preaching of the word of God, are enemies of the pope and of Jesus
Christ.
55. "The pope cannot have any other thought than this:--If the
indulgence, which is the lesser matter, is celebrated with bell, pomp,
and ceremony, it is necessary, _à fortiori_, to honour and celebrate
the gospel, which is the greater matter, with a hundred bells, a
hundred pomps, and a hundred ceremonies.
62. "The true and precious treasure of the Church is the holy gospel
of the glory and grace of God.
65. "The treasures of the gospel are nets, which once caught the rich,
and those who were at ease in their circumstances:
66. "But the treasures of indulgence are nets, in which, now-a-days,
they catch, not rich people, but the riches of people.
67. "It is the duty of bishops and pastors to receive the commissaries
of apostolic indulgences with all respect:
68. "But it is still more their duty to use their eyes and their ears,
in order to see that the said commissaries do not preach the dreams of
their own imaginations instead of the orders of the pope.
71. "Cursed be he who speaketh against the indulgence of the pope.
72. "But blessed be he who speaks against the foolish and impudent
words of the preachers of indulgences.
76. "The indulgence of the pope cannot take away the smallest daily
sin, in regard to the fault or delinquency.
79. "To say that a cross adorned with the arms of the pope is as
powerful as the cross of Christ is blasphemy.
80. "Bishops, pastors, and theologians, who allow such things to be
said to the people, will be called to account for it.
81. "This shameful preaching, these impudent eulogiums on indulgences
make it difficult for the learned to defend the dignity and honour of
the pope against the calumnies of the preachers, and the subtile and
puzzling questions of the common people.
86. "Why, say they, does not the pope, whose wealth is greater than
that of rich Crœsus, build the metropolis of St. Peter with his own
money rather than with that of poor Christians?
92. "Would, then, that we were discumbered of all the preachers who
say to the church of Christ, Peace! Peace! when there is no peace!
94. "Christians should be exhorted to diligence in following Christ
their head through crosses, death, and hell.
95. "For it is far better to enter the kingdom of heaven through much
tribulation, than to acquire a carnal security by the flattery of a
false peace."
Here, then, was the commencement of the work. The germ of the
Reformation was contained in these theses of Luther. The abuses of
indulgence were attacked in them, (and this was their most striking
feature,) but behind those attacks there was, moreover, a principle
which although it attracted the attention of the multitude far less,
was destined one day to overthrow the edifice of the papacy. The
evangelical doctrine of a free and gratuitous remission of sins was
here publicly professed for the first time. Henceforth the work must
grow. In fact, it was evident that any man who had faith in the
remission of sins as preached by the doctor of Wittemberg; any one who
had this conversion and sanctification, the necessity of which, he
urged, would no longer concern himself about human ordinances, but
would escape from the swaddling-bands of Rome, and secure the liberty
of the children of God. All errors behoved to give way before this
truth. By it light had at first entered Luther's own mind, and by it,
in like manner, light is to be diffused in the Church. What previous
reformers wanted was a clear knowledge of this truth; and hence the
unfruitfulness of their labours. Luther himself was afterwards aware
that, in proclaiming justification by faith, he had laid the axe to
the root of the tree. "This is the doctrine," said he, "which we
attack in the followers of the papacy. Huss and Wickliff only attacked
their lives, but in attacking their doctrine, we take the goose by the
neck. All depends on the Word which the pope took from us and
falsified. I have vanquished the pope, because my doctrine is
according to God, and his is according to the devil.[360]
[360] "Wenn man die Lehre angriefft, so wird die Gans am Kragen
gegriffen." (Luth. Op. (W.) xxii, p. 1369.)
We too have in our day forgotten the capital doctrine of justification
by faith, though, in a sense, the reverse of that of our fathers. "In
the time of Luther," says one of our contemporaries,[361] "the
remission of sins at least cost money, but in our day every one
supplies himself gratis." These two extremes are very much alike.
Perhaps there is even more forgetfulness of God in our extreme, than
in that of the sixteenth century. The principle of justification by
the grace of God, which brought the Church out of so much darkness at
the time of the Reformation, is also the only principle which can
renew our generation, put an end to its doubts and waverings, destroy
the canker of egotism, establish the reign of morality and justice,
and, in one word reunite the world to God, from whom it has been
separated.
[361] Harms de Kiel.
But if the theses of Luther were mighty in virtue of the truth which
they proclaimed, they were not less so through the faith of their
declared defender. He had boldly unsheathed the sword of the Word, and
he had done it trusting to the power of truth. He had felt, that in
leaning on the promises of God he could, in the language of the world,
afford to risk something. Speaking of this bold attack, he says, "Let
him who would begin a good enterprise undertake it, trusting to its
own merits, and not (of this let him beware) to the help and
countenance of man. Moreover, let not men, nor even the whole world,
deter him. For these words will never deceive:--'It is good to trust
in the Lord; and none that trust in him shall be confounded.' But let
him who neither is able nor willing to hazard something through trust
in God, beware of undertaking any thing."[362] Doubtless, Luther,
after putting up his theses on the door of the church of All Saints,
retired to his tranquil cell, in full possession of the peace and joy
imparted by an action done in the name of the Lord, and for the sake
of eternal truth.
[362] Luth. Op. Leips. vi, p. 518.
These theses, notwithstanding of their great boldness, still bespeak
the monk, who refuses to allow a single doubt as to the authority of
the See of Rome. But in attacking the doctrine of indulgences, Luther
had, without perceiving it, assailed several errors, the exposure of
which could not be agreeable to the pope, seeing that they tended,
sooner or later, to bring his supremacy in question. Luther, at the
time, did not see so far; but he felt all the boldness of the step
which he had just taken, and, consequently, thought himself bound to
temper it in so far as was consistent with the respect due to truth.
He, accordingly, presented his theses only as doubtful propositions on
which he was anxious for the views of the learned; and, conformably
to the established custom, annexed to them a solemn protestation,
declaring that he wished not to say or affirm any thing not founded on
Holy Scripture, the Fathers of the Church, and the rights and
decretals of the See of Rome.
Often, in the sequel, on contemplating the immense and unlooked-for
consequences of this courageous attack, Luther was astonished at
himself, and could not understand how he had ventured upon it. An
invisible hand, mightier than his own, held the leading reins, and
pushed him into a path which he knew not, and from the difficulties of
which he would, perhaps, have recoiled, if he had known them, and been
advancing alone and of himself. "I engaged in this dispute," says he,
"without premeditated purpose, without knowing it or wishing it; and
was taken quite unprepared. For the truth of this I appeal to the
Searcher of hearts."[363]
[363] "Casu enim, non voluntate nec studio, in has turbas incidi, Deum
ipsum testor." (Luth. Op. Lat. in Præf.) For I got involved in these
disturbances by accident, not by will or zeal. God is my witness.
Luther had become acquainted with the source of these abuses. He had
received a little book, ornamented with the arms of the Archbishop of
Mentz and Magdeburg, and containing the regulations to be observed in
the sale of indulgences. It was this young prelate, therefore, this
accomplished prince, who had prescribed, or at least sanctioned, all
this quackery. In him Luther only sees a superior to whom he owes fear
and reverence;[364] and wishing not to beat the air, but to address
those entrusted with the government of the Church, he sends him a
letter, distinguished at once by its frankness and humility. Luther
wrote this letter to Albert the same day on which he put up his
theses.
[364] "Domino suo et pastori in Christo venerabiliter metuendo." To
his reverently to be feared Lord and pastor in Christ. (Address of the
letter, Ep. i, p. 68.)
"Pardon me, most reverend Father in Christ, and most illustrious
Prince," says he to him, "if I, who am only the dregs of mankind,[365]
have the presumption to write your High Mightiness. The Lord Jesus is
my witness, that, feeling how small and despicable I am, I have long
put off doing it.... Will your Highness, however, be pleased to let
fall a look on a grain of dust, and, in accordance with your episcopal
meekness, graciously receive my petition.
[365] Fex hominum. (Ibid.)
"There are people who are carrying the papal indulgence up and down
the country in the name of your Grace. I do not so much blame the
declamation of the preachers, (I have not heard them,) as the
erroneous ideas of unlearned and simple people, who imagine that by
buying indulgences they secure their salvation....
"Good God! souls entrusted to your care, most venerable Father, are
conducted to death, and not to life. The just and strict account which
will be required of you grows and augments from day to day.... I have
not been able to continue longer silent. Ah! man is not saved by
works, or by the performances of his bishop... Even the righteous
scarcely is saved; and the way that leadeth unto life is strait. Why,
then, do the preachers of indulgences by vain fables inspire the
people with a false security?
"According to them, indulgence alone ought to be proclaimed, ought to
be extolled.... What! Is it not the chief and only duty of bishops to
instruct the people in the gospel and the love of Jesus Christ?[366]
Jesus Christ has nowhere ordered the preaching of indulgence; but has
strongly enjoined the preaching of the gospel.[367] How dreadful, then
and how perilous, for a bishop to allow the gospel to be passed in
silence, and nothing but the sound of indulgence to be incessantly
dunned into the ears of his people....
[366] "Ut populus Evangelium discat atque charitatem Christi." (Ibid.)
[367] Vehementer præcipit." (Ibid.) Earnestly commands.
"Most worthy Father in God, in the Instruction of the commissaries,
which has been published in name of your Grace, (doubtless without
your knowledge,) it is said that the indulgence is the most precious
treasure,--that it reconciles man to God, and enables those who
purchase it to dispense with repentance.
"What then, can I, what ought I to do, most venerable Bishop, most
serene Prince? Ah! I supplicate your Highness, by the Lord Jesus
Christ, to turn upon this business an eye of paternal vigilance, to
suppress the pamphlet entirely, and ordain preachers to deliver a
different sort of discourses to the people. If you decline to do so,
be assured you will one day hear some voice raised in refutation of
these preachers, to the great dishonour of your most serene Highness."
Luther at the same time sent his theses to the archbishop, and, in a
postscript, asked him to read them, that he might be convinced how
little foundation there was for the doctrine of indulgences.
Thus Luther's whole desire was, that the watchmen of the Church should
awake, and exert themselves in putting an end to the evils which were
laying it waste. Nothing could be more noble and more respectful than
this letter from a monk to one of the greatest princes of the Church
and the empire. Never was there a better exemplification of the spirit
of our Saviour's precept--"Render unto Cæsar the things which are
Cæsar's, and unto God the things which are God's." This is not the
course of violent revolutionists, who contemn powers and blame
dignities. It is a cry proceeding from the conscience of a Christian
and a priest, who gives honour to all, but in the first place fears
God. However, all prayers and supplications were useless. Young
Albert, engrossed by his pleasures and ambitious designs, made no
reply to this solemn appeal. The Bishop of Brandebourg, Luther's
ordinary--a learned and pious man, to whom, also, he sent his
theses--replied that he was attacking the power of the Church, that he
would involve himself in great trouble and vexation, that the thing
was beyond his strength, and that his earnest advice to him was to
keep quiet.[368] The princes of the Church shut their ears against the
voice of God, thus energetically and affectingly declared by the
instrumentality of Luther. They would not comprehend the signs of the
times; they were struck with that blindness which has been the ruin of
so many powers and dignities. "Both thought," says Luther afterwards,
"that the pope would be too many for a miserable mendicant like me."
But Luther was better able than the bishops to perceive the disastrous
effects which the indulgences had upon the manners and lives of the
people; for he was in direct correspondence with them. He had
constantly a near view of what the bishops learned only by unfaithful
reports. If the bishops failed him, God did not fail him. The Head of
the Church, who sits in heaven, and to whom has been given all power
upon the earth, had himself prepared the ground, and deposited the
grain in the hands of his servant. He gave wings to the seed of truth,
and sent it in an instant over the whole length and breadth of his
Church.
Nobody appeared at the university next day to attack the propositions
of Luther. The traffic of Tezel was too much in discredit, and too
disgraceful for any other than himself, or some one of his creatures,
to dare to take up the gauntlet. But these theses were destined to be
heard in other places than under the roof of an academical hall.
Scarcely had they been nailed to the door of the castle church of
Wittemberg, than the feeble strokes of the hammer were followed
throughout Germany by a blow which reached even to the foundations of
proud Rome, threatening sudden ruin to the walls, the gates, and the
pillars of the papacy, stunning and terrifying its champions, and at
the same time awakening thousands from the sleep of error.[369]
[368] "Er sollte still halten; es wäre eine grosse Sache." (Matthes.
13.)
[369] Walthahr. v. Luther, p. 45.
These theses spread with the rapidity of lightning. A month had not
elapsed before they were at Rome. "In a fortnight," says a
contemporary historian,[370] "they were in every part of Germany, and
in four weeks had traversed almost the whole of Christendom; as if the
angels themselves had been the messengers, and carried them before the
eyes of all men. Nobody can believe what a noise they made." They were
afterwards translated into Dutch and Spanish, and a traveller even
sold them at Jerusalem. "Every one," says Luther, "was complaining of
the indulgences; and as all the bishops and doctors had kept silence,
and nobody had ventured to bell the cat, poor Luther became a famous
doctor, because, as they expressed it, one had at length come who
dared to do it. But I liked not this glory; the music seemed to me too
lofty for the words."[371]
[370] Myconius, Hist. of the Ref., p. 23.
[371] "Das Lied wollte meiner stimme zu hochwerden." (Luth. Op.)
Some of the pilgrims, who had flocked from different countries to
Wittemberg for the feast of All Saints, instead of indulgences carried
home with them the famous theses of the Augustin monk, and thus helped
to circulate them. All read, pondered, and commented on them. They
occupied the attention of all convents and all universities.[372] All
pious monks who had entered the cloister to save their soul, all
upright and honest men, rejoiced in this striking and simple
confession of the truth, and wished with all their heart that Luther
would continue the work which he had begun. At length a monk had had
the courage to undertake this perilous contest. It was a reparation
made to Christendom, and the public conscience was satisfied. In these
theses piety saw a blow given to all kinds of superstition; the new
theology hailed in them the defeat of the scholastic dogmas; princes
and magistrates regarded them as a barrier raised against the
encroachments of ecclesiastical power; while the nations were
delighted at seeing the decided negative which this monk had given to
the avarice of the Roman chancery. Erasmus, a man very worthy of
credit, and one of the principal rivals of the Reformer, says to Duke
George of Saxony, "When Luther attacked this fable, the whole world
concurred in applauding him." "I observe," said he on another occasion
to Cardinal Campeggi, "that those of the purest morals, and an
evangelical piety, are the least opposed to Luther. His life is lauded
even by those who cannot bear his faith. The world was weary of a
doctrine containing so many childish fables, and was thirsting for
that living water, pure and hidden, which issues from the springs of
the evangelists and the apostles. The genius of Luther was fitted to
accomplish these things, and his zeal must have animated him to the
noble enterprise."[373]
[372] "In alle hohe Schullen und Klöster." (Mathes. 13.)
[373] "Ad hoc præstandum mihi videbatur ille, et natura compositus et
accensus studio." (Erasm. Ep. Campegio Cardinali, i, p. 650.) For
accomplishing this, he seemed to me both fitted by nature, and
inflamed by zeal.
CHAP. VI.
Reuchlin--Erasmus--Flek--Bibra--The Emperor--The
Pope--Myconius--The Monks--Apprehensions--Adelman--An Old
Priest--The Bishop--The Elector--The Inhabitants of
Erfurt--Luther's Reply--Trouble--Luther's Moving Principle.
We must follow these propositions wherever they penetrated; to the
studies of the learned, the cells of monks, and the palaces of
princes, in order to form some idea of the various but wonderful
effects which they produced in Germany.
Reuchlin received them. He was weary of the hard battle which he had
been obliged to fight against the monks. The power which the new
combatant displayed in his theses revived the spirit of the old
champion of letters, and gave joy to his saddened heart. "Thanks be to
God," exclaimed he, after he had read them, "now they have found a man
who will give them so much to do, that they will be obliged to let me
end my old age in peace."
The prudent Erasmus was in the Netherlands when the theses reached
him. He was inwardly delighted at seeing his secret wishes for the
reformation of abuses expressed with so much boldness, and commended
their author, only exhorting him to more moderation and prudence.
Nevertheless, some persons in his presence blaming Luther's violence,
he said, "God has given men a cure which cuts thus deep into the
flesh, because otherwise the disease would be incurable." And at a
later period when the Elector of Saxony asked his opinion as to
Luther's affair, he replied with a smile, "I am not at all astonished
at his having made so much noise, for he has committed two
unpardonable faults; he has attacked the tiara of the pope and the
belly of the monks."[374]
[374] Müller's Denkw, iv, 256.
Dr. Flek, prior of the cloister of Steinlausitz, had for some time
given up reading mass, but had not told any one his reason. He one day
found the theses of Luther posted up in the refectory of his convent.
He went up and began to read them, but had only perused a few, when
unable to contain his joy, he exclaimed, "Well, well, he whom we have
been so long looking for is come at last; and this you monks will
see." Then reading in the future, says Mathesius, and playing upon the
word Wittemberg, he said, "Everybody will come to seek wisdom at this
mountain, and will find it.[375] He wrote to the doctor to persevere
courageously in his glorious combat. Luther calls him a man full of
joy and consolation.
[375] "Alle welt von diesem, Weissenberg, Weissheit holen und
bekommen." (p. 13)
The ancient and celebrated episcopal see of Würzburg was then held by
Lowrence de Bibra, a man, according to the testimony of his
contemporaries, pious, honest, and wise. When a gentleman came to
intimate to him that he intended his daughter for the cloister, "Give
her rather a husband," said he; and then added, "Are you in want of
money for that purpose? I will lend you." The emperor and all the
princes held him in the highest esteem. He lamented the disorders of
the Church, and especially those of convents. The theses having
reached his palace also, he read them with great delight, and publicly
declared his approbation of Luther. At a later period he wrote to the
Elector Frederick, "Don't part with pious Dr. Martin Luther; for he
has been wronged." The Elector delighted at this testimony, wrote the
Reformer with his own hand to acquaint him with it.
The Emperor Maximilian, predecessor of Charles V, also read and
admired the theses of the monk of Wittemberg. He perceived his
talents, and foresaw that this obscure Augustin might, indeed, become
a powerful ally of Germany in her struggle with Rome. Accordingly, he
instructed his envoy to say to the Elector of Saxony, "Take good care
of the monk Luther, for the time may come when we shall have need of
him;"[376] and shortly after, being at a diet with Pfeffinger, the
Elector's confidential councillor, he said to him, "Well what is your
Augustin doing? Assuredly his propositions are not to be despised; he
will give the monks enough to do."[377]
[376] "Dass er uns den Munch Luther fleisig beware." (Mathes. 15.)
[377] Schmidt Brand Reformationsgesch, p. 124.
At Rome even, and in the Vatican, the theses were not so ill received
as might have been supposed. Leo X judged of them as a friend of
letters, rather than a pope. The amusement which they gave him made
him overlook the severe truths which they contained; and when
Sylvester Prierias, the master of the sacred palace, who had the
office of examining new works, urged him to treat Luther as a
heretic, he replied, "This Friar, Martin Luther, is a great genius;
all that is said against him is mere monkish jealousy."[378]
[378] "Che frate Martino Luthero haveva un bellissimo ingegnoe che
coteste erano invidie fratesche." (Brandelli, contemporary of Leo, and
a Dominican, Hist. Trag. Pars 3.)
There were few on whom the theses of Luther produced a deeper
impression than on the scholar of Annaberg, whom Tezel had so
pitilessly repulsed. Myconius had entered a convent, and the very
first evening dreamed he saw an immense field quite covered with ripe
corn. "Cut," said the voice of his guide to him; and when he excused
himself for want of skill, his guide showed him a reaper, who was
working with inconceivable rapidity. "Follow, and do like him," said
the guide.[379] Myconius, eager for holiness as Luther had been,
devoted himself when in the convent to vigils, fasts, macerations, and
all the works invented by men; but at length he despaired of ever
attaining the objects of his efforts. He abandoned study, and spent
his whole time in manual labour. Sometimes he bound books, sometimes
used the turning-lathe, and sometimes did any other kind of work.
Still, however, this external labour did not appease his troubled
conscience. God had spoken to him, and he could not fall back into his
former slumber. This state of agony lasted for several years. It is
sometimes supposed that the paths of the Reformers were quite smooth,
and that after they renounced the observances of the Church, their
remaining course was easy and pleasant. It is not considered that they
arrived at the truth by means of internal struggles, a thousand times
more painful than the observances to which servile minds easily
submitted.
[379] Melch. Adami Vita Myconii.
At length the year 1517 arrived. The theses of Luther were published,
and, traversing Christendom, arrived also at the convent where the
scholar of Annaberg was residing. He hid himself in a corner of the
cloister, with John Voit, another monk, that they might be able to
read them without interruption.[380] They contained the very truth of
which his father had told him. His eyes were opened, he felt a voice
within him responding to that which was then sounding throughout
Germany, and great consolation filled his heart. "I see plainly," said
he, "that Martin Luther is the reaper whom I saw in my dream, and who
taught me to gather the ears of corn." He immediately began to profess
the doctrine which Luther had proclaimed. The monks, alarmed when they
heard him, argued with him, and declaimed against Luther and against
his convent. "That convent," replied Myconius, "is like our Lord's
sepulchre; they wish to prevent Christ from rising again, but will not
succeed." At last his superiors, seeing they could not convince him,
interdicted him for a year and a half from all intercourse with the
world, not permitting him even to write or to receive letters, and
threatening him with perpetual imprisonment. However, for him also the
hour of deliverance arrived. Being afterwards appointed pastor at
Zwickau, he was the first who declared against the papacy in the
churches of Thuringia. "Then," says he, "I could work with my
venerable father Luther at the Gospel harvest." Jonas describes him as
a man as able as he was willing.[381]
[380] "Legit tunc cum Joanne Voite, in angulum abdtius, libellos
Lutheri." (Ibid.)
[381] "Qui potuit quod voluit."
Doubtless, there were others also to whom Luther's theses were the
signal of life. They kindled a new light in many cells, cottages, and
palaces. "While those who had entered convents in quest of good fare
and indolence, or rank and honours," says Mathesius, "began to load
the name of Luther with reproaches, the monks who lived in prayer,
fasting, and mortification, thanked God as soon as they heard the cry
of the eagle, announced by John Huss, a century before."[382] Even the
people who did not well understand the theology of the question, and
who only knew that Luther was assailing the empire of mendicants and
lazy monks, received it with bursts of joy. An immense sensation was
produced in Germany by his bold propositions. However, some of the
Reformer's contemporaries, who foresaw the consequences to which they
might lead, and the numerous obstacles which they were destined to
encounter, loudly expressed their fears, or at most rejoiced with
trembling.
[382] "Darvon Magister Johann. Huss, geweissaget." (Mathes. 13.)
"I am much afraid," wrote the excellent canon of Augsburg, Bernard
Adelman, to his friend Pirckeimer, "that the worthy man must yield at
last to the avarice and power of the partizans of indulgences. His
representations have had so little effect, that the Bishop of
Augsburg, our primate and metropolitan,[383] has just ordered new
indulgences, in the name of the pope, for St. Peter's at Rome. Let him
hasten to seek the aid of princes. Let him beware of tempting God; for
it were to show an absolute want of sense to overlook the imminent
danger to which he is exposed." Adelman was greatly delighted when it
was rumoured that Henry VIII had invited Luther to England. "There,"
thought he, "he will be able to teach the truth in peace." Several
thus imagined that the doctrine of the gospel was to be supported by
the power of princes, not knowing that it advances without this power,
and is often trammelled and weakened by the possession of it.
[383] He adds, "Totque uxorum vir," The husband of so many wives,
(Heumann Documenta lit. p. 167.)
The celebrated historian, Albert Kranz, was at Hamburg on his
deathbed, when Luther's theses were brought to him. "You are right,
friar Martin," he exclaimed, "but you will not succeed.... Poor monk!
Go into your cell and cry, 'Lord, have mercy on me!'"[384]
[384] "Frater, abi in cellam, et dic: Miserere mei." (Lindner in
Luther's Leben, p. 93.)
An old priest of Hexter in Westphalia, having received and read the
theses in his presbytery, said in Low German, shaking his head, "Dear
friar Martin! if you succeed in overthrowing this purgatory and all
these paper merchants, assuredly you are a mighty segnior!" Erbenius,
a century later, wrote beneath these words the following stanza:--
"Quid vero nunc si viveret,
Bonus iste clericus diceret?"
What then would the good clerk say,
Were he alive to see this day.
Not only did many of Luther's friends entertain fears as to the step
which he had taken, but several even testified their disapprobation.
The Bishop of Brandenburg, distressed at seeing his diocese the scene
of so important a contest, was anxious to suppress it. He resolved to
take the gentle method, and employed the Abbot of Lenin to say to
Luther, in his name, "I don't find any thing in the theses
contradictory of Catholic truth. I myself condemn these indiscreet
proclamations; but for the love of peace and deference to your bishop,
cease writing on the subject." Luther was confounded at being thus
humbly addressed by so great an abbot and so great a bishop, and led
away by the feelings of the moment, replied, "I consent. I would
rather obey than work miracles, were it in my power."[385]
[385] "Bene sum contentus: mala obedire quam miracula facere, etiam si
possem." (Ep. i, 71.)
The Elector was grieved at the commencement of a contest which was no
doubt legitimate, but the end of which it was impossible to foresee.
No prince was more desirous than Frederick for the maintenance of
public peace. Now, what an immense fire might this small spark not
kindle? What discord, what rending of nations, might this quarrel of
monks not produce? The Elector repeatedly made Luther aware how much
he was annoyed.[386]
[386] "Suumque dolorem sæpe significavit, metuens discordias majores."
(Melancth. Vita Luth.) And often expressed his sorrow, fearing worse
dissension.
Even in his own order and his own convent of Wittemberg, Luther met
with disapprobation. The prior and sub-prior, terrified at the clamour
of Tezel and his companions, repaired in fear and trembling to the
cell of friar Martin, and said, "Do not, we entreat you, bring shame
on our order. The other orders, and especially the Dominicans, are
overjoyed to think that they are not to be alone in disgrace." Luther
was moved by these words, but soon recovering himself, he replied,
"Dear fathers, if the thing is not done in the name of God it will
fail, but if it is, let it proceed." The prior and sub-prior said no
more. "The thing proceeds even now," adds Luther, after relating this
anecdote, "and, please God, always will proceed better and better,
even to the end. Amen."[387]
[387] Luth. Op. (L.) vi, p. 518.
Luther had many other attacks to sustain. At Erfurt he was accused of
violence and pride in his manner of condemning the opinions of
others--the charge usually brought against those who act under the
strong conviction which the word of God gives. He was also charged
with precipitation and fickleness.
"They call upon me for moderation," replied Luther, "and they
themselves, in the judgment which they pass upon me, trample it under
foot!... We see the mote in our brother's eye, and observe not the
beam in our own.... Truth will no more gain by my moderation than it
will lose by my presumption. I desire to know," continued he,
addressing Lange, "what errors you and your theologians have found in
my theses? Who knows not that a new idea is seldom advanced without an
appearance of arrogance, and an accusation of disputatiousness? Were
humility herself to undertake something new, those of an opposite
opinion would charge her with pride.[388] Why were Christ and all the
martyrs put to death? Because they were deemed proud despisers of the
wisdom of the time, and advanced new truths without previously taking
counsel of the organs of ancient opinion."
[388] "Finge enim ipsam humilitatem nova conari, statim superbiæ
subjicietur ab iis qui aliter sapiunt." (Luth. Ep. i, p. 73.)
"Let not the wise of the present day, then, expect of me humility, or
rather hypocrisy enough, to ask their opinion before publishing what
duty calls me to say. What I do will be done, not by the prudence of
men, but by the counsel of God. If the work is of God, who can arrest
it? If it is not of God, who can advance it?... Not my will, nor
theirs, nor ours, but Thy will be done, O Holy Father who art in
heaven!" In these words what courage, what noble enthusiasm, what
confidence in God, and, above all, what truth, truth fitted to all
times!
Still the reproaches and accusations which assailed Luther from all
quarters, failed not to make some impression on his mind. His hopes
were disappointed. He had expected to see the heads of the church,
and the most distinguished scholars of the nation, publicly uniting
with him; but it was otherwise. A word of approbation, allowed to
escape at the first moment of enthusiasm, was all that the best
disposed gave him, while several of those whom he had till then most
highly venerated were loud in censuring him. He felt himself alone in
the whole Church,[389] alone against Rome, alone at the foot of that
ancient and formidable edifice, whose foundations lay deep in the
bowels of the earth, whose battlements reached the clouds, and at
which he had just struck a daring blow. He was troubled and depressed.
Doubts which he thought he had surmounted returned with new force. He
trembled at the thought of having the authority of the whole Church
against him, of withdrawing from that authority and resisting that
voice which nations and ages had humbly obeyed, of setting himself in
opposition to that church which he had from infancy been accustomed to
venerate as the mother of the faithful.... He a paltry monk ... the
effort was too great for man.[390] No step cost him more than this,
and, accordingly, it was the step which decided the Reformation.
[389] "Solus primo eram." (Luth. Op. Lat. in Præf.) At first I was
alone.
[390] "Consilium immanis audaciæ plenum." (Pallavicini, i, 17.) A
measure of infinite daring.
The struggle which took place in his soul cannot be better described
than in his own words. "I began this affair," says he, "with great
fear and trembling. Who was I, a poor, miserable, despicable friar,
liker a corpse than a living man;[391]--who was I, to oppose the
majesty of the pope, before whom not only the kings of the earth and
the whole world, but also, if I may so speak, heaven and hell
trembled, compelled to yield obedience to his nod? Nobody can imagine
what my heart suffered during those two first years, and into what
depression, I might say what despair, I was often plunged. No idea of
it can be formed by those proud spirits who afterwards attacked the
pope with great boldness, although with all their ability they could
not have done him the least harm, had not Jesus Christ, by me his
feeble and unworthy instrument, given him a wound which never will be
cured. But while they were contented to look on, and leave me alone in
danger, I was not so joyful, so tranquil, or so sure about the
business; for at that time I did not know many things which, thank
God, I know now. It is true, several pious Christians were much
pleased with my Propositions, and set a great value upon them, but I
could not own and regard them as the organs of the Holy Spirit. I
looked only to the pope, the cardinals, bishops, theologians,
jurisconsults, monks, and priests. That was the direction from which I
expected the Spirit to come. Still having, by means of Scripture, come
off victorious over all contrary arguments, I have at length, by the
grace of Christ, though after much pain, travail, and anguish,
surmounted the only argument which arrested me, viz., that it is
necessary to listen to the Church;[392] for from the bottom of my
heart I honoured the church of the pope as the true church, and did so
with much more sincerity and veneration, than those shameless and
infamous corrupters who are now so very forward in opposing me. Had I
despised the pope as much as he is despised in the hearts of those who
praise him so loudly with their lips, I would have dreaded that the
earth would instantly open and swallow me up as it did Corah and his
company!"
[391] "Miserrimus tunc fraterculus, cadaveri similior quam homini."
(Luth. Op. Lat. i, p. 49.)
[392] "Et cum omnia argumenta superassem per Scripturas, hoc unum cum
summa difficultate et angustia, tandem Christo favente, vix superavi,
Ecclesiam scilicet esse audiendam." (Luth. Op. Lat. i, p. 49.)
How honourable these misgivings are to Luther! How well they display
the sincerity and uprightness of his soul! And how much more worthy of
respect do those painful assaults which he had to sustain, both within
and without, prove him to be, than mere intrepidity without any such
struggle, could have done! The travail of his soul clearly displays
the truth and divinity of his work. We see that their origin and
principle were in heaven. After all the facts which we have stated,
who will presume to say that the Reformation was an affair of
politics? No, assuredly; it was not the effect of human policy, but of
the power of God. Had Luther been urged by human passions only, he
would have yielded to his fears; his miscalculations and scruples
would have smothered the fire which had been kindled in his soul, and
he would only have thrown a transient gleam upon the Church, in the
same way as the many zealous and pious men, whose names have come down
to us. But now God's time had arrived; the work was not to be
arrested; the emancipation of the Church was to be accomplished.
Luther was destined at least to prepare that complete emancipation and
those extensive developments which are promised to the kingdom of
Christ. Accordingly, he experienced the truth of the magnificent
promise, "The strong men shall faint and be weary, and the young men
utterly fail; but they who wait upon the Lord shall renew their
strength; they shall mount up with wings like eagles." This Divine
power which filled the heart of the doctor of Wittemberg, and which
had engaged him in the combat, soon gave him back all his former
resolution.
CHAP. VII.
Tezel's Attack--Luther's Reply--Good Works--Luther and
Spalatin--Study of Scripture--Scheurl and Luther--Doubts on
the Theses--Luther for the People--A New Suit.
The reproaches, timidity, or silence, of Luther's friends had
discouraged him; the attacks of his enemies had the very opposite
effect. This frequently happens. The adversaries of the truth, while
thinking by their violence to do their own work, often do that of God
himself.[393] The gauntlet which had been thrown down was taken up by
Tezel with a feeble hand. Luther's sermon, which had been to the
people what his theses had been to the learned, was the subject of his
first reply. He refuted it point by point, in his own way, and then
announced that he was preparing to combat his adversary at greater
length in theses which he would maintain at the university of
Frankfort on the Oder. "Then," said he, adverting to the conclusion of
Luther's sermon; "then every one will be able to judge who is
heresiarch, heretic, schismatic, erroneous, rash, and calumnious. Then
will it be manifest to the eyes of all who has a dull brain, who has
never felt the Bible, read Christian doctrines, understood his own
teachers.... In maintaining the propositions which I advance, I am
ready to suffer all things, prison, cudgel, water, and fire."
[393] "Hi furores Tezelii et ejus satellitum imponunt necessitatem
Luthero, de rebus iisdem copiosius, disserendi et tuendæ veritatis."
(Melancth. Vita Luth.) The fury of Tezel and his satellites compelled
Luther to treat these subjects more copiously, and to defend the
truth.
One thing which strikes us in reading this production of Tezel is the
difference between his German and that of Luther. One would say that
an interval of several ages is between them. A foreigner, especially,
sometimes finds it difficult to comprehend Tezel, whereas the language
of Luther is almost the same as that of our day. A comparison of the
two is sufficient to show that Luther is the creator of the German
language. No doubt, this is one of his least merits, but still it is
one.
Luther replied without naming Tezel; Tezel had not named him. But
there was nobody in Germany who could not have placed at the head of
their publications the name which they had judged it expedient to
suppress. Tezel tried to confound the repentance which God demands
with the penance which the Church imposes, in order to give a higher
value to his indulgences. Luther made it his business to clear up this
point.
"To avoid many words," said he, in his graphic style, "I give to the
wind (which, besides, has more leisure than I have) his other words,
which are only sheets of paper and withered leaves; and I content
myself with examining the foundations of his house of bur-thistle.
"The penitence which the holy father imposes cannot be that which
Jesus Christ demands; for whatever the holy father imposes he can
dispense with; and if these two penitences were one and the same, it
would follow that the holy father takes away what Jesus appoints, and
thereby makes void the commandment of God.... Ah! if it so pleases
him, let him maltreat me," continues Luther, after quoting other false
interpretations of Tezel; "let him call me heretic, schismatic,
calumniator, or anything he likes; I will not on that account be his
enemy, but will pray for him as for a friend. But it is not possible
to allow him to treat the Holy Scriptures, our consolation, (Rom., xv,
4,) as a sow treats a sack of corn."[394]
[394] "Dass er die Schrift, unsern Trost, nicht anders behandelt wie
die Sau einen Habersack."
We must accustom ourselves to Luther's occasional use of expressions
too harsh and homely for our age,--it was the custom of the time; and
under those words which in our days would violate the proprieties of
language, there is usually a force and justice which disposes us to
pardon their rankness. He continues thus:--
"He who buys indulgences, say our adversaries, does better than he who
gives alms to a poor man not absolutely in extremity. Now, let them
tell us that the Turks are profaning our churches and crosses, we will
be able to hear it without a shudder; for we have amongst ourselves
Turks a hundred times worse, who profane and annihilate the only true
sanctuary, the word of God, which sanctifies all things.... Let him
who would follow this precept take good care not to give food to the
hungry, nor clothing to the naked, before they give up the ghost, and,
consequently, have no need of his assistance."
It is important to contrast the zeal which Luther thus manifests for
good works with what he says of justification by faith. Indeed, no man
who has any experience, or any knowledge of Christianity, needs this
new proof of a truth of which he is fully assured; viz., that the more
we adhere to justification by faith, the more strongly we feel the
necessity of works, and the more diligently we practise them; whereas
lax views as to the doctrine of faith necessarily lead to laxity of
conduct. Luther, as St. Paul before, and Howard after him, are proofs
of the former; all men without faith (and with such the world is
filled) are proofs of the latter.
Luther comes next to the insulting language of Tezel, and pays him
back in his own way. "At the sound of these invectives methinks I hear
a large ass braying at me. I am delighted at it, and would be very
sorry that such people should give me the name of a good Christian."
We must give Luther as he is with all his foibles. This turn for
pleasantry, coarse pleasantry, was one of them. The Reformer was a
great man, undoubtedly a man of God; but he was a man, not an angel,
and not even a perfect man. Who is entitled to call upon him for
perfection?
"For the rest," adds he, challenging his opponents to the combat,
"although it is not usual to burn heretics for such points, here, at
Wittemberg, am I, Doctor Martin Luther! Is there any inquisitor who
pretends to chew fire, and make rocks leap into the air? I give him to
know, that he has a safe-conduct to come here, an open door, and bed
and board certain, all by the gracious care of our admirable Duke
Frederick, who will never protect heresy."[395]
[395] Luth. Op. Leips. xvii, 132.
We see that Luther was not deficient in courage. He trusted to the
word of God--a rock which never gives way in the tempest. But God in
faithfulness gave him still further aid. The bursts of joy with which
the multitude had hailed Luther's theses were soon succeeded by a
gloomy silence. The learned had timidly drawn back on hearing the
calamities and insults of Tezel and the Dominicans. The bishops, who
had previously been loud in condemnation of the abuses of indulgences,
seeing them at length attacked, had not failed, with an inconsistency
of which there are but too many examples, to find that at that time
the attack was inopportune. The greater part of the Reformer's friends
were frightened. Several of them had fled. But when the first terror
was over, the minds of men took an opposite direction. The monk of
Wittemberg soon saw himself again surrounded with a great number of
friends and admirers.
There was one who, although timid, remained faithful to him throughout
this crisis, and whose friendship at once solaced and supported him.
This was Spalatin. Their correspondence was not interrupted. "I thank
you," says he, when speaking of a particular mark of friendship which
he had received from him; "but what do I not owe you?"[396] It was on
the 11th November, just fifteen days after the publication of the
theses, and consequently when the minds of men were in a state of the
greatest fermentation, that Luther thus delights to unbosom his
gratitude to his friend.
[396] "Tibi gratias ago; imo quid tibi non debeo?" (Luth. Ep. i, p.
74.)
In the same letter to Spalatin, it is interesting to see the strong
man, who had just performed a most daring exploit, declaring from what
source he derives his strength. "We can do nothing of ourselves; we
can do everything by the grace of God. By us all ignorance is
invincible, but no ignorance is invincible by the grace of God. The
more we endeavour of ourselves to attain to wisdom, the nearer we
approach to folly.[397] It is not true that this invincible ignorance
excuses the sinner; were it so there would be no sin in the world."
[397] "Quanto magis conamur ex nobis ad sapientiam, tanto amplius
appropinquamus insipientiæ." (Luth. Ep. i, p. 74.)
Luther had not sent his propositions, either to the prince or to any
of his courtiers. The chaplain seems to have expressed some surprise
at this, and Luther answers:--"I did not wish my theses to reach our
illustrious prince or any of his court, before those who think
themselves specially addressed had received them, lest it should be
thought that I had published them by order of the prince or to gain
his favour, or from opposition to the Bishop of Mentz. I hear there
are already several who dream such things. But now I can swear in all
safety that my theses were published without the knowledge of Duke
Frederick."[398]
[398] "Sed salvum est nunc etiam jurare, quod sine scitu Ducis
Frederici exierint." (Ibid., p. 76.) But now it is safe even to swear,
that they have gone forth without the knowledge of Duke Frederick.
If Spalatin solaced his friend, and supported him by his influence,
Luther on his part was desirous to meet the requests of the modest
chaplain. The latter, among other questions, asked one which is
frequently repeated in our day, "What is the best method of studying
the Holy Scriptures?"
"Till now, my dear Spalatin," replied Luther, "you have asked
questions which I could answer. But to direct you in the study of the
Scriptures is more than I am able to do. However, if you would
absolutely know my method, I will not hide it from you.
"It is most certain that we cannot succeed in comprehending the
Scripture either by study or mere intellect. Your first duty, then, is
to begin with prayer.[399] Entreat the Lord that he will in his great
mercy deign to grant you the true knowledge of his Word. There is no
other interpreter of the word of God than the Author of that word
according as it is said, 'They will all be taught of God.' Hope
nothing from your works, nothing from your intellect. Trust only in
God, and in the influence of his Spirit. Believe one who is speaking
from experience."[400]
[399] "Primum id certissimum est, sacras literas non posse vel studio,
vel ingenio penetrari. Ideo primum officium est, ut ab oratione
incipias."
[400] "Igitur de tuo studio desperes oportet omnino, simul et ingenio.
Deo autem soli confidas, et influxui Spiritus. Experto crede ista."
(Luth. Ep. i, p. 88, 18th Jan.)
We here see how Luther attained possession of the truth of which he
was a preacher. It was not, as some pretend, by confiding in a
presumptuous reason, nor, as others maintain, by abandoning himself to
hateful passions. The source from which he drew it was the purest,
holiest, and most sublime--God himself consulted in humility,
confidence, and prayer. Few in our day imitate him, and hence few
comprehend him. To a serious mind these words of Luther are in
themselves a justification of the Reformation.
Luther likewise found comfort in the friendship of respectable laymen.
Christopher Scheurl, the excellent secretary of the imperial city of
Nuremberg, gave him gratifying marks of his friendship. We know how
pleasant expressions of sympathy are to the man who feels himself
assailed from all quarters. The secretary of Nuremberg did more; he
tried to make friends to his friend. He urged him to dedicate one of
his works to a then celebrated lawyer of Nuremberg, named Jerome
Ebner:--"You have a high idea of my studies," modestly replied Luther;
"but I have the poorest idea of them myself. Nevertheless, I was
desirous to meet your wishes. I have searched ... ; but in all my
store, which I never found so meagre, nothing presented itself which
seemed at all worthy of being dedicated to so great a man by so little
a man."[401] Striking humility! It is Luther who speaks thus, and the
person with whom he contrasts himself is Doctor Ebner, who is
altogether unknown to us. Posterity has not ratified Luther's
judgment.
[401] "Luther writes him:--"Literæ tuæ animum tuum erga meam
parvitatem candidum et longe ultra merita benevolentissimum
probaverunt." (Ibid., p. 79.) Your letter proves your candid opinion
of me, and your most kind affection for me, both to a degree far
exceeding my deserts.
Luther, who had done nothing to circulate his theses, had not sent
them to Scheurl any more than to the Elector and his courtiers. The
secretary of Nuremberg expressed his surprise. "I had no intention,"
replies Luther, "to give my theses so much publicity. I wished only to
confer on their contents with some of those who reside with us or near
us;[402] intending, if they condemned, to destroy, and if they
approved, to publish them. But now they are printed, reprinted, and
spread far and wide, beyond my expectation; so much so that I repent
of their production.[403] Not that I have any fear of the truth being
known by the people, (for this was all I sought,) but this is not the
way of instructing them. There are questions in the theses as to which
I have still my doubts; and if I had thought that they were to produce
such a sensation, there are things which I would have omitted, and
others which I would have affirmed with greater confidence." Luther
afterwards thought differently. Far from fearing he had said too much,
he declared that he ought to have said still more. But the
apprehensions which Luther expresses to Scheurl do honour to his
sincerity. They show that he had nothing like a premeditated plan, had
no party spirit, no overweening conceit, and sought nothing but the
truth. When he had fully discovered the truth, his language was
different. "You will find in my first writings," said he, many years
after, "that I very humbly made many concessions to the pope, and on
points of great importance; concessions which I now detest, and regard
as abominable and blasphemous."[404]
[402] "Non fuit consilium neque votum eas evulgari, sed cum paucis
apud et circum nos habitantibus primum super ipsis conferri." (Ibid.,
p. 95.)
[403] "Ut me pœniteat hujus fœturæ." (Ibid.)
[404] "Quæ istis temporibus pro summa blasphemia et abominatione habeo
et execror." (Luth. Op. Lat. Wit. in Præf.)
Scheurl was not the only layman of importance who, at this time,
testified his friendship for Luther. The celebrated painter, Albert
Durer, sent him a present, (perhaps one of his pictures,) and the
doctor expressed his sense of the obligation in the warmest
terms.[405]
[405] "Accepi simul et donum insignis viri Alberti Durer." (Luth., Ep.
i, 95.)
Thus Luther had practical experience of the truth of that saying of
Divine wisdom:--"A friend loveth at all times; and a brother is born
for adversity." Those words he remembered for the sake of others also,
and accordingly pleaded the cause of the whole population. The Elector
had just levied a tax, and it was confidently alleged that he was
going to levy another, probably on the advice of his counsellor
Pfeffinger, against whom Luther often throws out cutting sarcasms. The
doctor boldly placed himself in the breach. "Let not your Highness,"
said he, "despise the prayer of a poor mendicant. In the name of God I
entreat you not to order a new tax. My heart is broken, as well as
that of several of your most devoted servants, at seeing how much the
last has injured your fair fame, and the popularity which your
Highness enjoyed. It is true that God has endowed you with profound
intellect, so that you see much farther into things than I, or
doubtless all your subjects, do. But, perhaps, it is the will of God
that a feeble intellect instruct a great one, in order that no one may
trust in himself, but only in the Lord our God. May he deign to keep
your body in health for our good, and destine your soul to life
eternal. Amen." In this way it is that the gospel, while it makes us
honour kings, makes us also plead the cause of the people. While it
tells them of their duties, it, at the same time, reminds the prince
of their rights. The voice of a Christian such as Luther, raised in
the cabinet of a sovereign, might often supply the place of a whole
assembly of legislators.
In this letter, in which Luther addresses a harsh lesson to the
Elector, he fears not to present a request to him, or rather to remind
him of a promise, viz., to give him a new suit. This freedom of
Luther, at a moment when he might have feared he had given offence to
Frederick, is equally honourable to the prince and to the Reformer.
"But," adds he, "if it is Pfeffinger who has the charge of it, let him
give it in reality, and not in protestations of friendship. He knows
very well how to weave a web of good words, but no good cloth ever
comes out of it." Luther thought, that, by the faithful counsel which
he had given to his prince, he had well deserved his court dress.[406]
Be this as it may, two years later he had not received it, and renewed
his request.[407] This seems to indicate that Frederick was not so
much under the influence of Luther as has been said.
[406] "Mein Hofkleid verdienen." (Luth. Ep. Lat. i, pp. 77, 78.)
[407] Ibid., p. 283.
CHAP. VIII.
Disputation at Frankfort--Tezel's
Theses--Menaces--Opposition of Knipstrow--Luther's Theses
Burnt--The Monks--Luther's Peace--Tezel's Theses
Burnt--Luther's Vexation.
The minds of men had thus gradually recovered from their first alarm.
Luther himself was disposed to declare that his words did not mean so
much as had been imagined. New circumstances might divert public
attention, and the blow struck at Roman doctrine might, as had been
the case with so many others, spend itself in the air. The partisans
of Rome prevented this result. They fanned the flame instead of
smothering it.
Tezel and the Dominicans replied haughtily to the attack which had
been made upon them. Burning with eagerness to crush the audacious
monk who had disturbed their traffic, and to gain the favour of the
Roman pontiff, they uttered cries of rage. They maintained that to
attack the indulgence ordered by the pope was to attack the pope
himself, and they called in the aid of all the monks and theologians
of their school.[408] In fact, Tezel felt that an opponent like Luther
was too much for him single-handed. Quite disconcerted, but more
especially enraged at the doctor's attack, he quitted the environs of
Wittemberg, and repaired to Frankfort on the Oder, where he arrived as
early as November, 1517. The university of that town, like that of
Wittemberg, was of recent date. One of the professors was Conrad
Wimpina, a man of much eloquence, an old rival of Pollich of
Mellerstadt, and one of the most distinguished theologians of the
time. Wimpina's envy was excited both by the doctor and by the
university of Wittemberg; for their reputation obscured his. Tezel
applied to him for a reply to Luther's theses, and Wimpina wrote two
series of antitheses, the former to defend the doctrine of
indulgences, and the latter to defend the authority of the pope.
[408] "Suum senatum convocat; monachos aliquot et theologos sua
sophistica utcunque tinctos."(Melancth. Vita Luth.) He assembles his
own senate; some monks and theologians imbued with his own sophistry.
This disputation, which had been long prepared and loudly advertised,
and of which Tezel entertained the highest hopes, took place on the
20th January, 1518. Tezel having beaten up for recruits, monks had
been sent from all the neighbouring cloisters, and assembled to the
number of more than three hundred. Tezel read his theses, one of which
declared, "that whosoever says that the soul does not fly away from
purgatory as soon as the money tinkles on the bottom of the strong
box, is in error."[409]
[409] "Quisquis ergo dicit, non citius posse animam volare, quam in
fundo cistæ denarius possit tinnire, errat." (Positiones Fratris Joh.
Tezelii, Pos. 56, Luth. Op. i, p. 94.) Whosoever says that the soul
cannot fly off sooner than the money can tinkle in the bottom of the
chest, errs.
But, above all, he maintained propositions, according to which, the
pope appeared to be truly, as the apostle expresses it, _seated as God
in the temple of God_. It was convenient for this shameless merchant
to take refuge under the pope's mantle, with all his disorders and
scandals.
In presence of the numerous assembly in which he stood, he declared
himself ready to maintain as follows:--
3. "Christians must be taught that the pope, by the greatness of his
power, is above the whole universal Church and all councils. His
orders ought to be implicitly obeyed.
4. "Christians must be taught that the pope alone is entitled to
decide in matters of Christian faith; that he, and none but he, has
the power to explain the meaning of Scripture in his own sense, and to
approve or condemn all words or works of others.
5. "Christians must be taught that the judgment of the pope in things
which concern Christian faith, and which are necessary to the
salvation of the human race, cannot possibly err.
6. "Christians must be taught that in matters of faith they ought to
lean and rest more upon the opinion of the pope, as manifested by his
decisions, than on the opinion of all wise men, as drawn by them out
of Scripture.
8. "Christians must be taught that those who attack the honour and
dignity of the pope are guilty of the crime of lese-majesty, and
deserve malediction.
17. "Christians must be taught that there are many things which the
Church regards as authentic articles of universal truth, although they
are not found either in the canon of Scripture or in ancient doctors.
44. "Christians must be taught to regard those as obstinate heretics,
who, by their words, their actions, or their writings, declare that
they would not retract their heretical propositions were
excommunication after excommunication to rain or hail upon them.
48. "Christians must be taught that those who protect heretics in
their error, and who, by their authority, prevent them from being
brought before the judge who is entitled to try them, are
excommunicated; that if, in the space of a year, they desist not from
doing so, they will be declared infamous, and severely punished with
various punishments, in terms of law, and to the terror of all
men.[410]
[410] "Pro infamibus sunt tenendi, qui etiam per juris capitula
terribiliter multis plectentur pœnis omnium hominum terrorem."
(Positiones Fratris Joh. Tezelii, Pos. 56, Luth. Op. i, p. 98.)
50. "Christians must be told that those who spoil so many books and so
much paper, and who preach or dispute publicly and wickedly on the
confession of the mouth, the satisfaction of works, the rich and great
indulgences of the Bishop of Rome, and on his power; that those who
ally themselves with those so preaching or writing, who take pleasure
in their writings, and circulate them among the people and in the
world; that those, in fine, who secretly speak of those things in a
contemptuous and irreverent manner, may well tremble at incurring the
pains which have just been named, and of precipitating themselves and
others with them, at the last day, into eternal condemnation, and even
here below into great disgrace. For every beast that toucheth the
mountain shall be stoned."
We see that Luther was not the only person whom Tezel attacked. In the
forty-eighth thesis he had probably the Elector of Saxony in view.
These propositions savour much of the Dominican. To threaten every
contradictor with severe punishment was an inquisitor's argument, and
scarcely admitted of a reply. The three hundred monks whom Tezel had
brought together gaped and stared in admiration of his discourse. The
theologians of the university were too much afraid of being classed
with the abettors of heresy, or were too much attached to the
principles of Wimpina, candidly to adopt the extraordinary theses
which had just been read.
The whole affair, about which so much noise had been made, seemed
destined to be only a sham fight; but among the crowd of students
present at the disputation was a young man of about twenty, named John
Knipstrow. He had read the theses of Luther, and found them
conformable to the doctrines of Scripture. Indignant at seeing the
truth publicly trampled under foot, while no one appeared to defend
it, this young man rose up, to the great astonishment of the whole
assembly, and attacked the presumptuous Tezel. The poor Dominican, who
had not counted on such opposition, was quite disconcerted. After some
efforts, he quitted the field of battle, and gave place to Wimpina,
who made a more vigorous resistance; but Knipstrow pressed him so
closely, that, to put an end to a contest, which in his eyes was so
unbecoming, Wimpina, who presided, declared the discussion closed, and
proceeded forthwith to confer the degree of doctor on Tezel, in
recompence of this glorious combat. Wimpina, to disencumber himself of
the young orator, caused him to be sent to the convent of Pyritz in
Pomerania, with orders that he should be strictly watched. But this
dawning light was only removed from the banks of the Oder that it
might afterwards shed a bright effulgence in Pomerania.[411] When God
sees it meet, he employs scholars to confound teachers.
[411] Spieker, Gesch. Dr. M. Luthers. Beckmani Notitia Univ.
Francofurt, viii, etc.
Tezel, wishing to repair the check which he had received, had recourse
to the _ultima ratio_ of Rome and the inquisitors,--I mean the faggot.
On a public walk in one of the suburbs of Frankfort, he caused a
pulpit and a scaffold to be erected, and repaired thither in solemn
procession with his _insignia_ of inquisitor. Mounting the pulpit, he
let loose all his fury. He darted his thunder, and with his Stentorian
voice exclaimed, that the heretic Luther ought to be burned alive.
Then placing the doctor's theses and sermon on the scaffold, he burned
them.[412] He was better acquainted with this kind of work than with
the defence of theses. Here he met with no opponents, and his victory
was complete. The impudent Dominican returned in triumph to Frankfort.
When parties in power are vanquished, they have recourse to certain
demonstrations which must be conceded to them as a kind of consolation
to their disgrace.
[412] "Fulmina in Lutherum torquet; vociferatur ubique hunc hereticum
igni perdendum esse; propositiones etiam Lutheri in concionem de
indulgentiis publice conjicit in flammas." (Melancth. Vita Luth.)
The second theses of Tezel form an important epoch in the Reformation.
They changed the locality of the dispute, transporting it from the
indulgence market to the halls of the Vatican, and diverting it from
Tezel to the pope. Instead of the contemptible creature whom Luther
had taken in his fist, they substituted the sacred person of the Head
of the church. Luther was stunned at this. It is probable that he
would himself have taken the step at a later period, but his enemies
spared him the trouble. Thenceforward the question related not merely
to a disreputable traffic, but to Rome; and the blow by which a bold
hand had tried to demolish the shop of Tezel, shook the very
foundations of the pontifical throne.
Tezel's theses were only a signal to the Roman troops. A cry against
Luther arose among the monks, who were infuriated at the appearance of
an adversary more formidable than either Erasmus or Reuchlin had been.
The name of Luther resounded from the pulpits of the Dominicans, who
addressed themselves to the passions of the people, and inveighed
against the courageous doctor, as a madman, a deceiver, and a
demoniac. His doctrine was denounced as the most dreadful heresy.
"Wait only for a fortnight, or four weeks at farthest," said they,
"and this noted heretic will be burned." Had it depended only on the
Dominicans, the fate of the Saxon doctor had soon been that of Huss
and Jerome, but his life was destined to accomplish what the ashes of
Huss had begun. Each does the work of God, one by his death, and
another by his life. Several now began to cry out that the whole
university of Wittemberg was tainted with heresy, and pronounced it
infamous.[413] "Let us pursue the villain, and all his partisans,"
continued they. In several places these exclamations had the effect of
stirring up the passions of the people. Those who shared the opinions
of the Reformer had the public attention directed towards them; and in
every place where the monks were strongest, the friends of the gospel
felt the effects of their hatred. Thus, in regard to the Reformation,
the Saviour's prediction began to be accomplished, "They will revile
you and persecute you, and say all manner of evil against you
falsely, for my sake." This is a recompence which the world at no time
fails to bestow on the decided friends of the gospel.
[413] "Eo furunt usque, ut Universitatem Wittembergensem propter me
infamem conantur facere et hæreticam." (Luth. Ep. i, p. 92.)
When Luther was made acquainted with Tezel's theses, and with the
general attack of which they were the signal, his courage rose. He
felt that it was necessary to withstand such adversaries to the face;
and his intrepid zeal had no difficulty in resolving so to do. At the
same time, their feebleness made him aware of his own strength, and
told him what he was.
He did not, however, allow himself to give way to those emotions of
pride which are so natural to the heart of man. "It gives me more
difficulty," he writes to Spalatin, "to refrain from despising my
adversaries, and so sinning against Jesus Christ, than it would give
me to vanquish them. They are so ignorant in things human and divine,
that one is ashamed at having to fight with them; and yet it is their
very ignorance which gives them their inconceivable audacity and face
of brass."[414] But the most powerful support to Luther's heart, in
the midst of this universal opposition, was the deep conviction that
his cause was the cause of truth. "Let it not surprise you," he writes
to Spalatin, at the beginning of the year 1518, "that I am so much
insulted. I am delighted with these insults. Did they not curse me, I
could not believe so firmly that the cause which I have undertaken is
God's own cause.[415] Christ has been set up for a sign to be spoken
against. I know," added he, "that from the beginning of the world the
nature of the word of God has been such, that every one who has
preached it to the world, has been obliged, like the apostles, to
leave all and lay his account with death. Were it otherwise, it would
not be the word of Jesus Christ."[416] This peace in the midst of
agitation is a thing unknown to the world's heroes. Men placed at the
head of a government, or of a political party, are seen to give way
under their labours and their vexations. The Christian in his
struggles usually acquires new strength, because he has access to a
mysterious source of repose and courage, unknown to those whose eyes
are closed to the gospel.
[414] Luth. Ep. i, p. 92.
[415] "Nisi maledicerer, non crederem ex Deo esse quæ tracto." (Luth.
Ep. i, 85.)
[416] In language full of energy he continues:--"Mortem emptum est,
mortibus vulgatum, mortibus servatum, mortibus quoque servandum aut
referendum est." It was bought by death, published by deaths,
preserved by deaths, by deaths also must be preserved or published.
One thing, however, sometimes distressed Luther, viz., the thought of
the dissensions which his courageous opposition might produce. He knew
that a single word might be sufficient to set the world in a flame;
and when he foresaw prince against prince, and perhaps nation against
nation, his patriotic heart was saddened, and his Christian charity
alarmed. His wish was for peace; but he behoved to speak out. So God
required. "I tremble," said he, "I shudder at the thought of being the
cause of discord among such mighty princes."[417]
[417] "Inter tantos principes dissidii origo esse valde horreo et
timeo." (Luth. Ep. 1, p. 93.)
He still kept silence in regard to Tezel's propositions concerning the
pope. Had he been carried away by passion, he would doubtless have
made an impetuous assault on the extraordinary doctrine under which
his opponents sought to take shelter. He did not do so; and there is
in this delay, reserve, and silence, something grave and solemn, which
sufficiently explains the spirit by which he was animated. He waited,
but not through weakness; for when he struck he gave a heavier blow.
Tezel, after his _auto da fe_ at Frankfort on the Oder, had hastened
to send his theses into Saxony. There, thought he, they will serve as
an antidote to those of Luther. A man from Halle, employed by the
inquisitor to circulate his propositions, arrived at Wittemberg. The
students of the university, still indignant at Tezel for having burned
the theses of their master, no sooner heard of the messenger's
arrival, than they sought him out, and, gathering round, jostled and
frightened him. "How dare you bring such things here?" demanded they.
Some purchasing part of the copies with which he was provided, and
others seizing the rest, they got possession of his whole stock,
amounting to eight hundred copies. Then, unknown to the Elector, the
senate, the rector, Luther, and all the other professors,[418] they
put up the following notice on the boards of the university:--"Whosoever
is desirous to be present at the burning and funeral of Tezel's
theses, let him repair at two o'clock to the market-place."
[418] "Hæc inscio principe, senatu, rectore, denique omnibus nobis"
(Luth. Ep. i, p. 99.)
Crowds assembled at the hour, and committed the propositions of the
Dominican to the flames, amid loud acclamations. One copy which
escaped, Luther afterwards sent to his friend, Lange of Erfurt. These
generous but imprudent youths followed the old precept, "_Eye for eye,
and tooth for tooth_" and not that of Jesus Christ; but after the
example which doctors and professors had given at Frankfort, can we be
astonished that young students followed it at Wittemberg? The news of
this academical execution spread throughout Germany, and made a great
noise.[419] Luther was extremely vexed at it.
[419] "Fit ex ea re ingens undique fabula." (Ibid.)
"I am astonished," he writes to his old master, Jodocus, at Erfurt,
"how you could think it was I that burned Tezel's theses. Do you think
that I am so devoid of sense? But what can I do? When I am the subject
of remark, every thing seems to be believed.[420] Can I tie up the
tongues of the whole world? Very well! Let them say, let them hear,
let them see, let them pretend whatever they please; I will act as
long as the Lord gives me strength, and with his help will fear
nothing." "What will come out of it," says he to Lange, "I know not,
unless it be that my danger is much increased."[421] The act of the
students shows how much their hearts already burned for the cause
which Luther defended. This was an important symptom; for a movement
among the young of necessity soon extends to the whole nation.
[420] "Omnes omnibus omnia redunt de me." (Luth. Ep. i, p. 109.)
[421] (Luth Ep. i, 98.)
The theses of Tezel and Wimpina, though little esteemed, produced a
certain effect. They heightened the dispute, widened the rent which
had been made in the mantle of the Church, and brought questions of
the highest interest into the field. Accordingly, the heads of the
Church began to look more narrowly at the matter, and to declare
decidedly against the Reformer. "Verily, I know not in whom Luther
confides," said the Bishop of Brandenburg, "when he dares thus attack
the power of bishops." Perceiving that this new circumstance called
for new proceedings, the bishop came in person to Wittemberg; but he
found Luther animated with the inward joy which a good conscience
imparts, and determined to give battle. The bishop felt that the
Augustin monk was obeying an authority superior to his, and returned
to Brandenburg in a rage. One day, in the winter of 1518, when sitting
at his fireside, he turned to those who were about him and said, "I
will not lay down my head in peace till I have thrown Martin into the
fire, as I do this brand," throwing one into the grate. The revolution
of the sixteenth century was not to be accomplished by the heads of
the Church any more than that of the first century had been by the
Sanhedrim and the synagogue. In the sixteenth century, the heads of
the Church were opposed to Luther, the Reformation, and its ministers,
in the same way as they were opposed to Jesus Christ, the gospel, and
his apostles, and as they too often are at all times to the truth.
"The bishops," says Luther, in speaking of the visit which the Bishop
of Brandenburg had paid him, "begin to perceive that they ought to
have done what I am doing, and they are consequently ashamed. They
call me proud and audacious, and I deny not that I am so. But they are
not the people to know either what God is, or what we are."[422]
[422] "Quid vel Deus vel ipsi sumus." (Luth. Ep. i, p. 224.)
CHAP. IX.
Prierio--System of Rome--The Dialogue--System of
Reform--Reply to Prierio--The Word--The Pope and the
Church--Hochstraten--The Monks--Luther replies--Eck--The
School--The Obelisks--Luther's Sentiments--The
Asterisks--Rupture.
A more serious resistance than that of Tezel was already opposed to
Luther. Rome had answered. A reply had issued from the walls of the
sacred palace. It was not Leo X who had taken it into his head to
speak theology. "A quarrel of monks," he had one day said. "The best
thing is not to meddle with it." And on another occasion, "It is a
drunken German who has written these theses; when he recovers from his
wine he will speak differently."[423] A Dominican of Rome, Sylvester
Mazolini de Prierio or Prierias, master of the sacred palace,
exercised the functions of censor, and in this character was the first
man in Italy who knew of the Saxon monk's theses.
[423] "Ein voller trunkener Deutscher." (Luth. Op. (W.) xxii, p.
1337.)
A Roman censor and the theses of Luther! What a rencounter! Liberty of
speech, liberty of investigation, liberty of faith, come into
collision in Rome, with that power which pretends to have in its hands
a monopoly of intelligence, and to open and shut the mouth of
Christendom at its pleasure. The struggle between Christian liberty,
which begets children of God, and pontifical despotism, which begets
slaves of Rome, is, as it were, personified during the first days of
the Reformation, in the encounter between Luther and Prierio.
The Roman censor, prior-general of the Dominicans, employed to
determine what Christendom must say, or not say, and know or not know,
hastened to reply, and published a tract, which he dedicated to Leo X.
He spoke contemptuously of the German monk, and declared, with a
self-sufficiency altogether Roman, "that he was anxious to know
whether this Martin had a nose of iron, or a head of brass, which
could not be broken."[424] Then, in the form of a dialogue, he
attacked the theses of Luther, employing alternately, ridicule,
insult, and threatening.
[424] "An ferreum nasum aut caput æneum gerat iste Lutherus, ut
effringi non possit." (Sylv. Prieratis Dialogus.)
The combat between the Augustin of Wittemberg and the Dominican of
Rome took place on the very question which lies at the foundation of
the Reformation; viz., "What is the sole infallible authority to
Christians?" The following is the system of the Church, as expounded
by its most independent organs.[425]
[425] See Joh. Gersonis Propositiones de Sensu Literali S. Scripturæ.
(Op. tom. i.)
The letter of the written Word is dead without the spirit of
interpretation, which alone unfolds its hidden meaning. Now this
spirit is not granted to every Christian, but to the Church; in other
words, to the priests. It is great presumption to maintain, that he
who promised to be with his Church always to the end of the world,
could abandon it to the power of error. It will be said, perhaps, that
the doctrine and constitution of the Church are not the same as we
find them in the sacred oracles. This is true; but the change is only
apparent, relating to the form, and not to the substance. Moreover,
the change is an advance. The living power of the Spirit has given
reality to what exists in Scripture only in idea; it has embodied the
sketches of the Word, put a finishing hand to these sketches, and
completed the work of which the Bible had furnished only the first
outlines. Scripture ought, therefore, to be understood in the sense
determined by the Church, under the guidance of the Holy Spirit. Here
the Catholic doctors are divided. General councils, say some, and
Gerson among the number, are the representatives of the Church. The
pope, says others, is the depositary of the Spirit of interpretation;
and no man is entitled to understand Scripture in a sense differing
from that of the Roman pontiff. This was the opinion of Prierio.
Such was the doctrine which the master of the sacred palace opposed to
the rising Reformation. On the power of the pope and the Church he
advanced propositions at which the most shameless flatterers of the
court of Rome would have blushed. The following is one of the points
which he maintains at the commencement of his tract:--"Whoever rests
not in the doctrine of the Roman Church, and the Roman pontiff, as the
infallible rule of faith, from which the Holy Scripture itself derives
its force and authority, is a heretic."[426]
[426] "A qua etiam Sacra Scriptura robur trahit et auctoritatem,
hæreticus est (Fundamentum tertium.")
Then in a dialogue, in which Luther and Sylvester are the speakers,
the latter tries to refute the doctor's propositions. The sentiments
of the Saxon monk were quite new to a Roman censor. Accordingly,
Prierio shows that he understood neither the emotions of his heart,
nor the motives of his conduct. To the teacher of truth he applied the
little standards of the valets of Rome. "Dear Luther!" says he, "were
you to receive a bishopric and a plenary indulgence for the repair of
your Church from our lord the pope, you would proceed more gently,
and would even prose in favour of the indulgence which you are now
pleased to blacken!" The Italian, so proud of the elegance of his
manners, sometimes assumes the most scurrilous tone. "If the property
of dogs is to bite," says he to Luther, "I fear your father must have
been a dog."[427] The Dominican begins at last to be almost astonished
at his own condescension in speaking to a rebellious monk; and
concludes with showing his opponent the cruel teeth of an inquisitor.
"The Roman Church," says he, "having in the pope the summit of
spiritual and temporal power, may, by the secular arm, constrain those
who after receiving the faith, stray from it. She is not bound to
employ arguments for the purpose of combating and subduing the
rebellious."[428]
[427] "Si mordere canum est proprium, vereor ne tibi pater canis
fuerit." (Sylvestri Prieratis Dial.)
[428] "Seculari brachio potest eos compescere, nec tenetur rationibus
certare ad vincendos protervientes." (Ibid.)
These words traced by the pen of one of the dignitaries of the Roman
court had a very significant meaning. They failed, however, to terrify
Luther. He believed, or feigned to believe, that this dialogue was not
by Prierio, but by Ulrich von Hütten, or by some other of the authors
of "The Letters of some Obscure Men," who (said he in his sarcastic
strain) had, in order to stir up Luther against Prierio, compiled this
mass of absurdity.[429] He had no desire to see the court of Rome in
arms against him. However, after remaining for some time silent, his
doubts, if he had any, having been dispelled, he set to work, and in
two days after was prepared with his reply.[430]
[429] "Convenit inter nos, esse personatum aliquem Sylvestrum ex
obscuris viris, qui tantas ineptias in hominem luserit ad provocandum
me adversus eum." (Ep., i, p. 87, 14th Jan.)
[430] T. i, Witt. Lat., p. 170.
The Bible had produced the Reformer and begun the Reformation. Luther,
in believing, had no need of the testimony of the Church. His faith
was derived from the Bible itself; from within, and not from without.
His thorough conviction that the evangelical doctrine was immovably
founded on the word of God made him regard all external authority as
useless. Luther's experience, in this respect, opened a new prospect
to the Church. The living spring which had burst forth before the monk
of Wittemberg, was destined to become a stream at which nations would
quench their thirst.
The Church had said that, in order to understand the Word, the Spirit
of God must interpret it, and so far the Church was right. But her
error consisted in regarding the Holy Spirit as a monopoly conferred
on a certain caste, and in thinking that it could be appropriated
exclusively to certain assemblies and colleges, to a city or a
conclave. "The wind bloweth where it listeth," were the words of the
Son of God, when speaking of the Spirit of God; and, on another
occasion, "They will ALL be taught of God." The corruption of the
Church, the ambition of pontiffs, the animosities of councils, the
squabbles of the clergy, and the pomp of prelates, had made this Holy
Spirit, this breath of humility and peace, eschew the dwelling of the
priesthood. He had deserted the assemblies of the proud, and the
palaces of the princes of the Church, and gone to live in retirement
among simple Christians and modest priests. He had shunned a
domineering hierarchy, which often forced blood from the poor, whom it
trampled under foot; he had shunned a proud and ignorant clergy, whose
chiefs were skilled, not in the Bible, but in the sword; and he was
found sometimes among despised sects, and sometimes among men of
talents and learning. The holy cloud, withdrawing from proud basilisks
and gorgeous cathedrals, had descended on the obscure dwellings of the
humble, or on chambers where studious men calmly pursued their
conscientious labours. The Church, degraded by her love of power and
riches, dishonoured in the eyes of the people by the venal use which
she made of the doctrine of life; the Church which sold salvation in
order to fill a treasury, for luxury and debauchery to empty, had lost
all respect. Men of sense no longer set any value on her testimony,
but, despising an authority so degraded, turned with joy, towards the
Divine word, and its infallible authority, as toward the only refuge
which remained to them in the general confusion.
The age, therefore, was prepared. The bold movement by which Luther
changed the point on which the human heart rested its highest hopes,
and with a mighty hand transferred those hopes from the walls of the
Vatican to the rock of the word of God, was hailed with enthusiasm.
This was the work which the Reformer had in view in his reply to
Prierio.
Putting aside the axioms which the Dominican had placed at the head of
his work, he says, "After your example, I, too, am going to lay down
some axioms."
"The first is the saying of St. Paul, 'Should we, or an angel from
heaven, preach any other gospel unto you than that which we have
preached unto you, let him be accursed.'"
The second is the following passage of St. Augustine, addressed to St.
Jerome:--"I have learned to pay to the canonical books alone the
honour of believing very firmly that none of them has erred; as to
others, I believe not what they say, for the simple reason, that it is
they who say it."
Luther then vigorously proceeds to lay down the fundamental principles
of the Reformation,--_the word of God, the whole word of God, and
nothing but the word of God_. "If you understand these principles,"
continues he, "you will also understand that your whole dialogue is
completely overturned; for you have done nothing else than adduce the
words and opinions of St. Thomas." Next, attacking the axioms of his
opponent, he frankly declares his opinion that popes and councils may
err. He complains of the flattery of the Roman courtiers in
attributing to the pope the alleged infallibility of both popes and
councils, and declares that the Church exists virtually only in
Christ, and representatively only in Councils.[431] Coming afterwards
to the supposition which Prierio had made, he says, "No doubt you
judge me by yourself, but if I aspired to a bishopric, assuredly I
would not use language which sounds so hateful in your ears. Do you
imagine I am ignorant how bishoprics and the popedom are procured at
Rome? Do not the very children in the streets sing the well known
words--
[431] "Ego ecclesiam virtualiter non scio nisi in Christo,
representative non nisi in concilo." (Luth. Op. Lat., p. 174.) I do
not know the Church virtually, except in Christ, nor representatively,
except in a Council.
'Rome now-a-days is more unclean,
Than ought that in the world is seen?'"[432]
[432] "Quando hanc pueri in omnibus plateis urbis cantant: Denique
nunc facta est fœdissima Roma." (Ibid., p. 183.)
This was among the stanzas current in Rome before the election of one
of the last popes. Nevertheless, Luther speaks of Leo with respect. "I
know," says he, "that in him we have, as it were, a Daniel in Babylon;
his integrity has repeatedly endangered his life." He concludes with a
few words in reply to the menaces of Prierio: "In fine, you say that
the pope is at once pontiff and emperor, and that he has power to
constrain by the secular arm. Are you thirsting for murder? Take my
word for it, your rhodomontades and your loud-sounding threats cannot
terrify me. Though I be killed, Christ lives, Christ my Lord, and the
Lord of all, blessed for ever and ever. Amen."[433]
[433] "Si occidor, vivit Christus. Dominus meus et omnium." (Ibid., p.
186.)
Thus Luther with a strong arm assails the infidel altar of the papacy,
opposing to it the altar of the word of God, alone holy, alone
infallible, before which he would have every knee to bow, and on which
he declares himself ready to sacrifice his life.
Prierio published a reply, and after it a third treatise on "the
Irrefragable Truth of the Church and of the Roman Pontiff," in which,
founding on ecclesiastical law, he says, that though the pope were to
send the people and himself to the devil _en masse_, he could not for
so doing be either judged or deposed.[434] The pope was at length
obliged to impose silence on Prierio.
[434] De Juridica et Irrefragabili Veritate Romanæ Ecclesiæ, lib.
tertius, cap. 12.
A new opponent soon entered the list. He too was a Dominican. James
Hochstraten, inquisitor at Cologne, whom we have already seen
assailing Reuchlin and the friends of letters, was furious when he saw
Luther's boldness. It was indeed necessary that darkness and monkish
fanaticism should engage in close fight with him who was to give them
their death-blow. Monkism was formed after primitive truth had begun
to decay, and from that period downward, errors and monks had gone
hand in hand. The man who was to hasten their ruin had appeared; but
these sturdy champions would not quit the field without a fierce
combat. This combat they continued to wage with him throughout his
whole life, though the proper personification of it is in Hochstraten;
Hochstraten and Luther--the one, the free and intrepid Christian, and
the other, the blustering slave of monkish superstition. Hochstraten
unchains his rage, and, with loud cries, demands the death of the
heretic.... His wish is to secure the triumph of Rome by means of the
flames. "It is high treason against the Church," exclaims he, "to let
so execrable a heretic live another single hour. Let a scaffold be
instantly erected for him!" This sanguinary counsel was, alas! but too
well followed in many countries; the voice of numerous martyrs, as in
the first days of the Church, bore testimony to the truth in the midst
of the flames. But in vain were fire and sword invoked against Luther.
The angel of Jehovah constantly encamped around him and shielded him.
Luther replied to Hochstraten briefly, but very energetically. "Go,"
says he to him, when concluding; "go, delirious murderer, whose thirst
can only be quenched by the blood of the brethren. My sincere desire
is, that you guard against calling me a Christian and a believer, and
that, on the contrary, you never cease to denounce me as a heretic.
Understand these things well, you bloody man, you enemy of the truth;
and if your furious rage impel you to devise mischief against me, do
it with circumspection, and time your measures well. God knows what I
purpose if he grants me life. My hope and expectation (God willing)
will not deceive me."[435] Hochstraten was silent.
[435] Luth., Op. Leip. xvii, p. 140.
A more painful attack awaited the Reformer. Dr. Eck, the celebrated
professor of Ingolstadt, who procured the liberty of Urban Regius,
Luther's friend, had received the famous theses. Eck was not the man
to defend the abuses of indulgences, but he was a doctor of the
school, and not of the Bible, being well versant in scholastics, but
not in the word of God. If Prierio had represented Rome, and
Hochstraten had represented the monks, Eck represented the School. The
School which, for about five centuries, had ruled Christendom, far
from yielding to the first blows of the Reformer, proudly rose up to
crush the man who dared to assail it with floods of contempt. Eck and
Luther, the School and the Word, came to blows on more than one
occasion; but the present was the occasion on which the combat
commenced.
Eck must have regarded several of Luther's assertions as erroneous;
for nothing obliges us to question the sincerity of his convictions.
He defended the scholastic opinions with enthusiasm, just as Luther
defended the declarations of the word of God. We may even suppose that
he was somewhat pained at seeing himself obliged to oppose his old
friend, and yet it would seem, from the mode of attack, that passion
and jealousy had some share in his determination.
He gave the name of _Obelisks_ to his remarks on the theses of Luther.
Wishing at first to save appearances, he did not publish his work, but
contented himself with communicating it confidentially to his
ordinary, the Bishop of Eichstädt. Soon, however, whether through the
indiscretion of the bishop, or of Eck himself, the _Obelisks_ were
circulated in all quarters. A copy having fallen into the hands of a
friend of Luther, Link, preacher at Nuremberg, he lost no time in
sending it to the Reformer. Eck was a much more formidable opponent
than Tezel, Prierio, and Hochstraten; his work was the more dangerous
the more it surpassed theirs in knowledge and subtlety. He affected
pity for his "feeble opponent," (knowing well that pity injures more
effectually than anger,) and insinuated that the propositions of
Luther contained Bohemian poison, and savoured of Bohemia. By these
malicious insinuations he threw upon Luther the obloquy and hatred
which in Germany attached to the name of Huss and the schismatics of
his country.
The malice which shone through this treatise roused Luther's
indignation, while the thought that the blow was given by an old
friend, was still more distressing. However, he must sacrifice his
affections in defending the truth. Luther unbosomed his heart and its
sadness, in a letter to Egranus, pastor at Zwickau--"I am called in
the _Obelisks_ a venomous man, a Bohemian, a heretic, seditious,
insolent, and presumptuous.... I say nothing of milder epithets, such
as sleepy, imbecile, ignorant, contemner of the sovereign pontiff,
etc. This book is full of the grossest insults, and yet the author is
a distinguished man, alike remarkable for learning and talent; and (it
is this that grieves me most) a man with whom I had recently
contracted a close friendship,[436] viz., John Eck, doctor in
theology, and chancellor of Ingolstadt, a celebrated and illustrious
author. Did I not know the thoughts of Satan, I would be astonished at
the furious manner in which this man has broken off a friendship at
once so pleasant and so recent;[437] and this without giving me any
warning--without writing or saying a single word."
[436] "Et quod magis urit, antea mihi magna recenterque contracta
amicitia conjunctus." (Luth., Ep. i, p. 100.)
[437] "Quo furore ille amicitias recentissimas et jucundissimas
solveret." (Ibid.)
But if Luther's heart be wounded, his courage is not destroyed. On the
contrary, he girds himself for the combat. "Rejoice, my brother," says
he to Egranus, whom a violent enemy had also attacked; "rejoice, and
be not alarmed at all these flying leaves. The more furious my
adversaries become, the more I advance. I leave the things which are
behind, that they may bark after them, and follow those which are
before, that they may in like manner bark after them in their turn."
Eck felt how shameful his conduct had been, and endeavoured to justify
it in a letter to Carlstadt, in which he calls Luther "their common
friend;" and throws all the blame on the Bishop of Eichstadt, at whose
instigation he pretended that he had written the work. His intention,
he said, was not to publish the _Obelisks_; but for this he would have
had more regard for the friendship subsisting between him and Luther;
and he requested that Luther, instead of coming to open rupture with
him, would turn his arms against the theologians of Frankfort. The
professor of Ingolstadt, who had not feared to strike the first blow,
began to be alarmed at the power of the opponent whom he had
imprudently attacked, and would willingly have evaded the contest. It
was too late.
All these fine words did not persuade Luther, who was, however,
disposed to be silent, and said, "I will patiently swallow this
morsel, though fit for Cerberus."[438] But his friends were of a
different opinion, and urged, or rather constrained him to answer. He,
accordingly, replied to the _Obelisks_ by his _Asterisks_, opposing
(as he says, playing upon the word) to the rust and lividity of
Obelisks the light and dazzling brightness of the stars of heaven. In
this work he treats his new opponent less harshly than those whom he
had previously combated; but his indignation is seen peeping through
his words.
[438] "Volui tamen hanc offam Cerbero dignam absorbere patientia."
(Ibid.)
He showed that in the chaos of the _Obelisks_ there was nothing from
the holy Scriptures, nothing from the Fathers of the Church, and
nothing from the ecclesiastical canons; that they contained only
scholastic glosses, and opinion after opinion, many of them mere
dreams;[439] in a word, contained the very things which Luther had
attacked. The Asterisks are full of spirit and life. The author's
indignation rises at the errors of his friend's book, but he shows
pity to the man.[440] He reiterates the fundamental principle which he
had laid down in his reply to Prierio:--"The sovereign pontiff is a
man, and may be led into error; but God is truth, and cannot be
deceived."[441] Then employing the _argumentum ad hominem_ against the
scholastic doctor, he says to him, "It is certainly impudent in any
one to teach, as the philosophy of Aristotle, any dogma which cannot
be proved by his authority. You grant this. Well, then, it is _a
fortiori_, the most impudent of all things to affirm in the Church and
among Christians anything that Jesus Christ himself has not
taught.[442] Now in what part of the Bible is it said that the
treasure of Christ's merits is in the hands of the pope?"
[439] "Omnia scholastissima, opiniosissima, meraque somnia."
(Asterisci, Op. (L.) Lat. i, p. 145.) The whole most scholastic, most
opinionative, mere dreams.
[440] "Indignor rei et misereor hominis." (Ibid., p. 150.) I am
indignant at the thing, and I pity the man.
[441] "Homo est summus pontifex, falli potest, sed veritas est Deus,
qui falli non potest. (Ibid., p. 155.)
[442] "Longe ergo impudentissima omnium temeritas est, aliquid in
ecclesia asserere, et inter Christianos, quod non docuit Christus."
(Ibid., p. 156.)
He adds, "As to the malicious charge of Bohemian heresy, I patiently
bear the reproach for the love of Jesus Christ. I live in a celebrated
university, a distinguished town, an important bishopric, and a
powerful duchy, where all are orthodox, and where, doubtless, no
toleration would be given to so wicked a heretic."
Luther did not publish _The Asterisks_; he only communicated them to
his friends. It was not till a later period that they were given to
the public.[443]
[443] "Cum privatim dederim Asteriscos meos non fit ei respondendi
necessitas." (Luth. Ep. i, p. 126.) Since I have circulated my
Asterisks privately, he is under no necessity of replying.
This rupture between the doctor of Ingolstadt and the doctor of
Wittemberg made a sensation in Germany. They had common friends.
Scheurl, in particular, by whose instrumentality their friendship
appears to have been originally formed, was exceedingly annoyed. He
was one of those who longed to see a reform throughout the whole
Germanic church, produced through the medium of its most distinguished
organs. But if in matters of principle the most eminent theologians of
the period came to open rupture, and while Luther advanced in a new
path, Eck put himself at the head of those who kept to the old path,
what disruption must inevitably ensue? Would not numerous adherents
gather around each of the two chiefs, and form two hostile camps in
the heart of the empire?
Scheurl exerted himself to reconcile Eck and Luther. The latter
declared that he was willing to forget every thing; that he loved the
genius, and admired the erudition of Dr. Eck,[444] and that the
proceedings of his old friend had caused him more grief than anger. "I
am ready," says he, "either for peace or war; but I prefer peace. Do
you then set about it. Grieve with us, that the devil has thrown among
us this beginning of strife, and then rejoice that Christ in his mercy
hath removed it."[445] About the same time, he addressed a most
friendly letter to Eck, who, however, not only did not answer it, but
did not even send him a verbal message."[446] It was too late for
reconciliation; and the breach became wider and wider. The pride of
Eck, and his unforgiving temper, soon completely broke any remaining
ties of friendship.
[444] "Diligimus hominis igenium et admiramur eruditionem." (Luth. Ep.
ad Scheurlum, 15th June, 1518, i, p. 125.)
[445] "Quod ad me attinet, scripsi ad eum has, ut vides, amicissimas
et plenas literas humanitate, erga eum." (Ibid.) As far as regards
myself, I have, as you see, written him in the most kindly and
friendly terms.
[446] "Nihil neque literarum, neque verborum ne participem fecit."
(Ibid.) I have had no communication from him, either by word or
writing.
CHAP. X.
Popular Writings--Our Father--Thy Kingdom Come--Thy Will be
Done--Our Daily Bread--Sermon on Repentance--Forgiveness
through Christ.
Such were the struggles which the champion of the word of God had to
maintain at the outset of his career. But these combats with the
leaders of society, these academical disputes, are of small account
with the Christian. Human doctors imagine they have gained the noblest
of triumphs if they succeed in filling some newspapers and some
saloons with the noise of their systems. As it is with them more an
affair of self-love, or party spirit, than of good to humanity, this
worldly success satisfies them. Accordingly, their labours are only a
smoke, which, after blinding us, passes off and leaves no trace
behind. Neglecting to introduce their fire among the masses of the
population, they do nothing more than make it skim along the surface
of society.
It is not so with the Christian. His object is not success in a
coterie, or an academy, but the salvation of souls. He therefore
willingly avoids the brilliant skirmishing, which he might carry on at
his ease with the champions of the world, and prefers the obscure
labours which carry life and light into rural cottages, and the lanes
of cities. Thus did Luther, or rather according to the precept of his
Master, _he did the one, without leaving the other undone_. While
combating inquisitors, university chancellors, and masters of the
sacred palace, he strove to diffuse sound religious knowledge among
the multitude. With that view, he at this time published different
popular writings, such as his _Discourses on the Ten Commandments_,
delivered two years before in the church of Wittemberg, and which we
have already noticed; and his _Exposition of the Lord's Prayer, for
simple and ignorant laymen_.[447] Who would not like to know how the
Reformer then addressed the people?
[447] Luth. Op. Leips. vii, p. 1086.
We will quote some of the words which he sent, as he says, in the
preface to the second of these works, "to course the country."
Prayer, that inward act of the heart, will doubtless ever be one of
the points with which a reformation in heart and life must commence,
and, accordingly, it early engaged the attention of Luther. It is
impossible, in a translation, to keep up his energetic style, and the
vigour of a language which was formed so to speak, as it fell from his
pen; however, we will try.
"When you pray," says he, "have few words, but many thoughts and
affections, and, above all, let these be profound. The less you speak,
the better you pray. Few words and many thoughts make the Christian,
many words and few thoughts, the pagan.
"Seeming and bodily prayer is that muttering of the lips, that
external babble, which comes forth without attention, striking the
eyes and ears of men; but prayer in spirit and in truth is the inward
desire, the emotions, and sighs which proceed from the depths of the
heart. The former is the prayer of hypocrites, and of all who trust in
themselves. The latter is the prayer of the children of God, who walk
in his fear."
Then coming to the first words of our Lord's Prayer, "Our Father," he
thus expresses himself:--"Among all the names of God, there is none
which inclines more toward him than the name of Father. We should not
have so much happiness and consolation in calling him Lord, or God, or
Judge.... By this name of father his bowels of compassion are moved;
for there is no voice more lovely or touching than that of a child to
its father.
"_Who art in heaven._ He who confesses that he has a Father in heaven
owns himself to be, as it were, an orphan on the earth. Hence his
heart feels an ardent desire like that of a child living out of its
father's country, among strangers, in wretchedness and sorrow. It is
as if he said, 'Alas! my father! thou art in heaven, and I, thy
miserable child, am on the earth, far from thee, in all sorts of
dangers, necessities, and sorrows.'
"_Hallowed be thy name!_ He who is passionate and envious, who curses
or slanders, dishonours God, in whose name he was baptized. Applying
the vessel which God has consecrated to profane uses, he resembles a
priest who should use the holy cup to give drink to a sow, or to
gather manure.
"_Thy kingdom come._ Those who amass wealth, who erect magnificent
buildings, who seek after all that the world can give, and with the
lips repeat this prayer, are like the large pipes of a church organ,
which sounds and cries at full pitch, and without ceasing, but has
neither words, nor sense, nor reason."...
Farther on, Luther attacks the error of pilgrimages, which was then so
general. "One goes to Rome, another to St. James; one builds a chapel,
another founds an endowment, in order to reach the kingdom of God; but
all neglect the essential point, which is to become themselves his
kingdom. Why do you go beyond seas in quest of the kingdom of God?...
Your heart is the place in which it ought to rise.