowed him no credit for sincerity.
Information had been received from Canada, through the emissaries sent
thither by the revolutionary leaders in Massachusetts, that secret agents
of the Crown had been sent among the Six Nations, to stir them up against
the Colonies.[FN-1] Hence the correspondence of the Massachusetts Congress
with Mr. Kirkland and the Indians, already given; and hence, also, the
increasing apprehension of the people, that the Indians were to be
inflamed and let loose upon them. Such, consequently, was their distrust
of Johnson, that they neither believed there was any design against his
person, nor that he was laboring under any apprehension of the kind. There
is no reason to doubt, however, that Guy Johnson did feel his position
to be critical. General Schuyler had his eye upon him; and, beyond
question, his every motion was so closely watched as to make him feel
very uncomfortable.[FN-2]
* * * * *
[FN-1] Sparks.
[FN-2] "Watch the movements of the Indian agent, Colonel Guy Johnson,
and prevent, so far as you can, the effect of his influence, to our
prejudice, with the Indians."--_Letter from Washington to Gen. Schuyler,
June,_ 1775.
Evidence, indisputable, that such was the fact, is afforded in the
correspondence annexed. The following letter was addressed, at about the
same time, by Guy Johnson to the magistrates of the Upper Mohawk
settlements:--
"_Guy Park, May_ 20_th,_ 1775.
"Gentlemen,
"I have lately had repeated accounts that a body of New Englanders, or
others, were to come to seize and carry away my person and attack our
family, under colour of malicious insinuations that I intended to set the
Indians upon the people. Men of sense and character know that my office
is of the highest importance to promote peace amongst the Six Nations,
and prevent their entering into any such disputes. This I effected last
year, when they were much vexed about the attack made upon the Shawanese,
and I last winter appointed them to meet me this month to receive the
answer of the Virginians. All men must allow, that if the Indians find
their council fire disturbed, and their superintendent insulted, they will
take a dreadful revenge. It is therefore the duty of all people to prevent
this, and to satisfy any who may have been imposed on, that their
suspicions, and the allegations they have collected against me, are false,
and inconsistent with my character and office. I recommend this to you
as highly necessary at this time, as my regard for the interest of the
country, and self-preservation, has obliged me to fortify my house, and
keep men armed for my defence, till these idle and ridiculous reports are
removed.
"You may lay this letter before such as are interested in these matters.
"I am. Gentlemen,
Your Humble Servant,
G. Johnson.
"To the magistrates and others
of Palatine, Canajoharie, and
the Upper Districts." [FN]
* * * * *
[FN] This letter is transcribed from the original la the author's
possession.
In view of these letters--the intercepted despatch from Joseph Brant and
others to the Oneidas, and Johnson's letter to the Committee--the latter
body adopted a series of resolutions, renewing their expressions of
sympathy for the sufferings of their brethren in Massachusetts and the
other Colonies; declaring their approbation of the proceedings of the
New England Colonies in the existing crisis; denouncing the conduct of
Colonel Johnson in keeping an armed force constantly about him, and
stopping travelers upon the King's highway, "as arbitrary, illegal,
oppressive, and unwarrantable:" and declaring their determination "never
to submit to any arbitrary acts of any power under heaven, or to any
illegal and unwarrantable action of any man or set of men" whatever.
In addition to the before-mentioned intercepted letter, it was ascertained
that already expresses had actually been sent to the upper tribes of the
Six Nations, to invite them down to Guy Johnson's house. His own domestic
army amounted to five hundred men, and he had now cut off all free
communication between the upper Mohawk settlements and Albany. And
although the districts of Palatine, Canajoharie, and the German Flats
were sanctioning the proceedings of the Continental Congress with much
unanimity, they were in a great measure unarmed and destitute of
ammunition--not having more than fifty pounds of powder in the districts.
Under these circumstances, the Committee wrote an urgent letter to Albany,
representing their situation, and suggesting whether it might not be
expedient to open the communication through the lower districts of the
valley by force. They also advised the sending of two trusty messengers,
well acquainted with the Indian language, to the upper nations, to
dissuade them, if possible, from obeying the summons of Guy Johnson, and
to enlighten them in respect of the true nature and causes of the quarrel
with the King's government.
This letter was despatched by express, and the Albany Committee replied
on the following day, advising their friends of the upper districts that
they had no ammunition to spare, and dissuading them from any attempt to
re-open the communication by force. That project was accordingly
abandoned; but the Committee sent four of its members to Albany, to gain
information as to the condition of the country generally, and with
instructions to procure a quantity of powder and lead--the Committee
holding itself responsible for the purchase money. Meantime they pushed
their measures of internal organization with great energy and success,
establishing sub-committees wherever it was expedient, and assuming the
exercise of legislative, judicial, and executive powers. Secret articles
for mutual succour and defence were prepared, and very generally signed
by the Whigs; and threats having been uttered by Guy Johnson, that unless
the Committees desisted from the course they were pursuing, he would seize
and imprison certain of their number, they solemnly bound themselves to
rescue any who might thus be arrested, by force, "unless such persons
should be confined by legal process, issued upon a legal ground, and
executed in a legal manner."
It is here worthy, not only of special note, but of all admiration, how
completely and entirely these border-men held themselves amenable, in
the most trying exigencies, to the just execution of the laws. Throughout
all their proceedings, the history of the Tryon Committees will show that
they were governed by the purest dictates of patriotism, and the highest
regard to moral principle. Unlike the rude inhabitants of most frontier
settlements, especially under circumstances when the magistracy are, from
necessity, almost powerless, the frontier patriots of Tryon County were
scrupulous in their devotion to the supremacy of the laws. Their leading
men were likewise distinguished for their intelligence; and while North
Carolina is disputing whether she did not in fact utter a declaration of
independence before it was done by Congress, by recurring to the first
declaration of the Palatine Committee, noted in its proper place, the
example may almost be said to have proceeded from the Valley of the
Mohawk.
Simultaneously with his letter to the magistracy of the upper districts,
Guy Johnson had despatched another of the same purport, but entering more
into detail, to the Mayor, Aldermen, and Commonalty of the cities of
Albany and Schenectady, of which the following is a copy. The date is
wanting:--
"Gentlemen,
"As the peace and happiness of the country are objects which every good
man should have at heart, I think it highly necessary to acquaint you
that for a few days I have been put to the great trouble and expense of
fortifying my house, and keeping a large body of men for the defence of
my person, &c.; having received repeated accounts that either the New
Englanders, or some persons in or about the city of Albany or town of
Schenectady, are coming up, to a considerable number, to seize and
imprison me on a ridiculous and malicious report that I intend to make
the Indians destroy the inhabitants, or to that effect. The absurdity of
this apprehension may easily be seen by men of sense; but as many
credulous and ignorant persons may be led astray, and inclined to believe
it, and as they have already sent down accounts, examinations, &c. from
busy people here, that I can fully prove to be totally devoid of all
foundation, it has become the duty of all those who have authority or
influence, to disabuse the public, and prevent consequences which I
foresee with very great concern, and most cordially wish may be timely
prevented. Any difference in political ideas can never justify such
extravagant opinions; and I little imagined that they should have gained
belief amongst any order of people, who know my character, station, and
the large property I have in the country, and the duties of my office,
which are to preserve tranquility among the Indians, hear their
grievances, &c. and prevent them from falling upon the trade and
frontiers. These last were greatly threatened by the Indians, on account
of the disturbances last year between the Virginians and the Shawanese,
during which my endeavours prevented the Six Nations from taking a part
that would have possibly affected the public; and I appointed last Fall
that the Six Nations should come to me this month, in order to receive,
amongst other things, final satisfaction concerning the lands said to be
invaded by the Virginians, who have now sent me their answer. In the
discharge of this duty, I likewise essentially served the public; but
should I neglect myself and be tamely made prisoner, it is clear to all
who know any thing of Indians, they will not sit still and see their
council fire extinguished, and superintendent driven from his duty, but
will come upon the frontiers in revenge, with a power sufficient to commit
horrid devastation. It is, therefore, become as necessary to the public
as to myself, that my person should be defended; but as the measures I am
necessitated to take for that purpose may occasion the propagation of
additional falsehoods, and may at last appear to the Indians in a light
that is not for the benefit of the public, I should heartily wish,
gentlemen, that you could take such measures for removing these
apprehensions, as may enable me to discharge my duties, (which do not
interfere with the public,) without the protection of armed men and the
apprehension of insult; and as the public are much interested in this,
I must beg to have your answer as soon as possible.
"I am, Gentlemen,
Your most humble Servant,
G. Johnson. [FN]
"To the Magistrates and Committee
of Schenectady, and to the Mayor,
Corporation, &c. of Albany. To
be forwarded by the former."
* * * * *
[FN] This letter has been copied from the original, found by the author
among the old papers in the office of the Secretary of State, Albany.
To this letter the municipality of Albany promptly replied, expressing
their conviction that the reports were utterly groundless, and that they
had been originated for the purpose of awakening hostile feelings in the
minds of the Indians. They also gave the Colonel an admonitory hint that
he need be apprehensive of no indignity upon his person, or injury to
his property, so long as he studied to promote the peace and welfare of
the country, by executing his duties as superintendent of the Indians
"with an honest heart." In conclusion, they exhorted him to use all means
in his power to tranquilize the Indians, by assuring them that the reports
were without any just foundation, and "that nothing would afford his
Majesty's subjects in general a greater satisfaction than to be, and
continue with them, on the strictest terms of peace and friendship."
On the whole, however, there is no good reason to doubt that Guy Johnson
was, in reality, apprehensive of a clandestine visit from the Yankees,
and possibly of an abduction. The great influence of his official station,
and his equivocal conduct, had created universal distrust; and the affair
of the "Tea Party" had taught the loyalists, that the Bostonians were
as adroit and fearless in stratagem as in deeds of open daring and bold
emprise. Before the receipt of the preceding letters, moreover, it was
well understood that he had arrested and searched the persons of two New
Englanders, suspicious, as it was inferred, and probably not without
reason, that they had been despatched on a mission to the Indians, with
whom it was policy to prevent any communication, save through his own
interposition. Nor could he be ignorant of the fact, that at that critical
conjuncture, the possession of his person might be of as much consequence
to those who were on the verge of rebellion, as of detriment to the
service in which his predilections would probably induce him to engage.