Meeting of the second Continental Congress--Measures of
defence--Declaration--National fast--Organization of an Indian
department--Address to the Six Nations--Council called at
Albany--Preliminary consultation at German Flats--Speeches of the
Oneidas and others--Adjourn to Albany--Brief interview with the
commissioners--Conference and interchange of speeches with the
Albanians--Proceedings of the grand council--Speeches of the
commissioners--Replies of the Indians--Conclusion of the grand
council--Resumption of the conference with the Albanians--Speech of
the Albany Committee--Reply of the Indians--Disclosures of Guy Johnson's
proceedings at Oswego--Close of the proceedings--Epidemic among the
Indians--Small benefit resulting from the council--Proceedings in Tryon
County resumed--Doubtful position of New-York--Symptoms of disaffection
to the cause of the people--Sir John Johnson--Sheriff White deposed by
the people--The royal authorities superseded by appointments from the
people--Affray at Johnstown--First gun fired at Sampson Sammons--White
recommissioned by Tryon--His flight--Labors of the Committee--Opposition
of the Tories--Designs of Sir John Johnson and Sir Guy Carleton--Letter
and deputation to Sir John--Prisoners for political offences sent to
gaol--Letter from Provincial Congress--Mohawks commence fighting at St.
Johns--Speech of the Canajoharies in explanation--Indians apply for
release of prisoners--Review of the progress of the Revolution in other
parts of the Colonies--Proceedings of Parliament--Burning of
Falmouth--Descent upon Canada--Ethan Allen taken--Arnold's
expedition--Siege of Quebec--Fall of Montgomery--Caughnawaga and
Delaware Indians.
The second Continental Congress, composed of delegates, assembled at
Philadelphia on the 10th of May. Hostilities having actually commenced,
and it being well understood that large reinforcements of the British
army were on their way from England, no time was lost in preparing for
the public defence. Protesting that they "wished for a restoration of the
harmony formerly subsisting between the mother country and the Colonies,"
they resolved again to present "a humble and dutiful petition to his
Majesty;" prepared addresses to the people of Great Britain; to those of
Canada; and to the assembly of Jamaica; voted for the immediate equipment
of 20,000 men; voted to raise three millions on bills of credit for the
prosecution of the war; and, on the nomination of John Adams, commissioned
George Washington, of Virginia, as Commander-in-Chief. On the 4th of July
Congress denounced the two acts of Parliament of the preceding session,
restraining the trade and commerce of the Colonies, as "unconstitutional,
oppressive, and cruel;" and on the 6th they agreed to a manifesto,
"setting forth the causes and necessity of their taking up arms." After
a spirited but temperate preamble, presenting a historical view of the
origin, and progress, and conduct of the Colonies, and of the measures
of the British government since the peace of 1763; and after an eloquent
recapitulation of the grievances which had produced the collision, and
proclaiming their confidence of obtaining foreign aid if necessary, and
of ultimate success; disavowing, moreover, any intention to dissolve the
connexion between the parent country and the Colonies; the declaration
proceeded--"We most solemnly, before God and the world, DECLARE, that,
exerting the utmost energy of those powers which our beneficent Creator
hath bestowed upon us, the arms we have been compelled by our enemies to
assume, we will, in defiance of every hazard, with unabating firmness and
perseverance, employ for the preservation of our liberties; being with
one mind resolved to die FREE-MEN rather than live SLAVES." They protested
that they would lay down their arms when hostilities should cease on the
part of the aggressors, and not before. Reposing their confidence in the
mercy of the Impartial Judge and Ruler of the Universe, and imploring
his goodness to protect and carry them through the conflict, they
appointed the 20th of July to be observed as a day of public humiliation,
fasting, and prayer with that view. It was generally observed, and was
the first national fast ever proclaimed in the New World. [FN]
* * * * *
[FN] Holmes's Annals.
But amidst all the arduous duties demanding the attention of Congress,
the importance of keeping a watchful eye upon the Indians was universally
conceded. The position of the Six Nations, as well as their power to do
mischief, could not but strike the observation of all. They had served as
an useful barrier between the English settlements and the French in
Canada, in former wars, and were often actively engaged as auxiliaries.
Their position, and their utility, would be now precisely the same between
the Americans and the English in Canada. It was therefore deemed of the
first consequence, if possible, to prevent them from taking sides with
the English--not, however, with a view to their employment in arms by
ourselves; since, notwithstanding the disposition manifested by the
Congress of Massachusetts to employ the Indians, and the actual engagement
of the Stockbridge Indians as auxiliaries, it was, nevertheless, the
anxious desire of the Congress to keep them in a position of neutrality
as between England and the Colonies, and at peace among themselves, and
with all. For the purpose of closer observation and more efficient action
in respect to the Indian relations of the country, therefore, an Indian
Department, with three sub-divisions, Northern, Middle, and Southern, was
established on the 12th of July, and Commissioners were appointed for
each--"with power to treat with the Indians in their respective
departments, to preserve peace and friendship, and to prevent their taking
any part in the present commotions." The Commissioners of the Northern
Department were, Major General Philip Schuyler, Major Joseph Hawley, Mr.
Turbot Francis, Mr. Oliver Wolcott, and Mr. Volkert P. Douw. The form of
an address to the several tribes of Indians, in all the departments, was
agreed upon, to be altered as occasion might require for local adaptation.
This address was framed after the manner of Indian speeches, and contained
a summary history of the Colonies, and of the rise and progress of the
difficulties between them and the parent country. In the course of the
address, the Indians were informed of the nature and objects of the
contest then begun, and were strongly advised to the preservation of
neutrality. The Congress said--"We desire you will hear and receive what
we have now told you, and that you will open a good ear, and listen to
what we are now going to say. This is a family quarrel between us and Old
England. You Indians are not concerned in it. We do not wish you to take
up the hatchet against the King's troops. We desire you to remain at
home, and not join on either side, but keep the hatchet buried deep. In
the name and behalf of all our people, we ask and desire you to love peace
and maintain it, and to love and sympathise with us in our troubles; that
the path may be kept open with all our people and yours, to pass and
repass without molestation." In conclusion, the Congress said--"Let us
both be cautious in our behaviour toward each other at this critical
state of affairs. This island now trembles: the wind whistles from almost
every quarter . . . let us fortify our minds, and shut our ears against
false rumors . . . let us be cautious what we receive for truth, unless
spoken by wise and good men. If any thing disagreeable should ever fall
out between us, the Twelve United Colonies, and you, the Six Nations, to
wound our peace, let us immediately seek measures for healing the breach.
From the present situation of our affairs, we judge it wise and expedient
to kindle up a small council fire at Albany, where we may hear each
other's voice, and disclose our minds more fully to one another." [FN]
* * * * *
[FN] The address to the Indians is long and will be found in the
Appendix.
Such were a few of the points only of the address, which was an honest
and earnest attempt to prevent the savages from taking any part in the
contest whatever. No time was lost by the Commissioners of the Northern
department, in the adoption of measures pursuant to its wise spirit and
policy. For this purpose a treaty was appointed to be held with the Six
Nations at Albany, in the month of August, and the tribes were all invited
to attend. Previous to the day of meeting, two of the Commissioners, Mr.
Douw and Colonel Francis, met a number of the chiefs and warriors in a
preliminary council at the German Flats, which was not well attended.
This conference was holden on the 15th and 16th days of August. Colonel
Francis opened the council by stating the objects for which the twelve
United Colonies had invited the proposed general meeting at Albany, which
they now solicited all the Six Nations and their allies to attend. They
added--When "we meet you, our brethren of the Six Nations, and your
allies, at Albany, we will rekindle the council fire which our ancestors
and yours formerly kindled up at that place, and there sit down and
converse together upon the present situation of the twelve United
Colonies, and disclose to you their minds thereon. We have important
matters to communicate to you, our brethren of the Six Nations, and your
allies, which cannot be disclosed until the council fire be kindled up at
Albany, and we are in full assembly." Observing that the council was
thinly attended. Colonel Francis urged them in his speech to send a
general invitation to all the Six Nations to appear at Albany; and he
proposed that they should also send belts of invitation to the
Caughnawagas in the neighborhood of Montreal, together with the Indians
of the Seven Nations on the St. Lawrence. Colonel Francis concluded his
"talk" as follows:--
"Brothers: As many mischievous and evil-disposed persons may attempt to
raise up in your minds sentiments that are unfriendly to your brethren of
the twelve United Colonies, we beg you will shut your ears and fortify
your minds against any such evil and false reports; and if any such liars
and deceivers should appear among you, and endeavour to poison your minds,
be assured they are as much your enemies as the enemies of your brethren
of the twelve United Colonies together, and which is now going to be made
stronger at Albany.
"_A Belt._"
To this _Kanaghquaesa,_ an Oneida sachem, replied:--
"Brothers: You have now opened your minds. We have heard your voices.
Your speeches are far from being contemptible. But as the day is far
spent, we defer a reply until to-morrow, as we are weary from having sat
long in council. We think it time for a little drink; and you must
remember that the twelve United Colonies are a great body."
The council having adjourned over to the 16th, _Tiahogwando,_ an Oneida
sachem, made the following reply to the speech of the Commissioners:--
"Brother Solihoany, [FN] and our Albany Brothers, attend! We are now
assembled at the German Flats, at which place you kindled up a council
fire, and yesterday called us together, and acquainted us from whence you
came, and by whose authority--namely, by that of the twelve United
Colonies--and you opened your business to us."
* * * * *
[FN] The name bestowed upon Colonel Francis by the Indians.
"Brothers: Now attend. Through the mercy of God we are brought to this
day, and the Six Nations are now in full assembly at this place, where
we smoke a pipe in friendship and love. We are glad to hear your voices.
You are come to invite us down to Albany, to a council fire of peace.
"Brothers: We thank you for this invitation. It meets with our entire
approbation. Here we are, of every tribe in the Six Nations. It shall be
done as you have said.
"Brothers: You have desired that all our confederates should receive this
invitation. This cannot be done short of one year, as we extend very far,
and could not possibly call the extremities of our confederacy to this
intended meeting. But possess your minds in peace. When this Congress is
over, and the council fire is raked up, we shall acquaint all our allies
with what has passed. This is the answer of all the Six Nations who are
now here represented from every tribe.
"Brothers, attend! Yesterday you said you were sensible our confederacy
extended to Caughnawaga, and you desired our assistance to forward this
your belt of invitation to the Caughnawagas and the seven tribes in that
quarter.
"Brothers: Possess your minds in peace. We, the Six Nations, are put to
difficulty to grant this request. We are much embarrassed, for this
reason. The man is now there who will vex your minds, and never consent
to their coming down, and will draw hard upon their minds another way. [FN]
He is of your own blood."
* * * * *
[FN] Guy Johnson was doubtless the man referred to.
"Brothers: Possess your minds in peace. We, of the Six Nations, have the
minds of the Caughnawagas and the seven tribes in that quarter. At our
central council-house, when this took place, they addressed us of the
Six Nations in the following manner:--'You are better capable of
maintaining peace than we are; therefore we deliver up our minds to you.'
For these reasons we advise you to reconsider your petition to us, seeing
we are so embarrassed we cannot grant it. Perhaps you will say to us,
when your intended council fire shall be over, 'Brothers, do you of the
Six Nations acquaint all your confederates and allies of what has passed
at this council-fire of peace;' and this we shall do with great care and
exactness. Now, Brothers, you see how we are embarrassed, and therefore
give you this advice.
"_Belt returned._"
To this Colonel Francis made answer:--
"Brethren of the Six Nations: It gives us a great deal of uneasiness to
find that you cannot at present convey this belt to our friends in Canada.
We have heard your reasons, and are sorry to find that one of our blood
is already there, endeavouring to draw their minds from us when we mean
nothing but peace towards them. As there are a great many Englishmen in
Canada, we know not who you mean. We shall therefore be glad to have the
particular man pointed out."
To this request, the Mohawk sachem. Little Abraham, replied:
"Brothers: We take it for granted that you all know the very man we mean.
We said he was of your blood. We see no necessity of pointing him out
more explicitly."
The times being critical, and the people of the valley being exceedingly
suspicious of the movements of the Indians, the latter were not altogether
without apprehension that some evil might befall them in their course to
Albany. Tiahogwando therefore addressed the council upon that point as
follows:--
"Brother Solihoany, and our Albany Brother: We take it for granted you
have called us to a council of peace and entire friendship; and you have
taken us by the hand. As there are men of different minds, and some of
them may be ill disposed, we desire you will admonish your own people that
they offer us no abuse in the way down to your council-fire of peace. If
this caution should be neglected, some misfortune might happen; as all
people do not meet so much like brothers as formerly, on account of the
present situation of affairs. It would be unhappy if our council-fire
should be crushed by any mischief-makers. We have given you this caution,
that while we are marching along in peace and quietness, we might not be
alarmed by a blow struck in our rear. We therefore desire you would begin,
even at this council-lire, to publish your admonitions to unwise and
ungovernable people. By this belt we declare to you, our Brothers, that
the road is open for passing and repassing, and free from all
embarrassments, through the Six Nations, as it has been for a long time.
Therefore we desire that we may have the same open road down to your
intended council-fire at Albany." [FN]
* * * * *
[FN] As Mr. Kirkland was in attendance upon this council, the Indian
speeches were doubtless interpreted by him.
Colonel Francis replied:--
"Brethren of the Six Nations: By this belt you desire that we may clear
the road to Albany, that none of our people may injure you. The road shall
be as clear for you to go to Albany, as it is for us to go to the country
of the Six Nations. The twelve United Colonies have given us great power
over the white people. We will appoint white men, who speak your language
and love your nations, to see you safe down to Albany, and to provide
provisions for you on the way. We shall set out for Albany to-morrow
morning, to prepare matters for kindling up the great council-fire there."
The Board of Commissioners for the Northern Department met at Albany, on
the 23d of August, (with the exception of Major Hawley, who had declined
his appointment in consequence of ill health,) and made the necessary
arrangements for holding the treaty. An invitation was given to the civil
authorities of Albany, to pay the sachems and warriors a complimentary
visit in company with the Commissioners, which was accepted. A committee
of the principal gentlemen of Albany was likewise appointed, to join in
the complimentary visit on the 24th. On reaching the quarters of the
chiefs, they were addressed as follows:--
"Brethren of the Six Nations:--We, the deputies appointed by the twelve
United Colonies, the descendants of Quedar, and the gentlemen of the city
of Albany, congratulate you on your arrival here. They are glad to see
you well, and thank the Great God that he suffers us to meet."
In the course of this interview, the sachems intimated a desire to have
a consultation with the municipal officers of the city of Albany before
they met the commissioners in formal council. It appears that there had
been some diplomatic passages between the Oneida Indians and the
Albanians, and an interchange of messengers; and the chiefs were now
desirous of having a conference with them. The commissioners, anxious to
humor the Indians, assented to the request; and the Albanians appointed
a committee, consisting of Walter Livingston, Jeremiah Van Rensselaer,
and Samuel Stringer, to make the arrangements. The interview took place
the same evening, when _Seaghnagerat,_ an Oneida chief, opened the
proceedings with a speech of very unusual length for an Indian. He
commenced by an expression of his gratification that, on opening the ashes
to rekindle the old council-fire, they had found some of the sparks
remaining. He next referred to the proceedings of a previous consultation
at the German Flats, touching the conduct of Guy Johnson in removing
their missionaries, and other matters. The meeting referred to seems to
have been a partial council, to which the Albanians had sent a deputation,
the object of which was, by the exhibition of some ancient belts, to
remind the Indians of a former covenant of peace with Quedar, and to
dissuade them from engaging in the existing quarrel. What had been said
by the Albany deputies, at the conference referred to, but of which no
record seems to have been preserved, was now repeated in substance by the
Oneida chief, after the Indian manner of conducting their councils. He
then proceeded to reply _seriatim;_ from which circumstance it is probable
that the former council-fire had been raked up, before its proceedings
were brought to a close. The reply now made was decidedly and strongly
pacific. The chief admitted that "evil birds" had been busy in circulating
unpleasant rumors, and that efforts had been made to make them swerve
from their neutrality by Guy Johnson or his agents--at least, such was
the inference from the speech; but he over and over again protested the
determination of the Six Nations to avoid interfering with the
controversy, and only exhorted the Colonists to keep the path into their
country open, so that they could pass and repass without molestation. In
regard to the removal of their missionary, the chiefs said Guy Johnson
had done it pursuant to "a belt" [FN] received from Governor Gage. He
expressed the greatest respect for Mr. Kirkland; but at the same time,
under the circumstances of the case, suggested whether it would not on
the whole be better for Mr. K. to leave them for the present, until the
storm should be over and gone.
* * * * *
[FN] An order.
The speech having been ended, the Albanian Committee thanked them for it,
and promised a reply after the grand council with the Commissioners of
the Twelve Colonies should be terminated.
That council commenced its sittings on the day following--August 25th.
The Oneida speaker of the preceding evening opened the council very
appropriately, after which the Commissioners, before proceeding formally
to business, proposed that they should all sit down and smoke the pipe
of peace together. The suggestion was acceded to, and the calumet passed
round. This ceremony having been ended, the Commissioners opened their
mission by a very appropriate and effective speech, reminding the Indians
of some ancient covenants of friendship with the Colonists, and repeating
to them a portion of the speech of _Cannassateego,_ an old and popular
sachem of the Six Nations, whose name and character were held in great
reverence by them, delivered thirty years before at a great council held
in Lancaster. [FN] The exhortation was, to union among themselves, and
peace and friendship with the Colonists.
* * * * *
[FN] A brother of Cannassateego was present on this occasion, and well
remembered his words.
The council was then adjourned to the 26th, when, the Commissioners
presented the address from the Congress, of which particular mention has
been made on a preceding page. The deliberations of Indian councils are
slow procedures. Their language is composed of long and intricate
compounds, and the necessity of deliberate and thorough interpretations,
so that the matter spoken and explained be fastened upon the memories of
the Indians, who possess not the advantage of written language, renders
the process tedious. The entire sittings of two days were therefore
required for the delivery and interpretation, by Mr. Kirkland, of the
Congressional "talk" with which the Commissioners were charged. At the
close, one of the chiefs declared that the address contained "nothing
but what was pleasant and good." But, as the matters proposed were of high
importance, they requested the next day for separate deliberation among
themselves, promising on the succeeding day, August 27th, to make their
reply. It was not, however, until the 31st of August that the Indians
were ready to make known the results of their own secret councils. Their
answer was delivered by _Little Abraham,_ the Mohawk sachem of the Lower
Castle. It was an able speech, thoroughly pacific. But there was one
declaration which it is difficult to reconcile with the admitted veracity
of the Indians, since it was inconsistent with the well-known course of
Guy Johnson, and the covenant which had then already been made by Brant
and his followers, with Sir Guy Carleton and General Haldimand at
Montreal. We allude to the declaration of Little Abraham, that Johnson
had advised them to assume and preserve a neutral position at the recent
Oswego council. The proceedings of Brant and Guy Johnson at Montreal had
not then probably transpired in the Mohawk Valley. Still Guy Johnson must
have dissembled, or spoken with a "forked tongue," to those Indians whom
he supposed friendly to the Colonies, or so great a mistake could not have
been made by Little Abraham.
In the course of their speech, the chiefs expressed a strong attachment
for Sir John Johnson as the son of their old friend, Sir William, who
was born among them, and of Dutch extraction by his mother. [FN] They
desired that whatever might be the cause of the war. Sir John might be
left unmolested. The same request was also interposed in behalf of their
missionary, the Rev. Mr. Stewart, who, they said, had been sent to them
by the King; and also because he never "meddled with civil affairs," but
was intent only on "instructing them in the way to heaven."
* * * * *
[FN] The mother of Sir John was a German lady, but in the Mohawk Valley
the Germans are usually called Dutch to this day.
In the conclusion of his speech, Abraham took occasion to refer to some
domestic matters between themselves and the people of Albany. He charged
them with having taken two pieces of land from the Mohawks, without paying
therefor so much even as a pipe. These lands the Indians desired the
Twelve Colonies to restore, and put them into peaceable possession again.
"If you refuse to do this," said he, "we shall look upon the prospect
as bad; for if you conquer, you will take us by the arm and pull us all
off." In thus saying, he spoke with the spirit of prophecy!
When little Abraham had ended, _Tiahogwando,_ an Oneida, made a short
speech on the subject of the then pending bloody and bitter controversy
between Connecticut and Pennsylvania, respecting the territory of Wyoming,
of which a full account will follow in its proper place. The Indians
avowed that the land had been conveyed by them to Penn, as a free
gift--the Great Spirit not allowing them to sell that country. In the
course of their speeches, the chiefs requested that the Indian trade might
be re-opened with them, both at Albany and Schenectady, and that somebody
might be appointed to guard the tree of peace at Albany, and keep the
council fire burning.
On the 1st of September the Commissioners made their reply, conciliatory
in its character, and acceding to the principal requests of the Indians.
They also informed the chiefs that they had appointed General Schuyler
and Mr. Douw to keep the fire burning. Thus ended the council with the
agents of the Colonies. The "unfinished business" with the Albanians was
resumed on the next day--September 2d--for which purpose a council was
formed in the Presbyterian church. The Commissioners of the United
Colonies were likewise in attendance. After the preliminaries of form had
been gone through with, the Indians were addressed at length by the Albany
Committee. In the course of their speech, they adverted particularly to
the council at Oswego and the proceedings of Guy Johnson at that place,
respecting which, they said, they had received no certain advices, and
of which they wished to be fully and explicitly informed. In regard to
the land question interposed by the Indians, the Committee said they
presumed reference was had to the lands at Ticonderoga. That was a
question between the Indians and the corporation of Albany; whereas they
were a committee from the people, and could not entertain the question.
They reminded the Indians, however, that the question had been agitated
before, and settled by the Colonial Assembly. They also gave them to
understand that the Indians were not the party having cause of complaint
in that matter.
The reply of the Indians was delivered by Little Abraham. Waiving the land
question, he proceeded to answer the questions put to them concerning the
Oswego council. "We look upon it," said he, "that God will punish us
should we conceal any thing from you." The following passages are quoted
from the reply of Abraham:--
"Brothers: The transactions of that treaty were very public. The Shawanese
were there, and some from Detroit. Mr. Johnson told us that the fire
kindled there was a fire of peace; that all the white people were the
King's subjects, and that it seemed they were intoxicated. He said the
white people were all got drunk, and that God's judgment hung over them;
but he did not know on which side it would fall. Mr. Johnson further told
us, that the present council fire was kindled on account of the present
dispute, and desired us not to interfere, as they were brothers; and
begged us to sit still and maintain peace. This is what Colonel Johnson
told us at that council-fire. He also said he had his eye on Mr. Kirkland;
that he was gone to Philadelphia, and along the sea-coast; that he was
become a great soldier and a leader. 'Is this your minister?' says he;
'do you think your minister minds your souls? No. By the time he comes to
Philadelphia, he will be a great warrior, and when he returns, he will be
the chief of all the Five Nations.'
"Brothers: There were present five people of Detroit, five from
Caughnawaga, and two of the Shawanese. Colonel Johnson told them that, by
the time he returned from Canada, they should have all their men there,
and he would then kindle a council-fire; and he would also desire them
not to take any part in this dispute, as it was a quarrel between
brothers. He also told them that he was going to the Governor of Canada,
who was of a different opinion from him, but would talk with him. And he
further said that he would tell the Caughnawaga Indians the same that he
told us, and for that purpose desired that two of each nation might go
along and hear it. He likewise desired us to consider which way we would
have our trade--whether up this river or from Canada. He at the same time
assured us that we should not suffer from want of goods, as we were not
concerned, nor had any hand, in the present dispute. He also said
something about the council-fires. He said there were two fires which
you should keep your eyes upon; and if they call you down to Albany, do
not you go; for they will deceive you, and tell you a great many fine
stories. We are very glad that your language and Colonel Johnson's so
well agrees."
This report of the proceedings of Guy Johnson at Oswego was certainly
unexpected, and entirely at variance with the tenor of his conduct
previous to his departure from the Mohawk Valley, and during his progress
to the west. It is barely possible that he had not fully made up his mind
as to the course he might ultimately pursue, and that his purpose was not
definitively determined upon, until after his meeting with Carleton and
Haldimand at Montreal. And it is abundantly certain that his notions of
Indian neutrality, even had he entertained them, were very speedily
abandoned.
With the delivery of Abraham's last-mentioned speech, however, the council
was closed; and although Schuyler and Douw had been appointed to keep the
council fire burning, yet the ashes were soon raked up--never to be opened
again at Albany, for that was the last grand Indian council ever held in
that city. [FN]
* * * * *
[FN] As mentioned in the Introduction to the present volume, the
interesting proceedings of which a mere outline has been given in the
text, have never before been published complete. Their importance--their
intrinsic interest--and the fact that it was the last grand council of
the confederacy ever holden in Albany, had induced the author originally
to arrange the whole in the text. But their great length, it was thought,
would too seriously obstruct the narrative. Hence they have been
transferred to the Appendix. It was the first design of the author to
abridge the speeches, but an attempt soon proved that their force and
spirit would be lost in the process. See Appendix.
The result was highly satisfactory to the Commissioners, and apparently
so to the Indians, who had been well provided for during the three weeks
occupied at the German Flats and Albany. On their departure, moreover,
they were handsomely supplied with presents, and they took their leave
with manifestations of great good-will.
Most unfortunately, however, soon after their return from Albany, an
epidemic disorder appeared among them, in the form of a highly malignant
fever. It was a disease which they had never seen, and by it great numbers
were swept away. The Schoharie canton of the Mohawks, in particular,
suffered very severely. Indeed, they were almost exterminated.[FN-1] The
small number who survived, imbibed the impression that the Great Spirit
had sent the pestilence upon them in anger for not having taken sides
with the King. They, therefore, followed their brethren from the Mohawk
Valley, who had escaped to Canada with Guy Johnson. In the subsequent
invasions of the Tryon County settlements, these Schoharie Indians, who
thus deserted by an impulse of superstition, were among the most forward
and cruel.[FN-2] It should also be borne in mind, that, after all, the
council comprised but an inadequate and partial representation of the
Six Nations, with the exception of the Oneidas and the lower clan of the
Mohawks. The great body of the Mohawk warriors, headed by Thayendanegea,
had left the country; and the most influential of the Onondagas, Cayugas,
and Senecas, had also accompanied Brant and Guy Johnson to Montreal; and
events, at no very distant day, proved that the Albany treaty had been
held to very little purpose. It is not consistent with the nature or
habits of Indians to remain inactive in the midst of war.
* * * * *
[FN-1] Letter of John M. Brown, on the early history of Schoharie.
[FN-2] Idem.
Still, for the time being, those proceedings were not without benefit to
the cause of the country. The people of Tryon County were relieved, by
the stipulations of peace and neutrality, from apprehensions of immediate
danger from without; and the Committee of Safety was consequently enabled
to direct their attention, not only to the more efficient organization of
the settlements for defence, but to the civil government of the county.
But, notwithstanding the fine spirit manifested thus far by a majority
of the people in the interior, and that too under all the disadvantages
we have been contemplating--notwithstanding the decisive tone of the
language used in denouncing the oppressions of the Crown,--it was not
yet exactly certain that the Colony of New-York would range itself against
the royal authority. Governor Tryon, who was popular in the Colony, had
recently been recalled from North Carolina, and again appointed Governor
of New-York; and he was exerting his utmost powers to detach her from the
cause of the Union--seconded by the Asia, man of war, then lying in the
harbour, and commanding the city of New-York by her guns. The captain
of the Asia had threatened to destroy the town should General Lee, who
was then approaching with an army from the east, be allowed to enter it;
and such were the prevalence of terror and the power of intrigue, that
disaffection to the cause of the Union began to exhibit itself openly in
the Provincial Congress. Indeed, avowals of a design to place themselves
under the royal standard were unequivocally uttered. These untoward
appearances were rendered the more threatening by the discovery of a
secret correspondence, from which it was ascertained that the parent
government was preparing to send a fleet into the Hudson, and to occupy
both New-York and Albany with its armies. [FN] Of these designs Sir John
Johnson was probably well aware, and the hope of their accomplishment
may have induced him to linger behind, watching the signs of the times,
after the departure of his brother-in-law and _his_ army of followers. Sir
John had also a numerous tenantry, who were mostly loyalists; and the
Scotch colonists, settled in large numbers in Johnstown and its
neighbourhood, of whom mention has formerly been made, being loyalists
likewise, constituted for him a respectable force upon which he could
rely in a case of emergency.
* * * * *
[FN] Marshall's Life of Washington.
The Dutch and German population of the valley, however, were chiefly
Whigs; as also, by this time, were a decided majority of the entire white
population, not only of the Mohawk Valley, but of Schoharie, Cherry
Valley, and the other settlements in the southern part of that
widely-extended county. The general Committee executed their functions
with equal diligence and vigour. The inhabitants were enrolled and
organized into militia; the Committee deposed the sheriff, Alexander
White,[FN-1] and caused Colonel John Frey to be appointed in his place;
and, in one word, they took upon themselves both the civil and military
jurisdiction of the large section of country, over which they had
provisionally assumed the government. White had rendered himself
particularly odious to the Whigs from the first. Under some trifling
pretext, he had arrested a Whig by the name of John Fonda, and committed
him to prison. His friends, to the number of fifty men, under the conduct
of Sampson Sammons, went to the jail at night and released him by force.
From the prison they proceeded to the lodgings of the sheriff, and
demanded his surrender. White looked out from the second story window,
and probably recognizing the leader of the crowd, inquired--"Is that you,
Sammons?" "Yes," was the prompt reply; upon which White discharged a
pistol at the sturdy Whig, but happily without injury. The ball whizzed
past his head, and struck in the sill of the door. This was the first shot
fired in the war of the Revolution west of the Hudson. It was immediately
returned by the discharge of some forty or fifty muskets at the sheriff,
but the only effect was a slight wound in the breast--just sufficient to
draw blood. The doors of the house were broken, and White would have been
taken, but at that moment a gun was fired at the hall by Sir John. This
was known to be a signal for his retainers and Scotch partisans to rally
in arms; and as they would muster a force of five hundred men in a very
short time, the Whigs thought it most prudent to disperse. They collected
again at Caughnawaga, however, and sent a deputation to Sir John,
demanding that White should be given up to them.[FN-2] This demand, of
course, was not complied with.
* * * * *
[FN-1] The first liberty pole erected in the Mohawk Valley was at the
German Flats, and White, with a band of loyalists, had cut down the
emblem of rebellion.
[FN-2] MS. narrative of Jacob Sammons.
After his dismissal, as already mentioned, by an act of the people "in
their sovereign capacity," White was re-commissioned by Governor Tryon;
but the County Committee would not suffer him to re-enter upon the duties
of the office. On the contrary, so high was the popular indignation
against him, that he was obliged to fly--setting his face toward Canada,
accompanied by a white man named Peter Bone, and two or three Indians.
He was pursued to Jessup's landing on the Hudson River, where the house
in which he lodged was surrounded, and the fugitive sheriff taken
prisoner. From thence he was taken to Albany and imprisoned. [FN] Shortly
afterward he was released on his parole, and left the country.
* * * * *
[FN] Narrative of Jacob Sammons.
The exigencies of the times required prompt and vigorous action; and the
Committee seems to have been composed of exactly the right description
of men. They arrested suspicious persons, tried them, fined some,
imprisoned more, and executed others. Their duties also involved the
preservation of the peace in a critical period, among a mixed population
of border-men, ever more or less disposed to impatience under legal
restraint, and of course requiring the controlling power of a strong arm.
And yet these high duties were generally discharged with great
satisfaction to the public--the loyalists excepted, of course--and their
resolutions and decrees were submitted to by their constituents with
alacrity. Their influence was likewise successfully exerted in winning
friends to the popular cause, by deciding the wavering and confirming the
irresolute. [FN]
* * * * *
[FN] Campbell's Annals.
Added to these multifarious duties, was the necessity of keeping a
vigilant watch over the motions of Sir John Johnson, whose position and
conduct were alike equivocal, and the numerous loyalists by whom he was
surrounded. By these people every possible obstacle was thrown in the way
of the Committee, and no method of annoying and embarrassing them left
untried. They laboured to destroy the confidence of the people in the
Committee; called public meetings themselves, and chose
counter-committees; now attempted to cover the Whig Committees with
ridicule, and now again charged them with illegal and tyrannical
conduct.[FN-1] The consequence was mutual exasperation--sometimes between
near neighbours; and the reciprocal engendering of hostile feelings
between friends, who ranged themselves under opposing banners. These
incipient neighbourhood quarrels occasioned, in the progress of the
contest that ensued, some of the most bitter and bloody-personal conflicts
that ever marked the annals of a civil war. Several members of the
Committee subsequently acted a distinguished part in the field; many of
them sacrificed their estates; and some of them fell. Among them,
Christopher P. Yates, the first Chairman, accompanied General Montgomery
as a volunteer to Ticonderoga and Canada, and afterward raised and
commanded a corps of rangers.[FN-2] The fate of Nicholas Herkimer is well
known, though his death will be invested with new and additional interest
in the progress of this narrative.[FN-3]
* * * * *
[FN-1] Idem.
[FN-2] Campbell's Annals.
[FN-3] The following extract is from a letter of the State Committee of
Safety, under date of December, 1775, signed by John McKesson, Clerk of
the Provincial Congress:--"I was directed by this Congress to assure you
of the high esteem and respect they have for your vigilant,
noble-spirited County Committee." The following was from General Schuyler
in the summer of 1776:--"The propriety of your conduct, and your generous
exertions in the cause of your country, entitle you to the thanks of
every one of its friends; please to accept of mine most sincerely."
_Campbell's Annals._
In regard to Sir John, matters were now fast approaching to a crisis. On
the 7th of September the Committee wrote to the Provincial Congress in
New-York, denouncing his conduct and that of his associates--particularly
the Highlanders, who, to the number of two hundred, were said to be
gathered about him, and by whom the Whigs "were daily scandalized,
provoked, and threatened." They added--"We have great suspicions, and are
almost assured, that Sir John has a continual correspondence with Colonel
Guy Johnson and his party." [FN]
* * * * *
[FN] It was afterward ascertained that such a correspondence was carried
on through the Indians, who conveyed letters in the heads of their
tomahawks and in the ornaments worn about their persons. The Indians also
brought powder across from Canada.--_Campbell's Annals._
No sooner had the Congress of The Twelve United Colonies agreed to the
Declaration, or manifesto, mentioned in the beginning of the present
chapter, proclaiming to the world the causes, and the necessity of their
appeal to arms, than it was felt, on all hands, even by the timid and
hesitating, that England and the Colonies now stood, not in the relation
of parent and children, but in the attitude of two nations legally at war.
Hence the patriots of Tryon County began to look more closely, and with
greater assurance, to the deportment of Sir John, of whose designs, as
has been seen, they had from the first entertained strong suspicions.
The movements of Sir Guy Carleton, moreover, Governor-general of Canada,
who had been commissioned to muster and arm all persons within that
province, and to wage war by land and sea against "all enemies, pirates,
or rebels, either in or out of the province," to "take them and put them
to death, or preserve them alive, at his discretion," were now creating
great uneasiness on the northern frontier, from which quarter they were
apprehending a formidable invasion. The management of the northern
department having been committed to Generals Schuyler and Montgomery, who
were now directing a force upon Montreal and Quebec, the Tryon County
Committee determined to probe the intentions of Sir John Johnson at once
and to the bottom. For this purpose, on the 26th of October, they
addressed him the following letter:--
"_Tryon County Committee Chamber,_
_Oct._ 26, 1775.
"Honorable Sir,
"As we find particular reason to be convinced of your opinion in the
questions hereafter expressed, we require you, that you'll please to
oblige us with your sentiments thereupon in a few lines by our messengers,
the bearers hereof, Messrs. Ebenezer Cox, James McMaster, and John James
Klock, members of our Committee.
"We want to know whether you will allow that the inhabitants of Johnstown
and Kingsborough may form themselves into companies, according to the
regulations of our Continental Congress, for the defence of our country's
cause; and whether your Honor would be ready himself to give his personal
assistance to the same purpose.
"Also, whether you pretend a prerogative to our County court-house and
gaol, and would hinder or interrupt the Committee, to make use of the same
public houses, to our want and service in the common cause?
"We don't doubt you will comply with our reasonable requests, and thereby
oblige,
Honorable Sir,
Your obedient and humble Servants.
By order of the Committee,
Nicholas Herkimer,
Chairman.
"_To the
Honorable Sir John Johnson,
Johnson Hall._"
The deputation named in the letter waited upon Sir John in person, to
receive his answer--the substance of which they reported to the Committee
verbally as follows, viz:--
"1. By perusing our letter, Sir John replied that he thinks our requests
very unreasonable, as he never had denied the use either of the
court-house or gaol to any body, nor would yet deny it, for the use which
these houses have been built for; but he looks upon it that the
court-house and gaol are his property till he is paid 700 pounds--the
amount of which being out of his pocket for the building of the same.
"2. In regard of embodying his tenants into companies, he never did forbid
them, neither should do it, as they may use their pleasure; but we might
save ourselves the trouble, he being sure that they would not.
"3. Concerning himself, he said, that before he would sign any
association, or would lift his hand up against his King, he would rather
suffer that his head shall be cut off.
"Further he replied, that if we should make any unlawful use of the gaol,
he would oppose it, and also he mentions, that there have many unfair
means been used for increasing the association and uniting the people;
for he was informed by credible gentlemen in New-York that they were
obliged to unite, otherwise they could not live there; and that he was
informed by good authority, that likewise two thirds of the Canajoharie
and German Flats people have been forced to sign the articles; and in
his opinion the Boston people are open rebels, and the other Colonies
have joined them."
Immediately on receiving this report, the Committee determined to bring
the question of the occupancy of the gaol to an issue. They therefore
directed that two of their prisoners, named Lewis Clement and Peter
Bowen, [FN] who had been sentenced to certain periods of confinement for
political offences, should be forthwith conveyed to the prison, under a
guard commanded by Captain Jacob Seeber, with instructions, that should
the gaoler refuse to receive them into close confinement for the time
specified, or should they be opposed by Sir John, then Captain Seeber was
to bring them to the house of "our voted and elected new high sheriff,
John Frey, Esq. who shall immediately inform thereof our chairman for
further directions."
* * * * *
[FN] A subsequent document induces the belief that these prisoners were
Indians, though it is not so distinctly stated.
Sir John did not allow the Committee to take possession of the gaol, and
they were obliged to fit up a private house as a temporary prison; while
some of their prisoners were sent to Albany, and others as far as Hartford
for safe keeping. [FN] The Committee apprised the Provincial Congress of
their proceedings in this matter, from which body they received the
following communication in reply:--
* * * * *
[FN] Campbell's Annals.
"_Dec._ 9_th._ The Congress have this day entered into the consideration
of your letter of the 25th of October, and are of opinion that your
application to Sir John Johnson, requesting an answer from him whether he
would allow his tenants to form themselves into companies, and associate
with their brethren of your County, according to the resolves of the
Continental Congress, for the defence of our liberties, was improper with
respect to him, and too condescending on your part, as it was a matter
that came properly within your province; and to which we doubt not but
you are competent, as you have a line of conduct prescribed to you by
Congress. With respect to your second question, whether he would take
any active part in the controversy at present existing between Great
Britain and her Colonies, we conceive it to be very proper, and thank you
for information on that head.
"As to the third question, we conceive that he has no claim nor title to
the court-house and gaol in the County, as we are credibly told that his
father, Sir William Johnson, did in his lifetime convey the same to two
gentlemen in trust for the use of your County. However, as an attempt to
use the same for the purpose of confining persons inimical to our country
may be productive of bad consequences, we beg leave to recommend to you,
to procure some other place which may answer the end of a gaol. And give
you our advice not to molest Sir John as long as he shall continue
inactive, and not impede the measures necessary to be carried into
execution from being completed.
"We are extremely sorry that Mr. White has, by his imprudent conduct,
rendered himself justly offensive to you. The best advice we can give you
in this unpleasant affair is, that if you are of opinion that his
continuing in his office will be dangerous to your liberties, then that
you permit the office to be exercised by his deputies. And that you draw
up a petition, get as many persons of your County to sign it as possible,
and present it to the Governor of the Colony, setting forth that it is
very disagreeable to the people in general that he should execute that
office, and praying that he may be displaced, and his place supplied by
a person who would be acceptable to the people of your County.
"We are respectfully,
Gentlemen,
Your most obedient
humble Servants,
By order,
Nathl. Woodhull, Pres.
"_To Nicholas Herkimer, Esq.
Chairman, and the
Committee of Tryon County._"
The first act of positive hostility on the part of the Indians, during
this bitter and bloody contest, was committed in the Autumn of the present
year. General Schuyler having been obliged temporarily to leave the
northern army in consequence of ill health, the command devolved upon
General Montgomery, who had advanced a second time upon St. Johns and
captured the fortress--Sir Guy Carleton having been repulsed by Colonel
Warner at Longueil, in his attempt to cross the St. Lawrence and advance
to its succor. It appears that, either in the first or second attack upon
St. Johns, or in both, the Americans had been opposed by some of the
Mohawk Indians--those, doubtless, who had accompanied Guy Johnson to
Canada. Hence, on the 27th of October, the Tryon County Committee
"unanimously resolved, that a letter should be sent to the sachems of the
Canajoharie Castle, in regard to the return and present abiding of some
Indians in their Castle from Canada, who have acted inimically against us,
and fought against our united forces near the fort St. John, not to give
shelter to such real enemies among them."
No copy of the letter written pursuant to this resolution has been
preserved. It is noted among the papers of the Committee, however, that
the sachems and warriors of Canajoharie Castle appeared before them in
person, and made the following answer to their epistle of remonstrance:--
"Brothers: We are thankful to you that you opened to us your hearts, and
we comprehend to be all true what you wrote to us. We live together,
Gentlemen, and we shall do our endeavour to answer you upon all the
contents of your letter, as much as we can remember thereof.
"Brothers: We have not yet forgotten our agreement made in Albany. It is
not such a long time ago, we can remember it yet. Although we have not
put it in writing, it is yet in our memory. We can remember very well that
there have been twelve Governors with whom we agreed, and we made a level
road to the Six Nations, to Boston, and to Philadelphia.
"Brothers: We have, as well as the Senecas and others of the Six Nations,
been very glad to make that road, where we went and shall go. It is all
peace and very good. The Nations have been very glad for the making of
that good road, and it is all peaceable. But we are afraid you make the
first disturbance on the sea-side--because you are a fighting already.
They have made that good road, but they will not hope that we should spill
blood upon it. You said in your letter that you cannot keep your young
people back, but we think you are masters of them, and could order them.
Some of our young people are now in Canada, and perhaps they are killed;
but if so be, our hearts will not be sore about it.
"There are some young people, among them here, whom we could persuade to
stay and not to meddle themselves with the fighting of the white people;
but some went yet away, and we are glad to see them back again, because
they have been debauched to go away.
"Brothers: The Six Nations are now speaking about that good road, and are
glad; but if they shall perhaps pass that road and see some blood spilled
upon it, then they would be surprised.
"Brothers: We have made a very strong agreement of friendship together,
and we beg you will not break it for sake of some wrong done by some, who
have been debauched. You will drop it, we hope, for the present."
The Committee replied to them in substance, that if those of their young
men who had first spilt the blood of their white brethren, had come back
repenting of their conduct, they should first have gone to the Committee,
and manifested their sorrow to them. Far from doing so, however, one of
them, named William Johnson, had, on the contrary, boasted of his hostile
proceedings, and spoken boldly against the cause of the Americans.
On the 30th of October, at the request of some of the chiefs of the Mohawk
Castle, John Marbatt was deputed to hold a conference with them, in
reference to the imprisonment of Clement and Bowen. Marbatt says, in his
letter to General Herkimer, Chairman of the Committee:--
"The heads of the Mohawk Castle met me at Abraham Quackenbush's, and made
a speech to me. They said we were all brothers, and all brought up
together, and hoped that we might remain so. They said they were very
sorry for their two brothers, Lewis Clement and Peter Bowen, and desired
that they might be discharged. It was so hard for them to see their
brethren in confinement that they could not rest. Whereon I told them
there was a law; and if any of our brothers transgressed the law, they
must expect to be punished by the law. I told them that any one that
behaved [well] should not be disturbed at all. But they begged that as
they had transacted this, [offended] before the law took effect, they
might be discharged; and if ever they transgressed again, they had nothing
to say against punishing them. They told me that they wanted to go a
hunting, and could not go from home contented until this matter was
settled. They desired me to give them an answer against next Saturday.
Gentlemen, I hope you will settle this matter for peace's sake. Your
compliance will much oblige your friend and humble servant," &c.
The speech from the Canajoharie Indians, just recited, if closely
scrutinised, might appear somewhat equivocal. Still, it was not
belligerent; and, when taken in connexion with the preceding letter, the
presumption is reasonable, that the Mohawks remaining about their ancient
castles, had not yet determined to swerve from their engagement of
neutrality.
Such was the progress of the Revolution, in the County of Tryon, down to
the close of 1775. A rapid glance at contemporaneous events not already
noted, occurring elsewhere, will close the history of the year. The battle
of Bunker Hill had aroused all New England to arms; and by the time of
General Washington's arrival to assume the command, during the first week
in July, the British forces were so effectually shut up in Boston, as to
be obliged to send out small vessels to a distance for supplies. To cut
up this species of coast-wise commerce, the Colonies of Massachusetts,
Rhode Island, and Connecticut each fitted out two small cruisers, before
Congress had made a suggestion respecting a naval armament. The first
avowal of offensive hostility against the mother country, was contained
in the act of the Massachusetts Congress for fitting out a naval armament;
and among the first fruits was the capture, by Captain Manly of
Marblehead, of a large British ordnance brig, laden with several elegant
brass pieces of artillery, a large supply of small arms, tools and
utensils of all warlike descriptions, &c. Three days afterward Captain
Manly captured three more British ships laden with military stores. South
Carolina was at the same time making vigorous preparations for war, but
had not exceeding 3,000 lbs of gunpowder within the province. By fitting
out a fast sailing vessel, however, they were enabled to intercept a
supply vessel off St. Augustine, and obtain a large and timely addition
to their stores--15,000 pounds of gunpowder alone. Meantime the affairs
of the Colonies continued to form the leading and most exciting topic of
debate in the British Parliament. Lord North, who, it is now known, acted
throughout this great struggle more in obedience to the positive
requisitions of the King, than in accordance with his own private wishes,
insisted upon the strongest measures of compulsion. General Conway,
Colonel Lutterell, Mr. James Grenville, the Duke of Grafton, and Lord
Lyttleton, spoke in favor of concession to the Colonies, and argued in
favor of repealing every enactment respecting the matters in dispute with
the Colonies, subsequent to the year 1763. The ministers contended that
they might as well acknowledge the independence of the Colonies at once.
Mr. Burke, during this season, made his great speech on American affairs,
and introduced his conciliatory bill, proposing "a renunciation of the
exercise of taxation, without at all interfering with the question of
right. It preserved the power of levying duties, for the regulation of
commerce; but the money so raised was to be at the disposal of the several
general assemblies. The tea duty was to be repealed, and a general amnesty
granted." This proposition, though regarded with more favor than the
others, was rejected; and the Administration was sustained in the policy
of sending a large sea and land force against the Colonies, accompanied
with offers of mercy upon a proper submission.[FN-1] The Continental
Congress, however, still continued its efforts to prevent a final
separation; and another address to the King was adopted, beseeching the
interposition of his royal authority to afford relief from their
afflicting fears and jealousies, and restore harmony by the adoption of
such measures as would effect a permanent reconciliation. This petition,
signed by John Hancock, was presented in Parliament on the 7th of
December, and gave rise to several motions for a pacification--all of
which were rejected.[FN-2]
* * * * *
[FN-1] Holmes's Annals, Par. Register.
[FN-2] Idem.
The military operations of the Autumn were chiefly confined to the
expedition against Canada. Lord Dunmore, it is true, had given several
additional impulses to the Revolutionary spirit in Virginia, by the manner
of his opposition; and the enemy had still farther exasperated the people
of New England by burning the town of Falmouth, in the north-eastern part
of Massachusetts. Having timely notice, the people fled from the town,
which was furiously bombarded, and 139 dwelling-houses and 278 warehouses
were burnt. The invasion of Canada, by Generals Schuyler and Montgomery,
has already been incidentally mentioned. General Schuyler had issued a
suitable proclamation to the inhabitants of Canada, on entering that
territory; but he was obliged by ill health to relinquish the command to
General Montgomery. St. John's surrendered on the 3d of November; but
while the siege was pending. Colonel Ethan Allen, with thirty-eight of
his Green Mountain boys, was captured, and sent to England in irons. [FN]
Allen deserved his fate, however, for his rashness and disobedience of
orders. Still, he was very near capturing Montreal with the small party
he had led in advance, as was subsequently admitted by one of the British
officers.
* * * * *
[FN] Idem.
The fort at Chamblee fell into the hands of Montgomery, together with a
large quantity of military stores, which were of great use; among them
were three tons of powder. Montreal was next taken by the
Provincials--General Carleton escaping in a boat with muffled oars to
Three Rivers, from whence he hastened to Quebec. Montgomery, with his
little army, was swift to follow him thither; where his arrival had been
anticipated by Colonel Arnold, with upward of 700 New England infantry
and riflemen, with whom he had performed the incredible service of
traversing the unexplored forest, from the Kennebec to the mouth of the
Chaudiere. Uniting the forces of Arnold with his own, Montgomery laid
siege to Quebec on the 1st of December. His artillery, however, was too
light to make any impression upon its walls, and it was at length
determined, if possible, to carry the town by a combined assault from
two directions--one division to be led by Montgomery and the other by
Arnold. The enterprise was undertaken on the 31st of December, and the
year closed by the repulse of both divisions and the fall of Montgomery.
The success which had marked the American arms in the early part of the
Canadian campaign, made a strong impression upon the Caughnawaga Indians.
The Canadians, generally, were exceedingly averse to engaging in the
unnatural contest, [FN-1] and were strongly inclined to favor the cause
of the Colonies; and, notwithstanding the descent of Brant and the Mohawks
to Montreal, and the solicitations of Governor Carleton, the Caughnawagas
sent a deputation to General Washington, at Cambridge, as early as the
month of August, avowing their readiness to assist the Americans in the
event of an expedition into Canada. [FN-2] This assurance was fulfilled.
In a letter from Sir Guy Carleton to General Gage, written in August,
which was intercepted, the Canadian Governor said--"Many of the Indians
have gone over to them (the Americans), and large numbers of the Canadians
are with them. . . . I had hopes of holding out for this year, though I
seem abandoned by all the world, had the savages remained firm. I cannot
blame these poor people for securing themselves, as they see multitudes
of the enemy at hand, and no succour from any part, though it is now four
months since their operations against us first began." [FN-3] The
subsequent reverses of the Americans, however, changed the masters of
those Indians, and they were ere long found warring in the ranks of the
Crown.
* * * * *
[FN-1] Letter of Washington to the president of Congress, Aug. 4th, 1775.
[FN-2] Letter of Washington to Gen. Schuyler.
[FN-3] Sparks.
But all the Indians did not join the British standard. Notwithstanding
that the Delawares had been engaged in the Cresap war, the year before,
they refused the solicitations of the British emissaries and the Senecas
to take up the hatchet with them in this contest. A meeting of Indians
was held in Pittsburgh, to deliberate upon the question, at which a select
deputation of the Senecas attended. Captain _White Eyes,_ a sensible and
spirited warrior of the Lenape, boldly declared that he would not embark
in a war, to destroy a people born on the same soil with himself. The
Americans, he said, were his friends and brothers, and no nation should
dictate to him or his tribe the course they should pursue. [FN]
* * * * *
[FN] Heckewelder.