"It is a dreadful thing," continues he, "to hear us utter this prayer,

'_Thy will be done_.' Where in the Church do we see this will done?...

Bishop rises against bishop, and church against church. Priests,

monks, and nuns, quarrel and fight; throughout there is nothing but

discord. And yet all parties exclaim that they have a good will and an

upright intention; and so to the honour and glory of God they

altogether do the work of the devil....

"Why do we say _our bread_?" continues he, "explaining these words,

"_Give us this day our daily bread_." "Because we pray, not for the

ordinary bread which pagans eat, and which God gives to all men, but

for _our_ bread--bread to us, children of the heavenly Father.

"And what, then, is this bread of God? It is Jesus Christ our Lord;

'_I am the living bread which came down from heaven, and give life to

the world_.' Wherefore let us not deceive ourselves. Sermons and

instructions which do not represent to us, or give us the knowledge

of Jesus Christ, cannot be the daily bread and food of our souls....

"What avails it that such a bread is prepared for us, if it is not

served out to us, and we cannot taste it?... It is as if a magnificent

feast were prepared, and there were nobody to hand the bread, bring

the dishes, and pour out the liquor; so that the guests would be left

to feed by the eye and the smell.... This is the reason why it is

necessary to preach Christ, and Christ alone.

"But what, then, you ask, is it to know Jesus Christ, and what profit

is gained by it? Answer:--To learn to know Jesus Christ is to

comprehend what the Apostle says--_Christ has of God been made unto us

wisdom, and righteousness, and sanctification, and redemption_. Now,

you comprehend this when you perceive that your wisdom is culpable

folly, your righteousness damnable iniquity, your holiness damnable

pollution, your redemption miserable condemnation--when you feel that,

before God and all the creatures, you are truly a fool, a sinner, an

impure and condemned man--and when you show, not only by your words,

but from the bottom of your heart, and by your works, that there

remains to you no comfort and no salvation, save Jesus Christ. To

believe is nothing else than to eat this bread of heaven."

Thus Luther faithfully fulfilled his resolution to open the eyes of a

people whom priests had blindfolded, and were leading at their

pleasure. His writings, which in a short time spread over all Germany,

caused new light to arise, and shed the seeds of truth in abundance on

a soil well prepared to receive it. But while thinking of those at a

distance, he did not forget those who were near.

The dominicans from their pulpits denounced him as an infamous

heretic. Luther, the man of the people, and who, had he been so

disposed, could with a few sentences have set them in commotion,

always disdained such triumphs, and made it his sole aim to instruct

his hearers.

His reputation, which was continually extending, and the courage with

which he raised the banner of Christ in the midst of an enslaved

Church, made his sermons be followed with increasing interest. Never

had the confluence been so great. Luther went straight to the point.

One day, having mounted the pulpit of Wittemberg, he undertook to

establish the doctrine of repentance. The discourse pronounced on this

occasion afterwards became very celebrated, and contains several of

the fundamental principles of evangelical doctrine.

At first he contrasts the pardon of men with the pardon of heaven.

"There are," says he, "two remissions--the remission of the penalty,

and the remission of the fault. The former reconciles man externally

with the Church; the latter, which is the heavenly indulgence,

reconciles man with God. If a man has not within himself that tranquil

conscience, that cheerful heart which God's remission gives, no

indulgence can aid him were he to buy all that ever have been on the

earth."

He afterwards continues thus: "They wish to do good works before their

sins are pardoned, whereas sins must be pardoned before good works can

be done. Works do not banish sin; but banish sin, and you will have

works.[448] Good works should be done with a cheerful heart and a good

conscience toward God; in other words, with the forgiveness of sins."

[448] "Nicht die Werke treiben die Sünde aus; sondern die Anstreibung

der Sünde thut gute Werke," (Luth. Op. (Lat.) xvii, p. 162.)

He then comes to the principal object of his sermon, an object which

was identified with that of the whole Reformation. The Church had put

herself in the place of God and his word; he objects to this, and

makes every thing depend on faith in the word.

"The remission of the fault," says he, "is not in the power of the

pope, or the bishop, or the priest, or any man whatever, but rests

solely on the word of Christ, and your own faith. For Christ did not

choose to build our comfort or our salvation on a word or work of man,

but only on himself, on his own work and word. Your repentance and

your works may deceive you, but Christ your God will never deceive,

will never waver; and the devil cannot overthrow his words."[449]

[449] "Christus dein Gott wird dir nicht lugen: noch wanken." (Ibid.)

"A pope or a bishop has no more power than the humblest priest where

the remission of the fault is in question. And even where there is no

priest, each Christian, were it a woman or a child,[450] can do the

same thing. For if a simple Christian says to you, 'God pardons sin in

the name of Jesus Christ,' and you receive the saying with firm faith,

as if God himself had spoken, you are acquitted.

[450] "Ob es schon ein Weib oder ein kind ware." (Ibid.)

"If you believe not that your sins are pardoned, you make your God a

liar, and declare that you put greater confidence in your vain

thoughts than in God and his word.

"Under the Old Testament neither priest, nor king, nor prophet, had

power to proclaim the forgiveness of sins; but under the New Testament

every believer has this power. The Church is quite replete with the

remission of sins.[451] If a pious Christian comforts your conscience

by the word of the cross, be it man or woman, young or old, receive

the comfort with a faith so firm, that you would sooner submit to many

deaths than doubt that it is ratified in the presence of God....

Repent, and do all the works that you can do; but let the faith which

you have in the pardon of Jesus Christ stand in the front rank, and

have sole command on the field of battle."[452]

[451] "Also siehst du dass die ganze Kirche voll von Vergebung der

Süden ist." (Ibid.)

[452] "Und Hauptmann im Felde bleibe." (Ibid.)

Thus spoke Luther to his astonished and enraptured hearers. All the

scaffoldings which impudent priests had, for their own profit, reared

between God and the soul of man, were thrown down, and man brought

face to face with his Maker. The word of pardon came down pure from on

high, without passing through a thousand corrupting channels. It was

no longer necessary that the testimony of God, in order to be

available, should previously be stamped by men with their false seal.

The monopoly of the sacerdotal caste was abolished, and the Church

emancipated.

CHAP. XI.

Apprehensions of Luther's friends--Journey to

Heidelberg--Bibra--The Palatine Castle--Rupture--The

Paradoxes--Dispute--The

Hearers--Bucer--Brentz--Snepf--Conversations with

Luther--Labours of the Young Doctors--Effects on Luther--The

Old Professor--The True Light--Arrival.

Meanwhile, the fire which had been kindled at Wittemberg behoved to be

kindled elsewhere. Luther, not contented with announcing the truth in

the place of his residence, whether to the academic youth or to the

people, was desirous to shed the seeds of sound doctrine in other

places. The Augustin order were to hold their general chapter at

Heidelberg, in the spring of 1518. Luther, as one of the most

distinguished men of the order, was invited to attend; but his friends

did all they could to dissuade him from undertaking the journey. In

fact, the monks had laboured to render the name of Luther odious in

all the places through which he had to pass. To insult they had added

threatening; and a small matter might have sufficed to excite a

popular tumult of which he might have been made the victim. "Or even,"

said his friends, "what they may not dare to do by violence, they will

accomplish by fraud and stratagem."[453] But in the discharge of a

duty, Luther did not allow himself to be arrested by the fear of any

danger, however imminent. He therefore turned a deaf ear to the timid

suggestions of his friends, and directed them to Him in whom his

confidence was placed, and under whose protection he desired to

undertake the perilous journey. After the feast of Easter he quietly

set out on foot,[454] on the 13th April 1518.

[453] Ibid., Ep. i, p. 98.

[454] "Pedester veniam." I will come on foot. (Luth., Ep. i, p. 98.)

He had with him a guide named Urban, who carried his small bundle, and

was to accompany him as far as Wurzburg. How many thoughts must have

occupied the heart of the servant of the Lord during this journey! At

Weissenfels, the pastor, though not of his acquaintance, instantly

recognised him as the doctor of Wittemberg, and gave him a hearty

reception.[455] At Erfurt, he was joined by two other Augustin friars.

At Judenbach, the three fell in with Degenard Pfeffinger, the

Elector's confidential councillor, who entertained them at the inn. "I

have had the pleasure," wrote Luther to Spalatin, "of making this rich

lord some shillings poorer. You know how I like to take every occasion

of making a hole in the purses of the rich for the benefit of the

poor, especially if the rich are my friends."[456] He arrived at

Coburg, worn out with fatigue. "All goes well by the grace of God,"

wrote he; "only, I confess I have sinned in undertaking the journey on

foot. But for this sin I presume I will have no need of the remission

of indulgences, for my contrition is perfect, and my satisfaction

complete. I am knocked up with fatigue, and all the conveyances are

full. Is not this enough, or rather more than enough of penitence,

contrition, and satisfaction?"[457]

[455] Ibid., p. 105.

[456] Ibid., p. 104.

[457] Ibid., p. 106.

The Reformer of Germany, not finding a place in the public

conveyances, nor any one who was willing to yield him his place, was

obliged next morning, notwithstanding of his fatigue, humbly to resume

his journey on foot. He arrived at Wurzburg on the evening of the

second Sabbath after Easter, and sent back his guide.

Bishop Bibra, who had received the theses with so much delight, lived

in this town, and Luther had a letter for him from the Elector of

Saxony. The bishop, overjoyed at the opportunity of becoming

personally acquainted with this bold champion of the truth, hastened

to invite him to the episcopal palace. He went out to receive him,

spoke to him in the kindest terms, and offered to furnish him with a

guide as far as Heidleberg. But at Wurzburg, Luther had fallen in with

his two friends, the vicar-general Staupitz, and Lange, the prior of

Erfurt, who offered him a place in their carriage. He therefore

thanked Bibra for his offer, and next day the three friends set out

from Wurzburg. They travelled thus for three days, conversing

together, and on the 21st April arrived at Heidelberg. Luther went to

lodge at the Augustin convent.

The Elector of Saxony had given him a letter to Count Palatine

Wolfgang, Duke of Bavaria. Luther repaired to his magnificent castle,

the site of which is still the admiration of strangers. The monk of

the plains of Saxony had a heart to admire the position of Heidelberg,

where the two lovely valleys of the Rhine and the Necker unite. He

delivered his letter to James Simler, steward of the court. Simler

having read it, said, "Truly you have here a valuable letter of

credit." The Count Palatine received him with much kindness, and often

invited him, as well as Lange and Staupitz, to his table. This

friendly reception added greatly to Luther's comfort. "We relax and

amuse ourselves with an agreeable and pleasant chit-chat," says he,

"eating and drinking, and surveying all the magnificence of the

Palatine palace, admiring its ornaments, its armoury, and cuirasses;

in short, every thing remarkable in this distinguished and truly royal

castle."[458]

[458] "Ihr habt bei Gott einen köstlichen Credenz." (Luth. Ep. i, p.

111.)

However, Luther had other work to do. He behoved to work while it was

day. Transported to an university which exercised great influence on

the west and south of Germany, he was there to strike a blow which

should shake the churches of those countries. He, accordingly, began

to write theses which he proposed to maintain in a public discussion.

Such discussions were of ordinary occurrence; but Luther felt, that in

order to make his useful, it was necessary to give it a peculiar

interest. His disposition, moreover, inclined him to present the truth

under a paradoxical form. The professors of the university would not

allow the discussion to take place in their public hall, and it became

necessary to hold it in a hall of the Augustin convent. The 26th of

April was the day on which it was to take place.

Heidelberg, at a later period, received the gospel, and even at this

discussion in the convent, an observer might have augured that good

would result from it.

The reputation of Luther attracted a large concourse of hearers;

professors, courtiers, citizens, and students, crowded to it. The

doctor gave the name of Paradoxes to his theses, and it is, perhaps,

the name which might still be applied to them in the present day. It

would be easy, however, to translate them into evident propositions.

The following are some of the Paradoxes:--

1. "The law of God is a salutary rule of life. Nevertheless, it cannot

aid man in his search after righteousness; on the contrary, it impedes

him.

3. "Works of man, how fair and good soever they may be, are, to all

appearance, only mortal sins.

4. "Works of God, how deformed and bad soever they may appear, have

always an immortal merit.

7. "The works of the just themselves would be mortal sins, did they

not, through holy reverence for the Lord, fear that their works would

in fact be mortal sins.[459]

[459] "Justorum opera essent mortalia nisi pio Dei timore, ab ipsismet

justis, ut mortalia timerentur." (Luth. Op. Lat. i, 55.)

9. "To maintain that works done without Christ are dead, but not

mortal, is dangerous forgetfulness of the fear of God.

13. "Since the fall of man, free will exists only in name, and when

man does all that is possible for him to do, he sins mortally.

16. "A man who expects to attain to grace by doing all that it is

possible for him to do, adds sin to sin, and doubles his guilt.

18. "It is certain that man, to become capable of receiving the grace

of Christ, must entirely despair of himself.

21. "An honorary theologian calls evil good, and good evil; but a

theologian of the cross speaks according to truth.

22. "The wisdom which teaches man to know the invisible perfections of

God in his works, inflates, blinds, and hardens him.

23. "The law excites the wrath of God, kills, curses, accuses, judges,

and condemns, whatever is not in Christ.[460]

[460] "Lex iram Dei operatur, occidit, maledicit reum facit, judicat,

damnat, quicquid non est in Christo." (Ibid.)

24. "Still this wisdom (§ 22) is not bad; and the law (§ 23) is not to

be rejected; but the man who does not study the knowledge of God under

the cross, changes its good into evil.

25. "He is not justified who does many works; but he who, without

works, believes much in Jesus Christ.

26. "The law says, Do this! And what it commands is never done. Grace

says, Believe in him! And, lo! all things are accomplished.[461]

[461] "Lex dicit: Fac hoc! et nunquam fit. Gratia dicit: Crede in

hunc! et jam facta sunt omnia." (Ibid.)

28. "The love of God finds nothing in man, but creates in him what it

loves. The love of man proceeds from self-love."[462]

[462] "Amor Dei non inventit sed creat suum diligibile; amor hominis

fit a suo diligibili." (Ibid.)

Five doctors of theology attacked these theses. They had read them

with the astonishment which novelty excites. The theology seemed to

them very strange. Yet according to Luther's own testimony, they

discussed them with a courtesy which he could not but esteem; and, at

the same time, with force and discernment.

Luther, on his part, displayed an admirable mildness in his replies,

incomparable patience in listening to the objections of his opponents,

and all the liveliness of St. Paul in solving the difficulties which

were started. His answers, which were short, but replete with the word

of God, filled all the hearers with admiration. "He very much

resembles Erasmus," said several; "but in one thing he surpasses

him,--he professes openly what Erasmus is contented only to

insinuate."[463]

[463] Bucer, in Seultetet, Annal. Evangel. Renovat." p. 22.

The discussion was drawing to a close. Luther's opponents had retired

with honour from the field of battle, the youngest of them, Doctor

George Niger, alone continuing the struggle with the mighty combatant.

Amazed at the bold propositions of the Augustin monk, and feeling

utterly at a loss for arguments to refute them, he exclaimed, in an

agitated tone,--"Were our peasants to hear such things, they would

stone you to death."[464] At these words there was a general laugh

throughout the audience.

[464] "Si rustici hæc audirent, certe lapidibus vos obruerent et

interficerent." (Luth. Ep. i, p. 111.)

Never had hearers listened more attentively to a theological

disputation. The first words of the Reformer had awakened men's minds,

and questions which shortly before had met with indifference, were now

full of interest. Several countenances gave visible expression to the

new ideas which the bold assertions of the Saxon doctor had suggested

to their minds.

Three youths in particular were strongly moved. One of them, named

Martin Bucer, was a Dominican, of about twenty-seven years of age,

who, notwithstanding of the prejudices of his order, seemed unwilling

to lose a single word which fell from the doctor. Born in a little

town of Alsace, he had entered a convent at sixteen, and soon

displayed such talents that the monks entertained the highest hopes of

him.[465] "He will one day be an ornament to our order," said they.

His superiors had sent him to Heidelberg that he might devote himself

to the study of philosophy, theology, Greek, and Hebrew. At this

period Erasmus having published several of his works, Bucer read them

with avidity.

[465] "Prudentioribus monachis spem de se præclaram excitavit;"

(Melch. Adam. Vita Buceri, p. 211.)

Shortly after, the first works of Luther appeared, and the Alsatian

student hastened to compare the Reformer's doctrine with the holy

Scriptures. Some doubt as to the truth of the popish religion arose in

his mind.[466] This was the way in which light was diffused in those

days. The Elector Palatine took notice of the young man. His strong

and sonorous voice, his pleasing address, his eloquence, and the

freedom with which he attacked prevailing vices, made him a

distinguished preacher. He was appointed chaplain to the court, and

was acting in this capacity when Luther's journey to Heidelberg was

announced. Bucer was greatly delighted; nobody repaired with greater

eagerness to the hall of the Augustin convent. He had provided himself

with paper, pens, and ink, wishing to write down whatever the doctor

should say. But while his hand was rapidly tracing the words of

Luther, the hand of God was writing the great truths which he heard in

more ineffaceable characters on his heart. The rays of the doctrine of

grace beamed upon his soul on this memorable occasion.[467] The

Dominican was gained over to Christ.

[466] "Cum doctrinam in eis traditam cum sacris litteris contullisset

quædam in pontificia religione suspecta habere cœpit." (Ibid.) When he

had compared the doctrine delivered in them with the Sacred

Scriptures, he began to have some suspicions of the pope's religion.

[467] "Primam lucem purioris sententiæ de justificatione in suo

pectore sensit." (Melch. Adam. Vita Buceri, p. 211.) He felt the first

dawn of a purer opinion on justification rising in his breast.

Not far from Bucer sat John Brentz or Brentius, then about nineteen

years of age. Brentz, who was the son of a magistrate of a town in

Swabia, had, at thirteen, been enrolled among the students of

Heidelberg. None of them showed such application. As soon as the hour

of midnight struck, Brentz rose and commenced his labours. This

practice became so habitual to him, that, during the rest of his life,

he could never sleep beyond that hour. At a later period he devoted

these still moments to meditation on the Scriptures. Brentz was one of

the first to perceive the new light which then rose on Germany, and he

received it into his soul in the full love of it.[468] He read the

writings of Luther with avidity, and must have been overjoyed at the

prospect of hearing him personally at Heidelberg. Young Brentz was

particularly struck with one of the doctor's propositions, viz., "Not

he who does many works is justified before God, but he who, without

works, believes much in Jesus Christ."

[468] "Ingens Dei beneficium lætus Brentius agnovit, et grata mente

amplexus est." (Ibid.) Brentius joyfully recognised the inestimable

gift of God, and with grateful mind embraced it.

A pious woman of Heilbronn, on the Necker, wife of a councillor of

that town, named Snepf, had, after the example of Hannah, dedicated

her first born to the Lord, earnestly desiring to see him devote

himself to theology. The young man, who was born in 1495, made rapid

progress in literature, but whether from taste or ambition, or

compliance with his father's wishes, he devoted himself to the study

of law. The pious mother was grieved when she saw her son Ehrhard

following another course than that to which she had dedicated him;

she warned and urged him, and always concluded by reminding him of the

vow which she had made at his birth.[469] At length, overcome by his

mother's perseverance, Ehrhard Snepf yielded, and soon felt such

delight in his new studies, that nothing in the world could have

diverted him from them.

[469] "Crebris interpellationibus eum voti quod de nato ipso fecerat,

admoneret; et a studio juris ad theologiam quasi conviciis avocaret."

(Melch. Adami, Snepfii Vita.) She frequently interposed to remind him

of the vow which she had made at his birth, and, as it were, by her

reproaches drew him off from the study of law to theology.

He was in terms of intimacy with Bucer and Brentz, and they remained

friends all their lives; "for," says one of their biographers,

"friendships founded on the love of literature and virtue are never

extinguished." He was present with his two friends at the Heidelberg

discussion. The Paradoxes and the bold struggle of the Wittemberg

doctor gave Snepf a new impulse. Rejecting the vain dogma of human

merit, he embraced the doctrine of free justification.

The next day Bucer paid a visit to Luther. "I conversed with him,"

says he, "and without witnesses; and had a most exquisite repast, not

from the viands, but from the truths which were set before me.

Whatever objections I stated, were readily answered by the doctor, who

explained every thing with the utmost clearness. O! that I had time to

write you more about it."[470] Luther himself was touched with the

sentiments of Bucer. "He is the only friar of his order," wrote he to

Spalatin, "who is in good faith. He is a young man of great promise;

he received me with simplicity, and conversed with me with

earnestness; he is deserving of our confidence and our love."[471]

[470] Gerdesius, Monument. Antiq., etc.

[471] Luth. Ep. i, p. 412.

Brentz, Snepf, and others also, urged by the new truths which began to

dawn upon their minds, in like manner visited Luther, speaking and

conferring with him, and asking explanations of any thing which they

might not have comprehended. The Reformer, in his answers, founded

upon the Bible. At every word that fell from him fresh light arose,

and his visitors saw a new world opening before them.

After Luther's departure these noble-minded men began to teach at

Heidelberg. It was necessary to follow out what the man of God had

begun, and not allow the torch which he had kindled to be

extinguished. The scholars will speak should the masters be silent.

Brentz, although he was still so youthful, explained St. Matthew, at

first in his own room, and afterwards, when it could not contain his

hearers, in the hall of philosophy. The theologians, filled with envy

at seeing the great concourse which he drew together, were much

offended.

Brentz next took orders, and transferred his lectures to the college

of the Canons of the Holy Spirit. In this way the fire which had

already been kindled in Saxony was kindled also in Heidelberg. The

light radiated from numerous _foci_. This period has been designated

the seed-time of the Palatinate.

But the fruits of the Heidelberg discussion were not confined to the

Palatinate. These bold friends of the truth soon became luminaries in

the Church. They all occupied eminent stations, and took part in the

numerous discussions, to which the Reformation gave rise. Strasburg,

and at a later period England, were indebted to the labours of Bucer,

for a purer knowledge of the truth. Snepf taught first at Marburg,

then at Stutgard, Tubingen, and Jena. Brentz, after teaching at

Heidelberg, long continued to labour at Halle, in Swabia, and at

Tubingen. These three individuals will again come before us.

This discussion caused Luther himself to advance. He grew daily in the

knowledge of the truth. "I am one of those," said he, "who have made

progress by writing and by instructing others; and not one of those,

who, from nothing, become all at once great and learned doctors."

He was delighted at seeing the avidity with which youth in schools

received the growing truth; and this consoled him when he saw how

deeply the old doctors were rooted in their opinions. "I have the

glorious hope," said he, "that, in like manner as Christ, when

rejected by the Jews, went to the Gentiles, we will now see true

theology, though rejected by these old men of vain and fantastical

opinions, welcomed by the rising generation."[472]

[472] Luth. Ep. i, p. 112.

The Chapter being closed, Luther thought of returning to Wittemberg.

The Count Palatine gave him a letter to the Elector, in which he said

that "Luther had displayed so much ability in the discussion as to

reflect great glory on the university of Wittemberg." He was not

permitted to return on foot.[473] The Augustins of Nuremberg conducted

him as far as Wurzburg, and from thence he proceeded to Erfurt with

the friars belonging to it. As soon as he arrived he called on his old

master Jodocus. The venerable professor, who had been much concerned

and shocked at the career which his pupil had followed, was accustomed

to put a theta (θ) before all Luther's sentences,--that being the

letter which the Greeks used to express condemnation.[474] He had

written to the young doctor, censuring his conduct, and he was anxious

to answer by word of mouth. Not having been received, he wrote

Jodocus:--"The whole university, with the exception of a single

licentiate, thinks as I do. Nay, more; the prince, the bishop, several

other prelates, and all our enlightened citizens, declare, with one

voice, that hitherto they have neither known nor understood Jesus

Christ and his gospel. I am ready to receive your correction, and

though it should be harsh I will think it pleasant. Unbosom your heart

then without fear, disburden yourself of your anger. I have no wish, I

am not able to be angry with you. God and my conscience bear

witness."[475]

[473] "Veni autem curru qui ieram pedester." (Ibid., p. 110.) I went

on foot, but returned in a chariot.

[474] "Omnibus placitis meis nigrum theta præfigit." (Luth. Ep. i, p.

111.) He puts a black theta before all my opinions.

[475] Ibid.

The aged doctor was touched by the sentiments of his old pupil, and

wished to see if there was no means of removing the condemnatory

theta. They had an explanation; but nothing resulted from it. "I have

at least," said Luther, "made him understand, that all their sentences

are like the beast which is said to eat itself. But it is vain to

speak to the deaf. The doctors cling obstinately to their petty

distinctions, although they confess that they have nothing to support

them but what they term the light of natural reason--a dark chaos to

us who proclaim no other light than Jesus Christ, the only true

light."[476]

[476] "Nisi dictamine rationis naturalis, quod apud nos idem est, quod

chaos tenebratum, qui non prædicamus aliam lucem, quam Christum Jesum

lucem veram et solam." (Ibid.)

Luther quitted Erfurt in the carriage of the convent. He was thus

brought to Eisleben, and from thence the Augustins of the place, proud

of a doctor who threw so much lustre on their order and on their town

which had given him birth, caused him to be conveyed to Wittemberg

with their own horses, and at their own expence. All were desirous to

testify affection and esteem for the extraordinary man who was rising

at every step.

He arrived on Saturday after the Ascension. The journey had done him

good. His friends found him stronger and healthier looking than before

his departure,[477] and were delighted with all he told them. Luther

reposed for some time from the fatigues of his campaign and the

discussion at Heidelberg, but this repose was only a preparation for

more severe exertions.

[477] "Ita ut nonnullis videar factus habitior et corpulentior!"

(Ibid.) So that some think me fuller in habit, and more corpulent.

BOOK FOURTH.

CHAP. I.

LUTHER BEFORE THE LEGATE.

MAY-DECEMBER, 1518.

Repentance--The Pope--Leo X--Luther to his Bishop--Luther to

the Pope--Luther to the Vicar-General--Rovere to the

Elector--Discourse on Excommunication--Influence and Power

of Luther.

Truth had at length raised her head in the bosom of Christendom.

Victorious over the inferior organs of the papacy, she behoved to have

a struggle with its chief. We are going to see Luther at close

quarters with Rome.

This step was taken on his return from Heidelberg. His first theses on

indulgences had been misunderstood, and he determined to explain their

meaning with greater clearness. The outcry raised by the blind hatred

of his enemies had convinced him how important it was to gain the most

enlightened part of the nation in favour of truth, and he resolved to

appeal to its judgment by calling attention to the foundation on which

his convictions rested. It was, indeed, necessary for once to appeal

to the decision of Rome; and he hesitates not to send all his

explanations. Presenting them with one hand to the enlightened and

impartial among his countrymen, he with the other lays them before the

throne of the sovereign pontiff.

These explanations of his theses, which he denominated

_Solutions_,[478] were written with great moderation. Luther tried to

soften the passages which had caused most irritation, and gave proof

of genuine modesty. At the same time, he showed that his convictions

were immovable; and he courageously defended all the propositions

which truth obliged him to maintain. He again repeated, that every

Christian who truly repents possesses the remission of sins without

indulgence; that the pope, like the humblest of priests, can only

declare simply what God has already pardoned; that the treasure of the

merits of the saints administered by the pope was a chimera, and that

Holy Scripture was the only rule of faith. Let us hear himself on some

of these points.

[478] Luth. Op., (Leips.) xvii, pp. 29-113.

He begins with establishing the nature of true penitence, and

contrasts the divine act, which renews man, with the mummery of the

Romish Church. "The Greek word μετανοειτε," says he, "signifies--

be clothed with a new spirit and new feelings; have a new nature; so

that, ceasing to be earthly, you may become heavenly.... Christ is a

teacher of the spirit and not of the letter, and his words are spirit

and life."[479] He, therefore, inculcates, not those external penances

which the proudest sinners can perform without being humbled, but a

repentance according to spirit and truth--a repentance which may be

fulfilled in all the situations of life, under the purple of kings,

the cassock of priests, and the coronet of princes, amid the

magnificence of Babylon, where a Daniel lived, as well as under a

monk's frock and a beggar's tatters.

[479] On the First Thesis.

Farther on we meet with these bold words, "I give myself no trouble as

to what pleases or displeases the pope. He is a man like other men.

There have been several popes who loved not only errors and vices, but

even things still more extraordinary. I listen to the pope as pope,

that is when he speaks in the canons, according to the canons, or when

he decides some article with a council, but not when he speaks out of

his own head. If I did otherwise, would I not be bound to say with

those who know not Jesus Christ, that the horrible massacres of

Christians of which Julius II was guilty, were the kind acts of an

affectionate shepherd towards the Lord's sheep?"[480]

[480] Thesis 26.

"I cannot but be astonished," continues he, "at the simplicity of

those who have said that the two swords of the gospel represent, the

one the spiritual power, and the other the temporal. Yes, the pope

holds a sword of steel, and so exhibits himself to Christendom, not as

a tender father, but as a formidable tyrant. Ah! God in his anger has

given us the sword we wished, and withdrawn that which we despised. In

no quarter of the world have there been more dreadful wars than among

Christians.... Why did the ingenious intellect which discovered this

fine commentary, not with equal subtlety interpret the history of the

two keys committed to St. Peter, and in that way make it an

established dogma of the Church, that the one serves to open the

treasures of heaven, and the other the treasures of the world."[481]

[481] Ibid. 80.

"It is impossible," he again says, "that a man can be a Christian

without having Christ; and if he has Christ, he at the same time has

all that belongs to Christ. The thing which gives peace to our

conscience is, that by faith our sins are no longer ours, but

Christ's, on whom God has laid them; and that, on the other hand, all

the righteousness of Christ is ours, to whom God has given it. Christ

puts his hand upon us, and we are cured. He throws his mantle over us

and we are covered; for he is the glorious Saviour, blessed for ever

and ever."[482]

[482] Thesis 37.

With such views of the riches of salvation by Jesus Christ, there was

no need of indulgences.

Luther, while attacking the papacy, speaks honourably of Leo X. "The

times in which we live are so bad," says he, "that even the greatest

personages cannot come to the help of the Church. We have now a very

good pope in Leo X. His sincerity and knowledge fill us with joy. But

what can one man, though amiable and agreeable, do by himself alone?

He certainly deserved to be pope in better times. We, in our day,

deserve only such popes as Julius II, and Alexander VI."

He afterwards comes to the crowning point. "I wish to say the thing in

a few words and boldly. The Church stands in need of a reformation;

and this cannot be the work either of a single man, like the pope, or

of many men, like the cardinals, and fathers of councils; but it must

be that of the whole world, or, rather, it is a work which belongs to

God only. As to the time in which such a reformation ought to begin,

He alone who created time can tell.... The embankment is broken down,

and it is no longer in our power to arrest the torrents which are

rushing impetuously along."

Such are some of the thoughts and declarations which Luther addressed

to the enlightened among his countrymen. The Feast of Pentecost was at

hand; and, at this period, when the apostles rendered the first

testimony of their faith to the risen Saviour, Luther, a new apostle,

published this enlivening book in which he expressed his earnest

longings for a resurrection of the Church. Saturday, 22nd May, 1518,

being Pentecost eve, he sent his work to his ordinary, the Bishop of

Brandenburg, with the following letter:--

"MOST WORTHY FATHER IN GOD,--Some time ago, when a novel and

unheard-of doctrine, touching the apostolic indulgences, began to make

a noise in these countries, both learned and ignorant felt concerned;

and many persons, some of them known to me, and others whom I did not

even know by face, urged me to publish, by word of mouth, or by

writing, what I thought of the novelty, I am unwilling to say, the

impudence of this doctrine. At first I was silent, and kept back. But

at length matters came to such a point, that the holiness of the pope

was compromised.

"What was I to do? I thought it best neither to approve nor to condemn

these doctrines; but to establish a discussion on this important

point, until the Holy Church should decide.

"Nobody having come forward to this combat, to which I had invited all

the world, and my theses having been considered not as materials for

discussion, but positive assertions,[483] I feel myself obliged to

publish an explanation of them. Deign, then, most gracious Bishop, to

receive these trifles[484] at my hand. And that all the world may see

I am not acting presumptuously, I supplicate your reverence to take

pen and ink, and blot out, or even throw into the fire and burn,

whatever in them displeases you. I know that Jesus Christ has no need

of my labours and my services, and that he can very well, without me,

publish good tidings to his Church. Not that the bulls and menaces of

my enemies deter me; very much the contrary. If they were not so

impudent and so shameless, nobody would hear a word from me; I would

shut myself up in a corner, and there study by myself for myself. If

this affair is not of God, it certainly cannot be my affair, nor that

of any man, but a thing of nought. Let the glory and honour be

ascribed to Him to whom alone they belong."

[483] "Non ut disputabilia sed asserta acciperentur." (Luth., Ep. i.

214.)

[484] Ineptias.

Luther had still the greatest respect for the head of the Church. He

supposed that there was justice in Leo X, and a sincere love of truth.

He resolved, therefore, to apply to him also; and eight days after, on

Trinity Sunday, 30th May, 1518, addressed him in a letter, of which we

give the following extracts:--

"To the Most Blessed Father, LEO X, Sovereign Bishop,

"Friar Martin Luther, Augustin, wishes eternal salvation!

"I learn, most Holy Father, that evil reports are current with regard

to me, and that my name is brought into bad odour with your Holiness.

I am called heretic, apostate, traitor, and a thousand other

opprobrious epithets; what I see astonishes, what I hear amazes me.

But the only foundation of my tranquillity remains, and that is a pure

and peaceful conscience. Be pleased to listen to me, most Holy Father,

to me, who am only an ignorant child."

Luther relates the origin of the whole affair, and continues thus:--

"In all taverns, nothing was heard but complaints of the avarice of

priests, and attacks on the power of the keys and the sovereign

pontiff. This all Germany can testify. On hearing these things, my

zeal for the glory of Christ was moved, (so I thought,) or if they

will explain it otherwise, my young and boiling blood was inflamed.

"I warned several of the princes of the Church, but some mocked me,

and others turned a deaf ear. All seemed paralysed by the terror of

your name. Then I published the discussion,

"And this, most Holy Father! this is the fire which is said to have

set the whole world in flames!

"Now, what must I do? I cannot retract, and I see that this

publication is subjecting me to inconceivable hatred in all quarters.

I love not to stand forth in the midst of the world; for I am without

knowledge, without talent, and far too feeble for such great things,

especially in this illustrious age, in which Cicero himself, were he

alive, would be obliged to hide in some obscure corner.[485]

[485] He adds: "Sed cogit necessitas me anserem strepere inter

olores." (Luth. Ep. i, p. 121.) But necessity forces me, a goose, to

hiss among the swans.

"But in order to appease my adversaries, and respond to numerous

solicitations, I here publish my thoughts. I publish them, Holy

Father, that I may place myself in safety under the shadow of your

wings. All who are willing will thus be able to understand with what

simplicity of heart I have asked the ecclesiastical authority to

instruct me, and what respect I have shown for the power of the

keys.[486] If I had not managed the affair in a becoming manner, it is

impossible that the most serene lord Frederick, Duke and Elector of

Saxony, who shines among the friends of apostolical and Christian

truth, would ever have tolerated in his university of Wittemberg a man

so dangerous as I am represented to be.

[486] "Quam pure simpliciterque ecclesiasticam potestatem et

reverentiam clavium quæsierim et coluerim." (Ibid.)

"Wherefore, most Holy Father, I throw myself at the feet of your

Holiness, and submit to you with all I have, and all I am. Destroy my

cause, or embrace it; decide for me, or decide against me; take my

life, or restore it to me, just as you please. I will recognise your

voice as the voice of Jesus Christ, who presides and speaks by you. If

I have deserved death I refuse not to die.[487] The earth belongs unto

the Lord, and all that it contains. Let him be praised to all

eternity. Amen. May he sustain you for ever and ever. Amen.

"On the day of the Holy Trinity, in the year 1518.

"FRIAR MARTIN LUTHER, _Augustin_."

[487] "Quarè beatissime Pater, prostratum me pedibus tuæ Beatitudinis

offero, cum omnibus quæ sum et habeo; vivifica, occide voca, revoca,

approba, reproba, ut placuerit. Vocem tuam, vocem Christi in te

præsidentis et loquentis agnoscam; si mortem merui, mori non

recusabo." (Luth. Ep. i, p. 121.)

What humility and truth in this fear, or rather in this confession of

Luther, that his young and boiling blood had perhaps been too quickly

inflamed! We here recognise the man of sincerity, who, not presuming

on himself, fears the influence of passion even in those of his

actions which are most conformable to the word of God. There is a wide

difference between this language and that of a proud fanatic. We see

in Luther an earnest desire to gain over Leo to the cause of truth, to

prevent all disruption, and make this reformation, the necessity of

which he proclaims, come from the very pinnacle of the Church.

Assuredly, he is not the person who ought to be charged with

destroying in the West that unity, the loss of which was afterwards so

much regretted. He sacrificed every thing in order to maintain it;

every thing but truth. It was not he, but his adversaries, who, by

refusing to acknowledge the fulness and sufficiency of the salvation

wrought out by Jesus Christ, are chargeable with having rent the

Saviour's robe at the foot of the cross.

After writing this letter, Luther, the very same day, addressed his

friend Staupitz, vicar-general of his order. It was through him he

wished his "Solutions" and his epistle to reach Leo.

"I pray you," says he to him, "kindly to accept the miserable

things[488] which I send you, and transmit them to the excellent pope,

Leo X. Not that I would thereby drag you into the perils to which I am

exposed. I wish to take all the danger to myself. Jesus Christ will

see whether what I have said comes from him or comes from me--Jesus

Christ, without whose will neither the tongue of the pope can move,

nor the hearts of kings resolve.

[488] His Solutions.

"To those who threaten me I have no answer to give, unless it be the

remark of Reuchlin, 'The poor man has nothing to fear, for he has

nothing to lose.'[489] I have neither money nor goods, and I ask none.

If I once possessed some honour and some reputation, let him that has

begun to strip me of them finish his work. I have nothing left but

this miserable body, enfeebled by so many trials; let them kill it by

force or fraud, to the glory of God. In this way they will, perhaps,

shorten my life an hour or two. Enough for me to have a precious

Redeemer, a powerful Priest, Jesus Christ the Lord! I will praise him

while I have a breath of life; and if none will praise him with me,

how can I help it?"

[489] "Qui pauper est nihil timet, nihil potest perdere." (Ibid., p.

118.)

These words enable us to read Luther's heart.

While he was thus looking with confidence towards Rome, Rome had

thoughts of vengeance towards him. On the 3rd of April, Cardinal

Raphael De Rovere had written to the Elector Frederick in the pope's

name, stating that suspicions were entertained of his faith, and that

he ought to beware of protecting Luther.

"Cardinal Raphael," says Luther, "would have had great pleasure in

seeing me burned by Duke Frederick."[490] Thus Rome began to whet her

arms against Luther, and the first blow which she aimed at him was

through the mind of his protector. If she succeeded in destroying the

shelter under which the monk of Wittemberg was reposing, he would

become an easy prey.

[490] Luth. Op. (W.) xv, p. 339.

The German princes attached much importance to their reputation as

Christian princes. The slightest suspicion of heresy filled them with

alarm, and the court of Rome had shrewdly availed itself of this

feeling. Frederick, moreover, had always been attached to the religion

of his fathers, and Raphael's letter made a very strong impression on

his mind. But it was a principle with the Elector not to act hastily

in any thing. He knew that truth was not always on the side of the

strongest. The transactions of the empire with Rome had taught him to

distrust the selfish views of that court; and he was aware that in

order to be a Christian prince, it was not necessary to be the pope's

slave.

"He was not," says Melancthon, "one of those profane spirits who wish

to stifle all changes in their first beginnings.[491] Frederick

resigned himself to God. He carefully read the writings which were

published, and what he judged true he allowed no one to destroy."[492]

He had power to do so. Supreme in his own States, he was respected in

the empire at least as highly as the emperor himself.

[491] "Nec profana judicia sequens quæ tenera initia omnium mutationum

celerrime opprimi jubent." (Melanc. Vita Luth.)

[492] "Deo cessit, et ea quæ vera esse judicavit, deleri non voluit."

(Ibid.)

It is probable that Luther learned something of this letter of

Cardinal Raphael, which was sent to the Elector on the 7th of July.

Perhaps it was the prospect of excommunication which this Roman

missive seemed to presage, that led him to mount the pulpit of

Wittemberg on the 15th of the same month, and on this subject deliver

a discourse which made a profound impression. He distinguished between

internal and external excommunication; the former excluding from

communion with God, and the latter excluding only from the ceremonies

of the Church. "Nobody," says he, "can reconcile a lapsed soul with

God save God himself. Nobody can separate man from communion with God

unless it be man himself by his own sins! Happy he who dies unjustly

excommunicated! While for righteousness' sake he endures a heavy

infliction on the part of man, he receives the crown of eternal

felicity from the hand of God."

Some highly applauded this bold language, while others were more

irritated by it. But Luther was no longer alone; and although his

faith needed no other support than that of God, a phalanx of defence

against his enemies was formed around him. The Germans had heard the

voice of the Reformer. His discourses and his writings sent forth

flashes which awoke and illumined his contemporaries. The energy of

his faith fell in torrents of fire on slumbering hearts. The life

which God had infused into this extraordinary soul was imparted to the

dead body of the Church; and Christendom, which had for so many ages

been motionless, was animated with a religious enthusiasm. The

devotedness of the people to the superstitions of Rome diminished

every day, and the number of hands which offered money for the

purchase of pardon became fewer and fewer,[493] while at the same time

Luther's fame continued to increase. People turned towards him, and

hailed him with love and respect as the intrepid defender of truth and

liberty.[494] No doubt the full depth of the doctrines which he

announced was not perceived. It was enough for the greater number to

know that the new doctor withstood the pope, and that the empire of

priests and monks was shaken by his powerful word. To them the attack

of Luther was like one of those fires which are kindled on mountain

tops, as the signal for a whole nation to rise and burst its chains.

Before the Reformer suspected what he had done, all the generous

hearted among his countrymen had already acknowledged him for their

leader. To many, however, the appearance of Luther was something more.

The word of God, which he wielded with so much power, pierced their

minds like a sharp two-edged sword; and their hearts were inflamed

with an ardent desire to obtain the assurance of pardon and eternal

life. Since primitive times the Church had not known such hungering

and thirsting after righteousness. If the preaching of Peter the

Hermit and Bernard so aroused the population of the middle ages as to

make them take up a perishable cross, the preaching of Luther disposed

those of his time to embrace the true cross, the truth which saves.

The framework which then lay with all its weight on the Church had

smothered everything; the form had destroyed the life. But the

powerful word given to Luther caused a quickening breath to circulate

over the soil of Christendom. At the first glance the writings of

Luther were equally captivating to believers and unbelievers,--to

unbelievers, because the positive doctrines afterwards to be

established were not yet fully developed in them; and to believers,

because they contained the germ of that living faith which they so

powerfully express. Hence the influence of these writings was immense;

they spread almost instantaneously over Germany and the world. The

prevailing impression of men every where was, that they were

assisting, not at the establishment of a sect, but at a new birth of

the Church and of society. Those who were born of the Spirit of God

ranged themselves around him who was its organ. Christendom was

divided into two camps,--the one leagued with the spirit against the

form, and the other with the form against the spirit. It is true that

on the side of the form were all the appearances of strength and

grandeur, and on the side of the spirit those of feebleness and

insignificance. But the form, devoid of the spirit, is a lifeless

body, which the first breath may upset. Its appearance of power only

provokes hostility and accelerates its downfall. In this way the

simple truth had placed Luther at the head of a mighty army.

[493] "Rarescebant manus largentium." (Cochlœus, 7.) The hands of

contributors grew few.

[494] "Luthero autem contra augebatur auctoritas, favor, fides

existimatio, fama; quod tam liber acerque videbatur veritatis

assertor." (Ibid.) On the contrary, Luther's authority, influence,

credit, reputation, and fame, increased, because he seemed so free and

bold an assertor of the truth.

CHAP. II.

Diet at Augsburg--The Emperor to the Pope--The Elector to

Rovere--Luther cited to Rome--Luther's Peace--Intercession

of the University--Papal Brief--Luther's Indignation--The

Pope to the Elector.

This army was needed; for the great began to move. Both the empire and

the Church were uniting their efforts to rid themselves of this

troublesome monk. Had the imperial throne been occupied by a brave and

energetic prince, he might have profited by these religious

agitations, and, throwing himself on God and the nation, given new

force to the former opposition to the papacy. But Maximilian was too

old, and was determined, moreover, to sacrifice every thing to what he

regarded as the end of his existence,--the aggrandisement of his

house, and through it the exaltation of his grandson.

The Emperor Maximilian at this time held a diet at Augsburg, Six

Electors attended in person, and all the Germanic States were

represented at it, while the kings of France, Hungary, and Poland,

sent their ambassadors. All these princes and envoys appeared in great

splendour. The war against the Turks was one of the subjects for which

the diet had assembled. The legate of Leo X strongly urged the

prosecution of it; but the States, instructed by the bad use which had

formerly been made of their contributions, and sagely counselled by

the Elector Frederick, contented themselves with declaring that they

would take the matter into consideration, and at the same time,

produced new grievances against Rome. A Latin discourse, published

during the Diet, boldly called the attention of the German princes to

the true danger. "You wish," said the author, "to put the Turk to

flight. This is well; but I am much afraid that you are mistaken as to

his person. It is not in Asia, but in Italy, that you ought to seek

him."[495]

[495] Schröck, K. Gesch. n. d. R. i, p. 156.

Another affair of no less importance was to occupy the Diet.

Maximilian was desirous that his grandson Charles, already king of

Spain and Naples, should be proclaimed king of the Romans, and his

successors in the imperial dignity. The pope knew his interest too

well to wish the imperial throne to be occupied by a prince whose

power in Italy might prove formidable to him. The Emperor thought he

had already gained the greater part of the electors and states, but he

found a strenuous opponent in Frederick. In vain did he solicit him,

and in vain did the ministers and best friends of the Elector join

their entreaties to those of the Emperor. Frederick was immovable, and

proved the truth of what has been said of him, that when once

satisfied of the justice of a resolution, he had firmness of soul

never to abandon it. The Emperor's design failed.

From this time the Emperor sought to gain the good will of the pope,

in order to render him favourable to his plans; and as a special proof

of his devotedness, on the 5th August, wrote him the following

letter:--"Most Holy Father, we learned some days ago that a friar of

the Augustin order, named Martin Luther, has begun to maintain divers

propositions as to the commerce in indulgences. Our displeasure is the

greater because the said friar finds many protectors, among whom are

powerful personages.[496] If your Holiness and the very reverend

fathers of the Church, (the Cardinals,) do not forthwith employ their

authority to put an end to these scandals, not only will these

pernicious doctors seduce the simple, but they will involve great

princes in their ruin. We will take care that whatever your Holiness

may decide on this matter, for the glory of Almighty God, shall be

observed by all in our empire."

[496] "Defensores et patrones etiam potentes quos dictus frater

consecutus est." (Raynald, ad an. 1518.)

This letter must have been written after some rather keen discussion

between Maximilian and Frederick. The same day, the Elector wrote to

Raphael de Rovere. He had doubtless learned that the Emperer was

addressing the Roman pontiff, and to parry the blow he put himself in

communication with Rome.

"I can have no other wish," said he, "than to show myself submissive

to the universal Church. Accordingly, I have never defended the

writings and sermons of Doctor Martin Luther. I understand, moreover,

that he has always offered to appear with a safe-conduct before

impartial, learned, and Christian judges, in order to defend his

doctrine, and submit, in the event of being convinced by Scripture

itself."[497]

[497] Luth. Op. (L.) xvii, p. 169.

Leo X, who had hitherto allowed the affair to take its course, aroused

by the cries of theologians and monks, instituted an ecclesiastical

court, which was to try Luther at Rome, and in which Sylvester

Prierio, the great enemy of the Reformer, was at once accuser and

judge. The charge was soon drawn up, and Luther was summoned by the

court to appear personally in sixty days.

Luther was at Wittemberg, calmly awaiting the good effect which his

humble letter to the pope was, as he imagined, to produce, when, on

the 7th of August, only two days after the despatch of the letters of

Maximilian and Frederick, he received the citation from the Roman

tribunal. "At the moment," says he, "when I was expecting the

benediction, I saw the thunder burst upon me. I was the lamb troubling

the water to the wolf. Tezel escapes, and I must allow myself to be

eaten."

This citation threw Wittemberg into consternation; for whatever course

Luther might adopt, he could not avert the danger. If he repaired to

Rome he must there become the victim of his enemies. If he refused to

go, he would, as a matter of course, be condemned for contumacy,

without being able to escape; for it was known that the legate had

received orders from the pope to do everything he could do to irritate

the Emperor and the German princes against him. His friends were in

dismay. Must the teacher of truth go with his life in his hand to that

great city, _drunk with the blood of the saints and martyrs of Jesus_?

Is it sufficient to ensure any man's destruction that he has raised

his head from the bosom of enslaved Christendom? Must this man, whom

God appears to have formed for resisting a power which hitherto

nothing has been able to resist, be also overthrown? Luther, himself,

saw no one who could save him unless it were the Elector, but he would

rather die than endanger his prince. His friends at last fell on an

expedient which would not compromise Frederick. Let him refuse a

safe-conduct, and Luther will have a legitimate cause for refusing to

appear at Rome.

On the 8th of August Luther wrote to Spalatin, praying that the

Elector would employ his influence to have him cited in Germany. He

also wrote to Staupitz, "See what ambuscades they use to ensnare me,

and how I am surrounded with thorns. But Christ lives and reigns,

to-day, yesterday, and for ever. My conscience assures me that what I

have taught is the truth, though it becomes still more odious when I

teach it. The Church is like the womb of Rebecca. The children must

struggle together so as even to endanger the life of the mother.[498]

As to what remains, entreat the Lord that I may not have too much joy

in this trial. May God not lay the sin to their charge."

[498] "Uterus Rebecca est; parvulos in eo collidi necesse est, etiam

usque ad periculum matris." (Luth. Ep. i, p. 138.)

The friends of Luther did not confine themselves to consultation and

complaint. Spalatin, on the part of the Elector, wrote to Renner, the

Emperor's secretary, "Dr. Martin is very willing that his judges shall

be all the universities of Germany, with the exception of those of

Erfurt, Leipsic, and Frankfort on the Oder, which he has ground to

suspect. It is impossible for him to appear personally at Rome."[499]

[499] Luth. Op. (L.) xvii, p. 173.

The university of Wittemberg wrote a letter of intercession to the

pope himself, and thus spoke of Luther,--"The feebleness of his body,

and the dangers of the journey, make it difficult and even impossible

for him to obey the order of your Holiness. His distress and his

prayers dispose us to have compassion on him. We, then, as obedient

sons, entreat you, most Holy Father, to be pleased to regard him as a

man who has never taught doctrines in opposition to the sentiments of

the Roman Church." On the same day the university, in its anxiety,

addressed Charles de Miltitz, a Saxon gentleman, the chamberlain, and

a great favourite of the pope, and bore testimony to Luther in terms

still stronger than those which it had ventured to insert in the

former letter. "The worthy father, Martin Luther, Augustin, is the

noblest and most honourable man of our university. For several years

we have seen and known his ability, his knowledge, his high

attainments in arts and literature, his irreproachable manners, and

his altogether Christian conduct."[500]

[500] Ibid. i, 183, 184; xvii, 171, 172.

This active charity on the part of all who were about Luther is his

finest eulogium.

While the issue was anxiously waited for, the affair terminated more

easily than might have been supposed. The Legate de Vio, chagrined at

not having succeeded in the commission which he had received to

prepare a general war against the Turks, was desirous to give lustre

to his embassy in Germany by some other brilliant exploit; and

thinking that if he extinguished heresy he would reappear at Rome with

glory, he asked the pope to remit the affair to him. Leo felt himself

under obligation to Frederick, for having so strenuously opposed the

election of young Charles, and was aware that he might still want his

assistance. Accordingly, without adverting to the citation, he charged

his legate by a brief, dated 23rd of August, to examine the affair in

Germany. The pope lost nothing by this mode of proceeding; and, at the

same time, if Luther could be brought to a retractation, the noise and

scandal which his appearance at Rome might have occasioned were

avoided.

"We charge you," said he, "to bring personally before you, to pursue

and constrain without delay, and as soon as you receive this our

letter, the said Luther, who has already been declared heretic by our

dear brother, Jerome, Bishop of Asculan."[501]

[501] "Dictum Lutherum hæreticum per prædictum auditorem jàm

declaratum." (Breve Leonis X ad Thomam.)

Then the pope prescribes the severest measures against Luther.

"For this purpose invoke the arm and assistance of our very dear son

in Christ, Maximilian, the other princes of Germany, and all its

commonalties, universities, and powers ecclesiastical or secular; and

if you apprehend him, keep him in safe custody, in order that he may

be brought before us."[502]

[502] "Brachio cogas atque compellas, et eo in potestate tua redacto

cum sub fideli custodia retineas, ut coram nobis sistatur." (Ibid.)

We see that this indulgent concession of the pope was little else than

a surer method of dragging Luther to Rome. Next follow the gentle

measures:--

"If he returns to himself, and asks pardon for his great crime, asks

it of himself, and without being urged to do it, we give you power to

receive him into the unity of Holy Mother Church."

The pope soon returns to malediction.

"If he persists in his obstinacy, and you cannot make yourself master

of his person, we give you power to proscribe him in all parts of

Germany, to banish, curse, and excommunicate all who are attached to

him, and to order all Christians to shun their presence."

Still this is not enough. The pope continues:--

"And in order that this contagion maybe the more easily extirpated,

you will excommunicate all prelates, religious orders, communities,

counts, dukes, and grandees, except the Emperor Maximilian, who shall

refuse to seize the said Martin Luther and his adherents, and send

them to you, under due and sufficient guard. And if (which God forbid)

the said princes, communities, universities, grandees, or any one

belonging to them, offer an asylum to the said Martin and his

adherents, in any way, and give him, publicly or in secret, by

themselves or others, aid and counsel, we lay under interdict these

princes, communities, and grandees, with their towns, burghs, fields,

and villages, whither said Martin may flee, as long as he shall remain

there, and for three days after he shall have left."

This audacious chair, which pretends to be the representative on earth

of Him who has said, _God sent not his Son into the world to condemn

the world, but that the world through him might be saved_, continues

its anathemas; and, after having denounced penalties against

ecclesiastics, proceeds:--

"In regard to the laity, if they do not obey your orders instantly,

and without any opposition, we declare them infamous, (with the

exception of the most worthy Emperor,) incapable of performing any

lawful act, deprived of Christian burial, and stript of all fiefs

which they may hold, whether of the apostolic see, or of any other

superior whatsoever."[503]

[503] "Infamiæ et inhabilitatis ad omnes actus legitimos ecclesiasticæ

sepulturæ, privationis quoque feudorum." (Breve Leonis X ad Thomam.)

Such was the fate which awaited Luther. The monarch of Rome has

leagued for his destruction, and to effect it, spared nothing, not

even the peace of the tomb. His ruin seems inevitable. How will he

escape this immense conspiracy? But Rome had miscalculated; a movement

produced by the Spirit of God was not to be quelled by the decrees of

its chancery.

Even the forms of a just and impartial inquest had not been observed.

Luther had been declared heretic, not only without having been heard,

but even before the expiry of the period named for his compearance.

The passions (and nowhere do they show themselves stronger than in

religious discussions) overleap all the forms of justice. Strange

proceedings, in this respect, occur, not only in the Church of Rome,

but in Protestant churches also, which have turned aside from the

gospel; in other words, in all places where the truth is not, every

thing done against the gospel is deemed lawful. We often see men who,

in any other case, would scruple to commit the smallest injustice, not

hesitating to trample under foot all forms and all rights when the

matter in question is Christianity, and the testimony borne to it.

When Luther was afterwards made acquainted with this brief, he

expressed his indignation. "Here," says he, "is the most remarkable

part of the whole affair. The brief is dated on the 23rd of August,

and I was cited for the 7th of August; so that between the citation

and the brief there is an interval of sixteen days. Now, make the

calculation, and you will find that my Lord Jerome, Bishop of Asculan,

has proceeded against me, given judgment, condemned, and declared me

heretic, before the citation could have reached me, or at most sixteen

days after it had been despatched to me. Now, I ask, where are the

sixty days given me in the citation? They commenced on the 7th August,

and were to end on the 7th October. Is it the style and fashion of the

court of Rome to cite, admonish, accuse, judge, and pronounce sentence

of condemnation, all in one day, against a man who is at such a

distance from Rome, that he knows nothing at all of the proceedings?

What answer would they give to this? Doubtless, they forgot to purge

themselves with hellebore before proceeding to such falsehoods."[504]

[504] Luth. Op. (L.) xvii, p. 176.

But at the same time that Rome was secretly depositing her thunders in

the hands of her legate, she was endeavouring, by smooth and

flattering words, to detach the prince whose power she most dreaded

from Luther's cause. The same day, 25th August 1518, the pope wrote

the Elector of Saxony. Recurring to those wiles of ancient policy

which we have already pointed out, he endeavoured to flatter the

prince's self-love:

"Dear son," said the Roman pontiff, "when we think on your noble and

honourable race, and on yourself, its head and ornament; when we

recollect how you and your ancestors have always desired to maintain

Christian faith, and the honour and dignity of the Holy See, we cannot

believe that a man who abandons the faith can trust to the favour of

your Highness, in giving loose reins to his wickedness. And yet it is

told us from all quarters that a certain friar, Martin Luther, Eremite

of the order of St. Augustine, has, like a child of malice, and a

contemner of God, forgotten his habit and his order, which consist in

humility and obedience, and is boasting that he fears neither the

authority nor the punishment of any man, because assured of your

favour and protection.

"But, as we know that he is mistaken, we have thought good to write to

your Highness, and exhort you, according to the Lord, to be vigilant

for the honour of your name as a Christian prince, and to defend

yourself from these calumnies--yourself the ornament, the glory, and

sweet savour of your noble race--and to guard, not only against a

fault so grave as that which is imputed to you, but also against even

the suspicion which the insensate hardihood of this friar tends to

excite against you."

Leo X, at the same time, announced to Frederick that he had charged

Cardinal Saint Sixtus to examine the affair, and he enjoined him to

put Luther into the hands of the legate, "lest," added he, returning

again to his favourite argument, "lest the pious people of our time,

and of future times, may one day lament and say, The most pernicious

heresy with which the Church of God has been afflicted was excited by

the favour and support of this high and honourable House."[505]

[505] Luth. Op. (L.) xvii, p. 173.

Thus Rome had taken all her measures. With one hand she diffused the

perfume of praise, which is always so intoxicating, while the other

held terrors and vengeance.

All the powers of the earth, emperor, pope, princes, and legates,

began to move against this humble friar of Erfurt, whose internal

combats we have already traced. "_The kings of the earth stood up, and

the rulers took counsel together against the Lord and against his

anointed._"

CHAP. III.

The Armourer Schwarzerd--His Wife--Philip--His Genius--His

Studies--The Bible--Call to Wittemberg--Melancthon's

Departure and Journey--Leipsic--Mistake--Luther's

Joy--Parallel--Revolution in Education--Study of Greek.

The letter and brief had not reached Germany, and Luther was still

fearing that he would be obliged to appear at Rome, when a happy event

gave comfort to his heart. He needed a friend to whom he could unbosom

his sorrows, and whose faithful love would solace him in his hours of

depression. All this God gave him in Melancthon.

On the 14th February 1497, George Schwarzerd, a skilful armour-master

of Bretten, a small town in the Palatinate, had a son born to him, who

was named Philip, and who afterwards distinguished himself under the

name of Melancthon. Patronised by the Palatine princes, and those of

Bavaria and Saxony, George was a man of unimpeachable integrity. He

often refused the price which purchasers offered him, and on learning

that they were poor, insisted on returning their money. He rose

regularly at midnight, and on his knees offered up a prayer. If on any

occasion morning arrived without his having done it, he felt

dissatisfied with himself the whole day. Barbara, Schwarzerd's wife,

was daughter of an honourable magistrate named John Reuter. She was of

a gentle temper, somewhat inclined to superstition, but otherwise

remarkable for wisdom and prudence. From her we have the old

well-known German rhymes--

The giving of alms impoverisheth not;

Attendance at Church impedeth not;

Greasing the wheel retardeth not;

Ill-gotten gear enricheth not;

The Book of God deceiveth not.

And again--

Those who are pleased more to expend

Than their fields can render,

Must come to ruin in the end,

It may be to a halter.[506]

[506] "Almosen geben armt nicht, etc. Wer mehr will verzehren, etc.

(Müller's Reliquien.)

Young Philip was not eleven when his father died. Two days before,

George called his son to his bed-side, and exhorted him to have the

thought of God always present. "I foresee," said the dying armourer,

"that dreadful storms are coming to shake the world. I have seen great

things, but greater are in preparation. May God guide and direct you!"

Philip, after receiving his father's blessing, was sent to Spires,

that he might not be present at his death. He departed crying

bitterly.

The young boy's grandfather, the worthy bailie Reuter, who had also a

son, acted as a father to him, and took him, together with his

brother, George, under his own roof. Shortly after he gave the three

boys for tutor John Hungarus, an excellent man, who afterwards, and at

a very advanced age, became a powerful preacher of the gospel. He let

nothing pass in the young man, punishing him for every fault, yet with

discretion. "In this way," says Melancthon in 1554, "he made me a

grammarian. He loved me as a son, I loved him as a father, and we will

meet, I trust, in eternal life."[507]

[507] "Dilixit me ut filium, et ego eum ut patrem; et conveniemus,

spero, in vita æterna." (Melancth. Explicat. Evang.)

Philip was remarkable for the excellence of his understanding, and for

his facility in learning, and expounding what he had learned. He

could not endure idleness, and always sought out some one with whom he

might discuss what he had heard.[508] It often happened that educated

strangers passed through Bretten, and visited Reuter. The bailie's

grandson instantly accosted them, entered into conversation with them,

and so pressed them in discussion as to excite the wonder of those

present. To a powerful genius he joined great sweetness of temper, and

was hence a general favourite. He had a stammer, but, like the

celebrated orator of the Greeks, made such exertions to overcome it,

that it afterwards completely disappeared.

[508] "Quiescere non poterat, sed quærebat ubique aliquem cum quo de

auditis disputaret." (Camerarius, Vita Melancth. p. 7.)

His grandfather having died, Philip was sent with his brother and his

young uncle, John, to the school of Pforzheim. The boys resided with

one of their relatives, the sister of the famous Reuchlin. Eager for

knowledge, Philip, under the tuition of George Simler, made rapid

progress in science, and especially in the study of Greek, for which

he had a real passion. Reuchlin often came to Pforzheim, and having

become acquainted with his sister's young boarders, was soon struck

with Philip's answers, and gave him a Greek grammar and a Bible. These

two books were to be the study of his whole life.

When Reuchlin returned from his second journey into Italy, his young

relative, then twelve years of age, with some friends, performed a

Latin comedy of his own composition before him, in honour of his

arrival. Reuchlin, in raptures with the talents of the youth, embraced

him tenderly, called him his dear son, and jocularly gave him the red

bonnet which he had received on being made doctor. It was at this time

Reuchlin changed his name of Schwarzerd into that of Melancthon. Both

words, the one German, and the other Greek, mean _black earth_. It was

a general custom with the learned thus to change their names into

Greek or Latin.

Melancthon, at twelve, repaired to the university of Heidelberg, and

began to gratify his eager thirst for knowledge. He was admitted

Bachelor at fourteen. In 1512 Reuchlin invited him to Tubingen, which

contained a great number of distinguished literary men. Here he

attended at the same time lectures on theology, medicine, and

jurisprudence. There was no branch of knowledge which he did not think

it his duty to study. His object was not praise, but the possession of

science and the benefits of it.

The Holy Scriptures particularly occupied him. Those who frequented

the church of Tubingen had often observed a book in his hands, which

he studied between the services. This unknown volume seemed larger

than the common prayer-books, and the report spread that Philip when

in church read profane books. It turned out that the object of their

suspicion was a copy of the Holy Scriptures, printed a short time

before at Bâsle by John Frobenius. This volume he studied through life

with unwearied application. He had it always with him, carrying it to

all the public meetings to which he was invited.[509] Rejecting the

vain system of the schoolmen, he devoted himself to the simple word of

the Gospel. Erasmus at this time wrote to Œcolampadius, "Of Melancthon

I have the highest opinion, and the highest hopes. Jesus grant that

this young man may have a long life! He will completely eclipse

Erasmus."[510] Melancthon, nevertheless, shared in the errors of his

age. "I shudder," says he, in advanced life, "when I think of the

honour which I paid to images when I was still in the papacy."[511]

[509] Camerar. Vita Philip Melancth. p. 16.

[510] "Ille prorsus obscurabit Erasmum." (Er. Ep. i, p. 405.)

[511] "Cohorresco quando cogito quomodo ipse accesserim ad statuas in

papatu." (Explicat Evangel.)

In 1514, he was made doctor in philosophy, and began to teach. His age

was seventeen. The grace and attractiveness which he gave to his

lectures formed a striking contrast to the insipid method which the

doctors, and especially the monks, had hitherto pursued. He took an

active part in the combat in which Reuchlin was engaged with the

_Obscurants_ of his age. His agreeable conversation, his gentle and

elegant manners, gaining him the love of all who knew him, he soon

acquired great authority, and a solid reputation in the world.

At this time, the Elector Frederick having conceived the idea of

inviting some distinguished professor of ancient languages to his

university of Wittemberg, applied to Reuchlin who suggested

Melancthon. Frederick saw all the lustre which this young Hellenist

might shed on an institution which was so dear to him; and Reuchlin,

delighted at seeing so fine a field opened to his young friend,

addressed him in the words of Jehovah to Abraham,--"_Come out from thy

country, and thy kindred, and thy father's house, and I will render

thy name great, and thou shalt be blessed._" "Yes," continues the old

man, "I hope it will be so with thee, my dear Philip, my work and my

comfort."[512] In this invitation, Melancthon saw a call from God. The

university was grieved to part with him, and yet he was not without

envious rivals and enemies. He left his native country, exclaiming,

"The will of the Lord be done." He was then twenty-one years of age.

[512] "Meum opus et meum solatium." (Corp. Ref., i, 33.)

Melancthon made the journey on horseback, in company with some Saxon

merchants, in the same way in which caravans travel in the desert;

for, says Reuchlin, he knew neither the towns nor the roads.[513] At

Augsburg he did homage to the Elector, who happened to be there. At

Nuremberg he saw the excellent Pirckheimer, whom he already knew, and

at Leipsic formed an intimacy with the learned Hellenist, Mosellanus.

In this last town the university gave a fete in honour of him. It was

a truly academic repast. The dishes were numerous, and as each made

its appearance, a professor rose and addressed Melancthon in a Latin

discourse previously prepared. He immediately gave an _extempore_

reply. At length, worn out with so much eloquence, "Most illustrious

friends," said he, "allow me to reply once for all to your addresses;

for not being prepared, I cannot put as much variety into my replies

as you into your addresses." Thereafter the dishes arrived without the

accompaniment of a discourse.[514]

[513] "Des Wegs un der Orte unbekannt." (Corp. Ref., i, 30.)

[514] Camer. Vita Melancth., 26.

Reuchlin's young relative arrived at Wittemberg, 25th August, 1518,

two days after Leo X had signed the brief addressed to Cajetan, and

the letter to the Elector.

The professors of Wittemberg did not receive Melancthon with so much

favour as those of Leipsic had done. The first impression which he

made upon them did not correspond to their expectations. They saw a

young man, who seemed still younger than he really was, of small

stature, and a feeble, timid air. Is this the illustrious doctor whom

the greatest men of the age, Erasmus and Reuchlin, extol so loudly?...

Neither Luther, with whom he first was made acquainted, nor his

colleagues, conceived high hopes of him, when they saw his youth, his

embarrassment, and whole appearance.

Four days after his arrival (29th August) he delivered his inaugural

address. The whole university was assembled. The boy, as Luther calls

him,[515] spoke such elegant Latin, and displayed so much knowledge, a

mind so cultivated, and a judgment so sound, that all his hearers were

filled with admiration.

[515] "Puer et adolescentulus, si ætatem consideres." (Luth. Ep. i,

141.) A boy, and mere youth, if you consider his age.

At the termination of the address, all pressed forward to congratulate

him, but none felt more joy than Luther, who hastened to communicate

to his friends the feelings with which his heart was overflowing.

Writing Spalatin, 31st August, he says, "Melancthon, four days after

his arrival, delivered an address so beautiful and so learned, that it

was listened to with universal approbation and astonishment. We have

soon got the better of the prejudices which his stature and personal

appearance had produced. We praise and admire his eloquence; we thank

the prince and you for the service you have done us. I ask no other

Greek master. But I fear that his delicate body will not be able to

digest our food, and that, on account of the smallness of his salary,

we shall not keep him long. I hear that the Leipsic folks are already

boasting of being able to carry him off from us. Oh, my dear Spalatin,

beware of despising his age and personal appearance. He is a man

worthy of all honour.[516]

[516] Luth. Ep. i, 135.

Melancthon immediately began to explain Homer, and St. Paul's Epistle

to Titus. He was full of ardour. "I will do my utmost," wrote he to

Spalatin, "to bring Wittemberg into favour with all who love

literature and virtue."[517] Four days after the inauguration, Luther

again wrote to Spalatin, "I recommend to you most particularly the

very learned and very amiable Greek, Philip. His class-room is always

full. All the theologians in particular attend him. He sets all

classes from the highest to the lowest, to the learning of

Greek."[518]

[517] "Ut Wittembergam literatis ac bonis omnibus conciliem." (Corp.

Ref., i, 51.)

[518] "Summos cum mediis et infimis, studiosos facit Græcitatis."

(Luth., Ep. i, 140.)

Melancthon was able to return the affection of Luther, in whom he soon

discovered a goodness of heart, a strength of intellect, a courage and

a wisdom, which he had not previously found in any man. He venerated

and loved him. "If there is any one," said he, "whom I love strongly,

and whom my whole soul embraces, it is Martin Luther."[519]

[519] "Martinum, si omnino in rebus humanis quidquam vehementissime

diligio et animo integerrimo complector." (Melancth. Ep. i, 411.)

"Thus met Luther and Melancthon, and they were friends till death. We

cannot sufficiently admire the goodness and wisdom of God in uniting

two men so different, and yet so necessary to each other. What Luther

had in warmth, elasticity, and force, Melancthon had in perspicuity,

wisdom, and gentleness. Luther animated Melancthon; Melancthon

moderated Luther. They were like the two forms of electric matter, the

positive and the negative, which modify each other. Had Luther been

without Melancthon, the stream had perhaps overflowed its bank; and,

on the other hand, Melancthon, when without Luther, hesitated, and

even yielded, where he ought to have stood firm.[520] Luther did much

by vigour, and Melancthon perhaps did not less by pursuing a slower

and calmer course. Both were upright, open, and generous, and both,

smitten with the love of the word of eternal life, served it with a

fidelity and devotedness which formed the distinguishing feature of

their lives.

[520] Calvin wrote to Sleidan: "Dominus cum fortiore spiritu instruat,

ne gravem ex ejus timiditate jacturam sentiat posteritas." May the

Lord supply him with a more resolute spirit, that posterity may not,

through his timidity, sustain some grievous loss.

The arrival of Melancthon produced a revolution, not only at

Wittemberg, but throughout Germany and the learned world. His study of

the Greek and Latin classics, and of philosophy, had given him an

order, perspicuity, and precision of thought, which shed new light and

inexpressible beauty on all the subjects which he discussed. The mild

spirit of the gospel fertilized and enlivened his meditations, and the

driest subjects when he expounded them were invested with a grace

which fascinated all his hearers. The sterility which scholasticism

had spread over education ceased, and a new mode of instruction and

study commenced. "Thanks to Melancthon," says a distinguished German

historian, "Wittemberg became the national school."[521]

[521] Plank.

It was, indeed, of great importance, that a man thoroughly versed in

Greek should teach in this university, where the new developments of

theology called masters and scholars to study the primitive documents

of the Christian faith in the original languages. Thenceforth Luther

set himself zealously to this task. Often did the meaning of a Greek

term, which had previously been unknown to him, throw sudden light on

his theological views. For example, how great his satisfaction and

delight when he saw that the Greek word, μετανοια, which according

to the Latin church, meant a penance, a satisfaction enacted by the

Church, meant in Greek a transformation or conversion of heart. A

thick mist all at once disappeared from before his eyes. The two

meanings given to this word are sufficient to characterise the two

churches.

The impulse which Melancthon gave to Luther, in regard to the

translation of the Bible, is one of the most remarkable circumstances

in the friendship of these two great men. As early as 1517, Luther had

made some attempts at translation, and procured as many Greek and

Latin books as he could. Now, aided by his dear Philip, his task

received a new impetus. Luther obliged Melancthon to take part in his

researches, by consulting him on difficult passages, and the work,

destined to be one of the greatest works of the Reformer, advanced

more surely and more rapidly.

Melancthon, on his part, became acquainted with a new theology. The

beautiful and profound doctrine of justification by faith filled him

with astonishment and joy. Still, in receiving the system Luther

professed, he acted independently, moulding it according to the

particular form of his own intellect; for, although he was only

twenty-one years of age, he was one of those precocious minds which

enter early into possession of all their powers, and are themselves

from the very outset.

The zeal of the masters was soon transfused into the scholars. It was

proposed to reform the course of study. With the concurrence of the

Elector, certain branches, only of scholastic importance, were

suppressed, and at the same time a new impulse was given to classic

pursuits. The school of Wittemberg underwent a transformation, and the

contrast between it and other universities became still more

prominent. Still, however, the landmarks of the Church were observed,

though all felt that they were on the eve of a great battle with the

pope.

CHAP. IV.

Sentiments of Luther and Staupitz--Order to Appear--Alarms

and Courage--The Elector with the Legate--Departure for

Augsburg--Sojourn at Weimar--Nuremberg.

The arrival of Melancthon, doubtless, gave a pleasant turn to Luther's

thoughts at this very critical moment; and, doubtless, in the sweet

intercourse of a growing friendship, and amid the biblical labours to

which he devoted himself with new zeal, he sometimes forgot Prierio,

Leo, and the ecclesiastical court before which he behoved to plead.

Still, these were only fleeting moments, and his thoughts were ever

recurring to the formidable tribunal before which implacable enemies

had summoned him to appear. What terrors would not this thought have

thrown into a mind which was seeking aught else than the truth! But

Luther trembled not! Confiding fully in the faithfulness and power of

God, he remained firm, and was quite ready to expose himself

single-handed to the rage of enemies mightier than those who had

lighted the fire for John Huss.

A few days after the arrival of Melancthon, and before the pope's

resolution transferring the citation of Luther from Rome to Augsburg

could be known, Luther wrote Spalatin:--"I ask not our sovereign to do

any thing whatever for the defence of my theses. I am willing to be

delivered up and thrown single into the hands of my adversaries. Let

him allow the whole storm to burst upon me. What I have undertaken to

defend, I hope I shall be able, with the assistance of Christ, to

maintain. Violence, indeed, must be submitted to; but still without

abandoning the truth."[522]

[522] Luth. Ep. i, p. 139.

The courage of Luther communicated itself to others. Men of the

greatest gentleness and timidity, on seeing the danger which

threatened the witness for the truth, found words full of energy and

indignation. The prudent and pacific Staupitz, on the 7th September,

wrote to Spalatin: "Cease not to exhort the prince, your master and

mine, not to be alarmed at the roaring of the lions. Let him defend

the truth without troubling himself about Luther, or Staupitz, or the

order. Let there be a place where men can speak freely and without

fear. I know that the plague of Babylon--I had almost said of

Rome--breaks forth against all who attack the abuses of those

traffickers in Jesus Christ. I have myself seen a preacher of the

truth thrown headlong from the pulpit; I have seen him, though on a

festival, bound and dragged to a dungeon. Others have seen still

greater cruelties. Therefore, my dear friend, strive to make his

Highness persevere in his sentiments."[523]

[523] Jen. Aug. i, p. 384.

The order to appear at Augsburg before the cardinal legate at length

arrived. Luther had now to do with one of the princes of the Church.

All his friends entreated him not to go.[524] They feared that on the

journey snares might be laid for him, and an attempt made on his life.

Some employed themselves in looking out for an asylum to him. Staupitz

himself, the timid Staupitz, felt moved at the thought of the dangers

which threatened that friar Martin whom he had drawn from the

obscurity of the cloister, and placed on the troubled stage where his

life was now in peril. Ah! would it not have been better if the poor

friar had remained for ever unknown? It was too late. Still, at least,

he would do everything to save him. Accordingly, on the 15th September

he wrote him from his convent of Salzburg, urging him to flee and seek

an asylum beside himself. "It seems to me," said he, "that the whole

world is enraged, and in coalition against the truth. In the same way

crucified Jesus was hated. I see not that you have anything to expect

but persecution. Shortly, no man will be able without the permission

of the pope, to sound the Scriptures, and search for Jesus Christ in

them, though this Christ himself enjoins. You have only a few friends;

and would to God that the fear of your adversaries did not prevent

those few from declaring in your favour. The wisest course is to quit

Wittemberg for a time and come to me. Thus we will live and die

together. This is also the prince's opinion," adds Staupitz.[525]

[524] "Contra omnium amicorum consilium comparui." I appeared contrary

to the advice of all my friends.

[525] Ep. i, 61.

From different quarters Luther received the most alarming notices.

Count Albert of Mansfeld sent a message to him to beware of setting

out, for some great barons had sworn to make themselves masters of his

person, and to strangle or drown him.[526] But nothing could deter

him. He never thought of availing himself of the vicar-general's

offer. He will not go and hide himself in the obscurity of the convent

of Salzburg, but will faithfully remain on the stormy scene on which

the hand of God has placed him. It is by persevering in the face of

adversaries, and proclaiming the truth with loud voice in the midst of

the world, that the reign of truth advances. Why, then, should he

flee? He is not one of "those who draw back to perdition; but of those

who believe to the saving of the soul." The words of the Master whom

he serves, and loves better than life, are incessantly echoing in his

heart, "_Whosoever will confess me before men, him will I also confess

before my Father who is in heaven._" In Luther and in the Reformation

we uniformly meet with that intrepid courage, that high-toned

morality, that boundless charity, which the first preaching of

Christianity manifested to the world. "I am like Jeremiah," says

Luther, at the period of which we are now speaking; "Jeremiah, the man

of quarrel and discord; but the more they multiply their menaces the

more they increase my joy. My wife and children are well provided, (of

course, meaning he had none;) my fields, my houses, and all my goods,

are in order.[527] They have already torn my honour and my reputation

to shreds. The only thing left me is my poor body, and let them take

it; they will only shorten my life some few hours. My soul they cannot

take from me. He who would publish the word of Christ in the world

must expect death every hour; for our bridegroom is a bridegroom of

blood."[528]

[526] "Ult vel stanguler, vel baptizer ad mortem." (Ibid. 129.) That I

am either to be strangled or ducked to death.

[527] "Uxor mea et liberi mei provisi sunt." (Luth. Ep. i, 129.)

[528] "Sic enim sponsus noster, sponsus sanguinum nobis est." (Ibid.)

See Exodus, iv, 25.

The Elector was then at Augsburg. A short time before quitting that

town after the Diet, he had of his own accord paid a visit to the

legate. The cardinal, greatly flattered by this mark of respect from

so illustrious a prince, promised that if the monk presented himself

he would listen to him like a father, and kindly dismiss him.

Spalatin, on the part of the prince, wrote to his friend that the pope

had named a commission to try him in Germany; that the Elector would

not allow him to be dragged to Rome; and that he must prepare to set

out for Augsburg. Luther resolved to obey; but the warning which he

had received from Count Mansfeld made him apply to Frederick for a

safe-conduct. Frederick replied that it was unnecessary, and merely

gave him recommendations to some of the leading counsellors of

Augsburg. He also sent him some money for the journey. The Reformer,

poor and defenceless, set out on foot to place himself in the hands of

his adversaries.[529]

[529] "Veni igitur pedester et pauper Augustam." (Luth. Op. Lat, in

Præf.)

What must have been his feelings on quitting Wittemberg, and directing

his steps towards Augsburg, where the legate of the pope was waiting

for him! The object of this journey was not like that of Heidelberg, a

friendly meeting. He was going to appear in presence of the legate of

Rome without a safe-conduct; perhaps he was going to death. But in him

faith was not a mere matter of show. Being a reality it gave him

peace, and in the name of the Lord of Hosts he could advance without

fear to bear testimony to the Gospel.

He arrived at Weimar on the 28th of September, and lodged in the

convent of the Cordeliers. One of the monks was unable to withdraw his

eyes from him. It was Myconius. This was the first time he had seen

Luther, and he longed to approach him, and tell that he owed the peace

of his soul to him, and that his whole desire was to labour with him.

But Myconius being closely watched by his superiors, was not permitted

to speak to Luther.[530]

[530] "Ibi Myconius primum vidit Lutherum: Sed ab accessu et colloquio

ejus tunc est prohibitus." (M. Adami, Vita Mycon. p. 176.)

The elector of Saxony was then holding his court at Weimar, and this

is probably the reason why the Cordeliers gave admittance to the

doctor. The day after his arrival the feast of St. Michael was

celebrated. Luther said mass, and was even invited to preach in the

church of the castle. It was a mark of favour which the prince wished

to give him. He, accordingly, in presence of the court, preached a

long sermon, on the text of the day, which is taken from the Gospel of

St. Matthew, (chap, xviii, 1-11.) He spoke forcibly against

hypocrites, and those who boast of their own righteousness; but he did

not speak of the angels, though this was the customary topic on St.

Michael's day.

The courage of the doctor of Wittemberg, in calmly setting out on foot

to obey a summons, which in the case of so many before him had issued

in death, astonished those who saw him. Interest, admiration, and

compassion, succeeded each other in their minds. John Kestner,

superintendant to the Cordeliers, alarmed at the idea of the dangers

which awaited his guest, said to him, "Brother, you will find at

Augsburg Italians, men of learning, and subtle antagonists, who will

give you much to do. I fear you will not be able to defend your cause

against them. They will cast you into the fire, and with their flames

consume you."[531] Luther replied gravely, "Dear friend, pray to our

Lord God, who is in heaven, and present a _Pater noster_ for me, and

his dear child, Jesus, whose cause my cause is, that he may be

gracious toward me. If he maintain his cause, mine is maintained. But

if he pleases not to maintain it, assuredly it is not I who can

maintain it; and it is he who will bear the affront."

[531] "Profecto in ignem te conjicient et flammis exurent." (Melch.

Adam. Vita Mycon. p. 176; Mycon. Hist. Ref. p. 30.)

Luther continued his journey on foot, and arrived at Nuremberg. He was

going to present himself before a prince of the Church, and wished his

dress to be suitable; but his clothes were old, and, besides, had

suffered much by the journey. He borrowed a frock from his faithful

friend, Winceslaus Link, preacher at Nuremberg.

Luther, doubtless, did not confine his visit to Link, but also saw his

other friends in Nuremberg, secretary Scheurl, the celebrated painter,

Albert Durer, to whom Nuremberg is now erecting a statue, and many

others. He strengthened himself by intercourse with the excellent of

the earth, while many monks and laymen expressed alarm, and

endeavoured to shake him by representing the difficulties in his way.

Letters which he wrote from this town show the spirit by which he was

animated. "I have met," says he, "with pusillanimous men, who would

persuade me not to go to Augsburg; but I have determined on going. The

will of the Lord be done. Even at Augsburg, even in the midst of his

enemies, Jesus Christ reigns. Let Christ live; let Luther and every

sinner die. According as it is written: Let the God of my salvation be

exalted! Behave well, persevere, stand firm; for we must not be

reproved either by men or by God; God is true, and man a liar."[532]

[532] "Vivat Christus, moriatur Martinus.... "(Weismanni, Hist. Secr.

Nov. Test. p. 165.) Weismann had seen this letter in MS., but it is

not in M. de Wette's Collection.

Link and an Augustin monk could not consent to allow Luther to travel

alone and meet the dangers which threatened him. They were acquainted

with his bold and fearless character, and suspected he would fail in

due precaution. They, therefore, accompanied him. When they were about

five leagues from Augsburg, Luther, exhausted, no doubt, by the

fatigue of travelling, and the varied emotions of his heart, was

seized with violent pains in the stomach. He thought he was dying, and

his friends becoming very uneasy, hired a car to transport him. They

arrived at Augsburg on the evening of Friday the 7th of October, and

lighted at the Augustin convent. Luther was greatly fatigued, but soon

recovered; his faith and mental energy speedily recruiting his

exhausted body.

CHAP. V.

Arrival at Augsburg--De Vio--His

Character--Serra-Longa--Preliminary Conversation--Visit of

the Counsellors--Return of Serra-Longa--The Prior--Luther's

Wisdom--Luther and Serra-Longa--The Safe-Conduct--Luther to

Melancthon.

The instant he was at Augsburg, and before he had seen any one,

Luther, wishing to pay all due respect to the legate, begged

Winceslaus Link to go and announce his arrival. Link did so, and

humbly declared to the cardinal, on the part of the doctor of

Wittemberg, that he was ready to appear at his order. The legate was

delighted with the news. At last he had a hold of this boisterous

heretic, who, he assured himself, would not quit the walls of Augsburg

as he had entered. At the same time, when Link went to the legate, the

monk Leonard set out to announce Luther's arrival to Staupitz. The

vicar-general had written the doctor, that he would certainly come as

soon as he should know of his being in the town, and Luther was

unwilling to lose an instant in giving him intimation.[533]

[533] Luth. Ep. i, p. 144.

The Diet was closed, and the Emperor and the electors had already

separated. The Emperor, it is true, had not left but was hunting in

the neighbourhood. The ambassador of Rome was thus at Augsburg alone.

Had Luther come during the Diet, he would have found powerful

protectors, but now it seemed that every thing must bend under the

weight of papal authority.

The name of the judge before whom Luther had to appear was not fitted

to increase his confidence. Thomas de Vio surnamed Cajetan, from the

town of Gaeta, in the kingdom of Naples, where he was born, had, from

his youth, given great hopes. Having at sixteen entered the Dominican

order, against the express wish of his parents, he afterwards became

general of his order, and a cardinal of the Roman Church. But what was

worse for Luther, this learned doctor was one of the most zealous

defenders of the scholastic theology, which the Reformer had always

treated so unmercifully. His mother was said to have dreamt during her

pregnancy, that St. Thomas would in person educate the child to which

she was to give birth, and introduce him to heaven. Hence De Vio, on

becoming Dominican, had changed his name from James to Thomas. He had

zealously defended the prerogatives of the papacy, and the doctrines

of Thomas Aquinas, whom he regarded as the most perfect of

theologians.[534] A lover of pomp and show, he almost gave a literal

meaning to the Roman maxim that legates are above kings, and

surrounded himself with great state. On the first of August, he had

celebrated a solemn mass in the cathedral of Augsburg, and in presence

of all the princes of the empire, had placed the cardinal's hat on the

head of the Archbishop of Mentz while kneeling before the altar, and

had delivered to the Emperor himself the hat and sword consecrated by

the pope. Such was the man before whom the monk of Wittemberg was

going to appear, clothed in a frock which was not even his own.

Besides, the acquirements of the legate, the austerity of his

disposition, and the purity of his morals, gave him in Germany an

influence and authority which other Roman courtiers would not have

easily obtained. To this reputation for sanctity he doubtless owed his

mission. Rome saw that he would serve her purposes admirably. Thus the

personal qualities of Cajetan made him still more formidable.

Moreover, the business entrusted to him was not complicated. Luther

had already been declared a heretic.[535] If he refused to retract,

the duty of the legate was to put him in prison; or if he escaped, to

launch excommunication at every one who should dare to give him an

asylum. This was all that Rome required to be done by the legate

before whom Luther was cited.[535]

[534] Divi Thomæ Summa cum Commentariis Thomæ de Vio. Lugduni, 1587.

[535] Bull of the pope. (Luth Op. (L.) xvii, p. 174.)