Luther resumed his ordinary avocations. At this period he was

oppressed with work; it was not enough that he was professor,

preacher, and confessor; he had, moreover, a variety of temporal

business connected with his order and his convent. "I almost

constantly require two clerks," wrote he; "for I do little else the

whole day than write letters. I am preacher to the convent, chaplain

at table, pastor and parish minister, director of studies, vice-prior,

which means prior eleven times over, inspector of the ponds of

Litzkau, advocate of the inns of Herzberg at Torgau, reader of St.

Paul, commentator on the Psalms.... I have seldom time to say my Hours

and chant,--to say nothing of my combat with flesh and blood, the

devil and the world.... See how lazy a man I am."[268]

[268] Ep. i, p. 41, to Lange, (26th Oct. 1516.)

About this time the plague broke out in Wittemberg, and a great part

of the students and teachers left the town. Luther remained. "I don't

well know," wrote he to his friend at Erfurt, "if the plague will

allow me to finish the Epistle to the Galatians. Prompt and brisk, it

makes great ravages, especially among the young. You advise me to

flee. Whither shall I flee? I hope the world will not go to wreck

though friar Martin fall.[269] If the plague makes progress, I will

disperse the friars in all directions, but for myself I am stationed

here, and obedience permits me not to flee, till he who has called me

recall me. Not that I do not fear death, (for I am not the Apostle

Paul, I am only his commentator;) but I hope the Lord will deliver me

from fear." Such was the firmness of the doctor of Wittemberg. Will

he, whom the plague could not force to recoil one step, recoil before

Rome? Will he yield to the power of the scaffold?

[269] "Quo fugiam? Spero quod non corruet orbis, ruente fratre

Martino." (Ibid.)

CHAP. X.

Relations of Luther with the Elector--Luther and the

Elector--Counsels to the Chaplain--Duke George--His

Character--Luther before the Court--Dinner at Court--Emser's

Supper.

The same courage which Luther displayed in presence of most formidable

evils, he displayed in presence of the great. The elector was much

pleased with the vicar-general, who had made a good collection of

relics in the Netherlands. Luther gives an account of it to Spalatin.

There is something curious in this affair of relics occurring at the

moment when the Reformation is about to commence. Assuredly the

Reformers had little idea of the point at which they were to arrive.

A bishopric seemed to the elector only a fit recompence to the

vicar-general. Luther, to whom Spalatin wrote on the subject, strongly

disapproved of it. "Many things," replied he, "please your prince,

which, however, displease God. I deny not his ability in the affairs

of the world, but in what concerns God and the salvation of souls, I

account him seven-fold blind as well as his counsellor Pfeffinger. I

say not this behind their backs like a slanderer; don't hide it from

them, for I am ready to say it personally to both. Why," continues he,

"would you environ this man with all the whirlwinds and tempests of

episcopal cares?"[270]

[270] "Multa placent principi tuo, quæ Deo displicent." (Luth. Ep. i,

25.)

The elector did not take Luther's frankness in bad part. "The prince,"

says Spalatin in a letter to him, "often speaks of you, and with much

respect." Frederick sent the monk stuff to make a cassock of very fine

cloth. "It would be too fine," said Luther, "were it not the gift of a

prince. I am unworthy that any man should think of me, far less that a

prince should, and so great a prince. The most useful persons to me

are those who think the most ill of me.[271] Return thanks to our

prince for his favour; but know that I desire not to be praised by

you, or by any man--all praise of man being vain, and the praise which

cometh from God alone being true."

[271] "li mihi maxime prosunt, qui mei pessime meminerint." (Ibid.

45.)

The excellent chaplain did not wish to confine himself to his court

functions. He desired to render himself useful to the people; but,

like many of all times, he wished to do it without giving offence. He

not only wished not to irritate any one, but, on the contrary, to

conciliate general favour. "Point out," says he to Luther, "some work

which I may translate into our mother tongue, a work which will please

generally, and at the same time be useful." "Agreeable and useful!"

replies Luther; "the request is beyond me. The better things are, the

less they please. What is more salutary than Jesus Christ? And yet to

most he is a savour of death. You will tell me that you wish to be

useful to those who love what is good. In that case, just let the

voice of Christ be heard. You will be agreeable and useful, depend

upon it; but it will be to a very small number: for the sheep are rare

in this region of wolves."[272]

[272] Quo sunt aliqua salubriora eo minus placent." (Luth. Ep. i,

p.46)

Luther, however, recommended to his friend the sermons of Tauler. "I

have never seen," said he, "either in Latin or our own tongue a

sounder theology, or one more agreeable to the gospel. Taste and see

how sweet the Lord is; but be it after you have tasted and seen how

bitter every thing is that is ours."[273]

[273] "Quam amarum est quicquid nos sumus." (Ibid. p. 46.)

It was in the course of the year 1517 that Luther entered into

communication with Duke George of Saxony. The House of Saxony had then

two heads. The princes, Ernest and Albert, carried off in their youth

from the castle of Altenbourg by Kunz of Kaufungen, had, by the treaty

of Leipsic, become the founders of the two houses which still bear

their name. The Elector Frederick, the son of Ernest, at the period of

which we write, was the chief of the Ernestine branch, while his

brother, Duke George, was chief of the Albertine branch. Dresden and

Leipsic were in the states of the duke, who had his residence in the

former of these cities. His mother, Sidonia, was daughter of George

Podiebrad, King of Bohemia. The long struggle which Bohemia had

maintained with Rome, from the days of John Huss, had had some

influence on the prince of Saxony, and he had often shown a desire for

a reformation. "He has sucked it from his mother," it was said: "he is

by birth an enemy of the clergy."[274] He in various ways annoyed the

bishops, abbots, canons, and monks, in so much that his cousin, the

elector, was more than once obliged to interpose in their behalf. It

might have been supposed that Duke George would be a warm partisan of

the Reformation. Devout Frederick, on the contrary, who had once put

on the spurs of Gregory in the Holy Sepulchre, girt himself with the

great ponderous sword of the conqueror of Jerusalem, and taking an

oath to combat for the Church, like a bold knight, might have been

expected to prove one of the most eager champions of Rome. But when

the gospel is in question, the anticipations of human wisdom are often

at fault. The result was the opposite of what might have been

supposed. The duke would have taken pleasure in humbling the Church,

and those connected with it, and lowering the bishops, whose princely

train far surpassed his own; but to receive into his heart the

evangelical doctrine which must have humbled it, to acknowledge

himself a guilty sinner, incapable of being saved, unless through

grace, was quite a different matter. He would willingly have reformed

others, but he had no desire to reform himself. He would, perhaps,

have assisted in obliging the bishop of Mentz to be contented with a

single bishopric, and have no more than fourteen horses in his stable,

as he himself repeatedly expressed it;[275] but when he saw another

than himself appear as reformer,--when he saw a mere monk undertake

the work,--and the Reformation gaining numerous adherents among the

humbler classes,--the haughty grandson of the Hussite king became the

most violent adversary of the reform of which he had at first promised

to be a partisan.

[274] Luth. Op. (W.) xxii, p. 1849.

[275] Ibid.

In July 1517, Duke George asked Staupitz to send him a learned and

eloquent preacher. Staupitz sent Luther representing him as a man of

great learning and irreproachable character. The prince invited him to

preach at Dresden, in the chapel of the castle on the feast of St.

James the Elder.

On the day fixed the duke and his court proceeded to the chapel to

hear the preacher of Wittemberg.

Luther gladly seized the occasion to bear testimony to the truth

before such an assembly. He took for his text the gospel of the day,

"Then came to him the mother of Zebedee's children with her sons."

(Matth., xx, 20-25.) He preached on the wishes and rash prayers of

men; then dwelt strongly on the assurance of salvation, making it rest

on this foundation, viz., That those who hear the word of God with

faith are the true disciples, whom Jesus Christ has elected unto

eternal life. He next treated of eternal election, showing that this

doctrine, when exhibited in connection with the work of Christ, is

well fitted to calm the terrors of conscience, and so, instead of

disposing men to flee from God, allures them to seek their refuge in

Him. In conclusion, he brought forward a parable of three virgins, and

drew a very instructive improvement from it.

The word of truth made a deep impression on the hearers. Two in

particular appeared to give earnest attention to the discourse of the

monk of Wittemberg. The one was a respectable looking lady who sat in

one of the court pews, and whose features bespoke deep emotion. It was

Madam de la Sale, grand mistress to the duchess. The other was Jerome

Emser, a licentiate in canon law, and secretary and counsellor to the

duke. Emser was a man of talent and extensive information. A courtier

and able politician, his wish would have been to please both parties

at once; to pass at Rome for a defender of the papacy, and at the same

time figure in Germany among the learned men of the age. But under

this flexible spirit a violent temper lay concealed. Thus Luther and

Emser, who were afterwards repeatedly to break a lance, met for the

first time in the chapel of the castle of Dresden.

The dinner-bell having rung for the inmates of the castle, the ducal

family and the persons attached to the court were soon seated at the

table. The conversation naturally turned on the preacher of the

morning. "How did you like the sermon?" said the duke to Madam de la

Sale. "Could I again hear such another discourse," replied she, "I

could die in peace." "And I," replied George, angrily, "would give a

good sum not to have heard it. Such discourses are good only to make

people sin with confidence."

The master having thus stated his opinion, the courtiers proceded

without restraint to express their dissatisfaction. Every one was

ready with his remark. Some alleged, that in the parable of the three

virgins, Luther had had three ladies of the court in his eye. On this

the talk was endless. They rallied the three ladies whom they affirmed

that Luther had intended.[276] He is an ignorant blockhead, said one.

He is a proud monk, said another. Each had his comment on the sermon,

making the preacher say whatever he pleased. The truth had fallen into

the midst of a court ill prepared to receive it. Every one tore it at

pleasure. But while the word of God was to many an occasion of

stumbling, to the grand mistress it was a stone "elect and precious."

Falling sick about a month after, she confidently embraced the grace

of the Saviour, and died rejoicing.[277]

[276] "Has tres postea in aula principis a me notatas garrierunt."

(Luth. Ep. i, 85.) It was afterwards prattled that I had alluded to

three ladies of the court.

[277] Keith, Leb. Luth., p. 32.

In regard to the duke, perhaps the testimony which he had heard given

to the truth was not in vain. However much he opposed the Reformation

during his life, it is known that in his last moments he declared,

that his only hope was in the merits of Jesus Christ.

It naturally fell to Emser to do the honours to Luther in his master's

name. He accordingly invited him to supper. Luther refused; but Emser

insisted and constrained him to come. Luther only expected to meet a

few friends, but he soon perceived that a trap had been laid for

him.[278] A master of arts from Leipsic, and several Dominicans, were

with the prince's secretary. The master of arts, who had an

overweening opinion of himself, and a deep hatred of Luther, accosted

him with a bland and friendly air; but he soon broke out, and screamed

at full pitch.[279] The battle began. "The discussion," says Luther,

"turned on the absurdities of Aristotle and St. Thomas."[280] At last

Luther challenged the master of arts, with all the erudition of the

Thomists, to define what it was to fulfil the commandments of God. The

master of arts, though embarrassed, put on a good countenance. "Pay me

my fees," says he, stretching out his hand, "_da pastum_." One would

have said, he was going to give a lesson in form, mistaking the

guests for his pupils. "At this foolish reply," adds the Reformer, "we

all burst a laughing, and the party broke up."

[278] "Inter medias me insidias conjectum." (Luth. Ep. i, 85.) That I

had fallen into a snare.

[279] "In me acriter et clamose invectus est." (Ibid.) He keenly and

clamorously inveighed against me.

[280] "Super Aristotelis et Thomæ nugis." (Ibid.) On the trifles of

Aristotle and Thomas.

During the conversation, a Dominican had been listening at the door,

and would fain have come in to spit in Luther's face.[281] He

refrained, however, though he afterwards made a boast of it. Emser,

who had been delighted at seeing his guests battling, while he seemed

to hold a due medium, hastened to apologise to Luther for the manner

in which the party had gone off.[282] Luther returned to Wittemberg.

[281] "Ne prodiret et in faciem meam spueret." (Luth. Ep. i, 85.) From

coming forward and spitting in my face.

[282] "Enixe se excusavit." (Ibid.) Earnestly excused himself.

CHAP. XI

Return to Wittemberg--Theses--Nature of

Man--Rationalism--Demand at Erfurt--Eck--Urban

Regius--Luther's Modesty.

Luther zealously resumed his labours. He was preparing six or seven

young theologians, who were forthwith to undergo an examination in

order to obtain a licence to teach. And what most delighted him was,

that their promotion was to be to Aristotle's disgrace. "I should

like," said he, "to multiply his enemies as fast as possible."[283]

With that view, he at this time published Theses, which deserve

attention.

[283] "Cujus vellem hostes cito quam plurimos fieri." (Luth. Ep. i,

59.) Whose enemies I could wish quickly to become as numerous as

possible.

The leading topic which he discussed was _liberty_. He had already

glanced at it in the theses of Feldkirchen, but now went deeper into

it. Ever since Christianity began, there has been a struggle, more or

less keen, between the opposite doctrines of the freedom and the

slavery of man. Some schoolmen had taught, like Pelagius and others,

that man possessed in himself the liberty or power of loving God and

doing good. Luther denied this liberty, not to deprive man of it, but,

on the contrary, to make him obtain it. The struggle, then, in this

great question, is not, as is usually said, between liberty and

servitude; but between a liberty proceeding from man, and a liberty

proceeding from God. Some who call themselves the advocates of

liberty, say to man, "You have the power of doing good, and require a

greater liberty." Others, who have been called advocates of slavery,

say to him, on the contrary, "You have no true liberty; but God offers

it to you in the gospel." The one party speaks of liberty, but a

liberty which must end in slavery; while the other speaks of slavery,

in order to give liberty. Such was the struggle in the time of St.

Paul, in the time of Augustine, and in the time of Luther. Those who

say "Change nothing!" are champions of slavery. Those who say "Let

your fetters fall!" are champions of liberty.

It would be a mistake, however, to suppose that the whole Reformation

can be summed up in this particular question. It is one of the many

doctrines which the Wittemberg doctor maintained--that is all. It

would, above all, be a strange illusion to hold, that the Reformation

was fatalism, or an opposition to liberty. It was a magnificent

emancipation of the human mind. Bursting the numerous bands with which

thought had been bound by the hierarchy, and reviving the ideas of

liberty, right, and examination, it delivered its own age, and with it

ours also, and the remotest posterity. And let it not be said that the

Reformation, while it freed man from human despotism, enslaved him by

proclaiming the sovereignty of grace. No doubt, it wished to bring

back the human will to the Divine, to subordinate the one, and

completely merge it in the other; but what philosopher knows not that

entire conformity to the will of God alone constitutes sovereign,

perfect freedom; and that man will never be truly free, until supreme

righteousness and truth have sole dominion over him?

The following are some of the Ninety-nine Propositions which Luther

sent forth into the Church, in opposition to the Pelagian rationalism

of scholastic theology.

"It is true that man, who is become a corrupt tree, can only will and

do what is evil.

"It is not true that the will, when left to itself, can do good as

well as evil; for it is not free but captive.

"It is not in the power of the will of man to choose or reject

whatever is presented to it.

"Man cannot naturally wish God to be God. His wish is that he himself

were God, and that God were no God.

"The excellent, infallible, and sole preparation for grace, is the

eternal election and predestination of God.[284]

[284] "Optima et infallibilis ad gratiam præparatio et unice

dispositio, est æterna Dei electio et prædestinatio." (Luth. Op. (L.)

i, 56.) The best and infallible preparation, and the only

predisposition for grace, is the eternal election and predestination

of God.

"It is false to say that when man does all he can, he clears away the

obstacles to grace.

"In one word, nature possesses neither a pure reason nor a good

will.[285]

[285] "Breviter, nec rectum dictamen habet natura nec bonam

voluntatem." (Ibid.) Briefly, nature has neither a right dictate nor a

good will.

"On the part of man, there is nothing which precedes grace, unless it

be impotence and even rebellion.

"There is no moral virtue without pride or sullenness, that is to say,

without sin.

"From the beginning to the end we are not the masters of our actions,

but the slaves of them.

"We do not become righteous by doing what is righteous, but having

become righteous we do what is righteous.

"He who says that a theologian who is not a logician is a heretic and

an adventurer, maintains an adventurous and heretical proposition.

"There is no form of reasoning (syllogism) which accords with the

things of God.[286]

[286] "Nulla forma syllogistica tenet in terminis divinis." (Luth. Op.

(L.) i, 56.) No syllogistic form holds in divine terms.

"If the form of the syllogism could be applied to divine things, we

should know the article of the Holy Trinity, and should not believe

it.

"In one word, Aristotle is to theology as darkness to light.

"Man is more hostile to the grace of God than he is to the law itself.

"He who is without the grace of God sins incessantly, even though he

neither kills, nor steals, nor commits adultery.

"He sins, for he does not fulfil the law spiritually.

"Not to kill, and not to commit adultery, externally, and in regard to

action, merely, is the righteousness of hypocrites.

"The law of God and the will of man are two adversaries, who, without

the grace of God, can never agree.[287]

[287] "Lex et voluntas sunt adversarii duo, sine gratia Dei

implacabiles." (Ibid. 57.) Law and will are two adversaries implacable

without the grace of God.

"What the law wishes the will never wishes; only from fear it may make

a show of wishing.

"The law is the hangman of the will, and is subject only to the Child

who has been born unto us.[288] (Isaiah, ix, 6.)

[288] "Lex est exactor voluntatis, qui non superatur nisi per Parvulum

qui natus est nobis." (Ibid.)

"The law makes sin abound; for it irritates and repulses the will.

"But the grace of God makes righteousness abound, through Jesus

Christ, who makes us love the law.

"Every work of the law appears good externally, but internally is sin.

"The will, when it turns toward the law without the grace of God, does

so only for its own interest.

"Cursed are those who do the works of the law.

"Blessed are all those who do the works of the grace of God.

"The law, which is good, and in which we have life, is the law of the

love of God, shed abroad in our hearts by the Holy Spirit, (Rom., v,

5.)

"Grace is not given in order that works may be done more frequently

and more easily, but because without grace there cannot be any work of

love.

"To love God is to hate oneself, and know nothing out of God."[289]

[289] Luth. Op. Lips. xvii, p. 143, et Op. Lat. i.

In this way Luther attributes to God all the good that man can do. The

thing to be done is not to repair, or, so to speak, to patch up the

will of man; an entirely new will must be given him. God alone could

say this; for God alone could perform it. This is one of the greatest

and most important truths that the will of man can acknowledge.

But Luther, while proclaiming the impotence of man, did not fall into

the opposite extreme. He says in the eighth thesis, "It follows not

that the will is naturally bad, that is to say, that its nature is of

the essence of evil, as the Manichees taught."[290] Originally the

nature of man was essentially good; but it turned aside from goodness,

that is, God, and is inclined to evil. Still its origin remains holy

and glorious, and is capable, by the power of God, of regaining its

original. The object of Christianity is to restore it. The gospel, it

is true, exhibits man in a state of degradation and impotence, but as

placed between two glories and two grandeurs,--a past glory, from

which he has been precipitated, and a future glory, to which he is

called. This is the truth, and man knows it to be the truth; and how

little soever he thinks of it, he easily discovers that all which is

told him of his actual purity, power, and glory, is only a lie,

designed to cradle his pride and rock it asleep.

[290] "Nec ideo sequitur quod sit naturaliter mala, id est natura

mali, secundum Manichæos." (Ibid.) Nor does it therefore follow that

it is naturally evil, _i.e._, of the nature of evil, according to the

Manichees.

Luther, in his theses, attacked not only the pretended goodness of

man's will, but also the pretended light of his understanding in

regard to divine things. In fact, scholasticism had exalted reason as

well as the will. This theology, in the hands of some of its teachers,

was, at bottom, only a species of rationalism. The propositions which

we have enumerated indicate this; for they look as if directed against

the rationalism of our own day. In the theses, which were the signal

of the Reformation, Luther attacked the Church and the popular

superstitions which to the gospel had added indulgences, purgatory,

and numberless abuses. In those which we have just given he attacked

the school and the rationalism which had robbed the gospel of the

doctrine of the sovereignty of God, his revelation and his grace. The

Reformation attacked rationalism before it attacked superstition. It

proclaimed the rights of God before lopping off the excrescences of

man. It was positive before it was negative. This has not been

sufficiently attended to, and yet, without attending to it, it is

impossible duly to appreciate the character of this religious

revolution.

Be this as it may, the truths which Luther thus expressed with so much

energy were quite new. To maintain these theses at Wittemberg had been

an easy matter. There his influence was paramount, and it would have

been said that he had chosen a field of battle where he knew no

combatant could appear. In offering battle in another university he

gave them a greater publicity; and it was by publicity that the

Reformation was effected. He turned his eyes towards Erfurt, where the

theologians had shown themselves so exasperated against him.

He, accordingly, sent his theses to John Lange, prior of Erfurt, and

wrote him as follows: "My anxiety for the decision which you will give

as to these theses is great, extreme, too great, perhaps, and keeps me

on the rack. I much suspect that your theologians will consider as

paradoxical and _kakodoxical_,[291] what I must henceforth regard as

most orthodox. Tell me how it is, and as soon as you possibly can.

Have the goodness to make known to the Faculty of Theology, and to

all, that I am ready to come and publicly maintain these propositions

either in the university or the monastery." It does not seem that

Luther's challenge was accepted. The monks of Erfurt contented

themselves with intimating that his theses had incurred their high

displeasure.

[291] "Imo cacodoxa videri suspicor." (Luth. Ep. 60.) Nay, I suspect

they will be thought cacodox, (false doctrine.)

But he was desirous to send them to some other part of Germany; and

with that view bethought him of a man who plays an important part in

the history of the Reformation, and with whom the reader must be made

acquainted.

A distinguished professor, named John Meyer, was then teaching in the

university of Ingolstadt, in Bavaria. He was a native of Eck, a

village in Swabia, and was commonly called Doctor Eck. He was a friend

of Luther, who respected his talents and acquirements. Full of

intellect, he had read much, and was possessed of a very retentive

memory. To erudition he added eloquence. His voice and gesture bespoke

the vivacity of his genius. In regard to talent, Eck was in the south

of Germany what Luther was in the north. They were the two most

distinguished theologians of the period, though of very different

views. Ingolstadt was almost the rival of Wittemberg. The reputation

of these two doctors attracted crowds of eager students from all

quarters to the universities in which they taught; their personal

qualities not less than their abilities endearing them to their

pupils. The character of Doctor Eck has been assailed, but an anecdote

in his history will show that at this period, at least, his heart was

not closed against generous impressions.

Among the students whom his fame had attracted to Ingolstadt was a

young man, named Urban Regius, from the banks of an Alpine lake. He

had first studied at the university of Fribourg in Brisgau. On his

arrival at Ingolstadt, to which he had been attracted by the fame of

Doctor Eck, Urban engaged in his course of philosophy, and gained the

favour of his master. Requiring to provide for his maintenance, he was

under the necessity of taking charge of some young noblemen, and had

not only to superintend their studies and their conduct, but also to

purchase on his own account whatever books and clothes they required.

The youths dressed in style, and kept a good table. Regius becoming

embarrassed prayed the parents to recall their sons. "Never fear," was

the answer. His debts increased, his creditors became pressing, and he

was at his wit's end. The emperor was raising an army against the

Turks, and a recruiting party having arrived at Ingolstadt, Urban in

despair enlisted. Clothed in military attire, he appeared in the ranks

at the time when the review took place, previous to their departure.

Doctor Eck coming up at that instant with several of his colleagues,

was greatly surprised to discover his student among the recruits.

"Urban Regius!" said he, fixing his keen eye on him. "Here," replied

the recruit. "What, pray, is the cause of this?" The young man told

his story. "I take the matter upon myself," replied Eck, and setting

his halberd aside, bought him off from the recruiting party. The

parents, threatened by the Doctor with the displeasure of the prince,

sent the necessary funds to defray the expences of their children, and

Urban Regius was saved to become at a later period one of the pillars

of the Reformation.

Doctor Eck occurred to Luther as the proper person to publish his

theses on Pelagianism and scholastic rationalism in the south of the

empire. He did not, however, send them to the professor of Ingolstadt

directly, but employed a mutual friend, the excellent Christopher

Scheurl, secretary to the town of Nuremberg, praying him to send them

to Eck at Ingolstadt, which is at no great distance from Nuremberg. "I

send you," says he, "my paradoxical, and even kakistodoxical

(κακιστοδοξας) propositions, as many think them.

Communicate them to our dear friend, the very learned and talented Eck,

that I may learn and know what he thinks of them."[292] These were the

terms in which Luther then spoke of Doctor Eck; such was the friendship

then subsisting between them. It was not Luther who broke it off.

[292] "Eccio nestro, eruditissimo et ingeniosissimo viro exhibete, ut

audiam et videam quid vocet illas." (Luth. Ep. i, p. 63.) Show them to

our most learned and ingenious Eck, that I may hear and see what he

calls them.

Ingolstadt, however, was not the field on which the battle was to be

fought. The doctrines on which these theses turned were perhaps of

greater importance than those which, two months after, set the Church

in a blaze; and yet, notwithstanding of Luther's challenges, they

passed unnoticed. At most, they were read within the circle of the

school, and produced no sensation beyond it. The reason was, because

they were only university propositions and theological doctrines,

whereas the subsequent theses related to an evil which had grown up in

the midst of the people, and was then causing devastation in all parts

of Germany. So long as Luther was contented with reviving forgotten

doctrines, all was silence; but when he attacked abuses which were

universally felt, every one turned to listen.

Nevertheless, all that Luther proposed in either case was to produce

one of those theological discussions which were then so common in

universities. To this circle his views were confined. He was humble,

and his humility amounted even to distrust and anxiety. "Considering

my ignorance," said he, "all I deserve is to be hid in a corner,

without being known by any one under the sun."[293] But a mighty hand

drew him out of this corner in which he wished to remain unknown to

the world. A circumstance, independent of Luther's will, threw him

into the field of battle, and the war commenced. This providential

circumstance we are now called upon to relate.

[293] Luth. Op. (W.) xviii, 1944.

BOOK THIRD.

CHAP. I.

THE INDULGENCES AND THESES.

1517, 1518.

Cortège--Tezel--Tezel's Discourse--Confession--Four

Graces--Sale--Public Penance--A Letter of

Indulgence--Exceptions--Feasting and Debauchery.

At this period the people of Germany were all in motion. The Church

had opened a vast market on the earth. From the crowd of customers,

and the noise and pleasantry of the sellers, one would have thought it

a fair, only a fair held by monks. The merchandise which they were

showing off, and selling a bargain, was, as they said, the salvation

of souls.

The merchants travelled the country in a fine carriage, accompanied by

three mounted attendants, journeying in grand style, and living at

great expence. One would have said it was some high Mightiness with

his suite and officers, and not a vulgar dealer or mendicant monk.

When the cortège approached a town, a messenger was despatched to the

magistrate to say, "The grace of God and of St. Peter is at your

gates." Immediately the whole place was in motion. Clergy, priests,

nuns, the council, school-masters and their scholars, the

incorporations with their colours, men and women, old and young, went

out to meet the merchant with lighted tapers in their hand, amid the

sound of music and the ringing of bells, "insomuch," says a historian,

"that God himself could not have been received with greater honour."

After the formalities were over the whole body proceeded to the

church. The Bull of Grace by the pontiff was carried in front, on a

velvet cushion or cloth of gold. Next came the chief of the indulgence

merchants, carrying a large wooden cross, painted red. The whole

procession moved forward, amid hymns, prayers, and the smoke of

incense. The merchant monk and his attendants were received at the

church by the pealing organ and thrilling music. The cross was placed

in front of the altar, and over it the pope's arms were suspended. All

the time it remained there the clergy of the place, the penitentiaries

and sub-commissaries, came each day after vespers or before the

_salute_, to do obeisance to it with white wands in their hands.[294]

This grand affair produced a lively sensation in the quiet cities of

Germany.

[294] "Mit weissen Stæblein." (Instructions of the Archbishop of Mentz

to the Sub-commissaries of Indulgence, etc. Art. 8.)

At these sales one personage in particular drew the attention of the

spectators. It was he who carried the great red cross, and played the

principal character. He was clothed in the dress of a Dominican, and

had an arrogant air. His voice was Stentorian, and though in his

sixty-third year,[295] he seemed still in full vigour. This man, the

son of one Diez, a jeweller of Leipsic, was called John Diezel, or

Tezel. He had studied in his native town, became bachelor in 1487, and

two years after entered the Dominican order. Numerous honours had

accumulated on his head. Bachelor in theology, prior of the

dominicans, apostolic commissary, inquisitor, _hæreticæ pravitatis

inquisitor_, he had discharged the office of commissary of

indulgences, without intermission, from 1502. The skill which he had

acquired as subaltern soon raised him to the office of commissary-in-chief.

He had eighty florins a month, and all his expences paid, together

with a carriage and three horses; but his perquisites (it is easy to

comprehend what they were) far exceeded his salary. In 1507 at

Freiberg he gained two thousand florins in two days. If he discharged

the functions, he had also the manners of a quack. Convicted of

adultery and shameful misconduct at Inspruck, his vices had almost

cost him his life. The Emperor Maximilian had ordered him to be put

into a sack and thrown into the river; but the Elector Frederick

happening to arrive, obtained his pardon.[296] The lesson which he

thus received had not given him more modesty; for he had two of his

children along with him.

[295] "Ingenio ferox, et corpore robustus." (Cochl. 5.) In mind

fierce, and in body robust.

[296] "Welchen Churfürst Freiderich vom Sack, zu Inspruck erbeten

hatte." (Mathes. 10.)

Miltitz, the pope's legate, mentions the fact in one of his

letters.[297] It would have been difficult to find in all the

cloisters of Germany a man better fitted for the traffic with which he

was entrusted. To the theology of a monk, to the zeal and temper of an

inquisitor, he united the greatest effrontery; but the thing which,

above all, made the task easy to him, was his skill in inventing

extraordinary stories to captivate the minds of the people. To him all

means were good that filled his coffers. Raising his voice, and

giving free vent to his vulgar eloquence, he offered his indulgences

to every comer, and knew better than any dealer at a fair how to set

off his merchandise.[298]

[297] Luth. Op. (W.) xv, 862.

[298] "Circumferuntur venales indulgentiæ in his regionibus a Tecelio

Dominicano impudentissimo sycophanta." (Melancth. Vita Luth.)

Indulgences for sale are carried about by the Dominican Tezel, a most

impudent sycophant.

After the cross was erected, and the arms of the pope suspended over

it, Tezel mounted the pulpit, and with a tone of assurance began to

extol the value of the indulgences in presence of the crowd who had

been attracted to the church by the ceremony. The people listened and

stared on hearing the wondrous virtues of which he told them. A Jesuit

historian, speaking of the Dominicans with whom Tezel was associated,

says, "Some of these preachers failed not, as usual, to outrage the

subject which they treated, and so to exaggerate the value of the

indulgences as to make people suppose they were certain of their own

salvation, and of the deliverance of souls from purgatory as soon as

the money was paid."[299] If such were the scholars, we may judge what

the master was. Let us listen to one of his harangues after setting up

the cross.

[299] Hist. du Luthéranisme par le P. Maimbourg, de la Compagnie du

Jésus, 1681, p. 21.

"Indulgences are the most precious and most sublime gift of God.

"This cross (pointing to the red cross) has the very same efficacy as

the actual cross of Jesus Christ.[300]

[300] Luth. Op. (W.) xxii, p. 1393.

"Come, and I will give you letters under seal, by which even the sins

which you may have a desire to commit in future will all be forgiven.

"I would not exchange my privileges for that of St. Peter in heaven;

for I have saved more souls by my indulgences than the apostle by his

sermons.

"There is no sin too great for an indulgence to remit; and even should

any one (the thing, no doubt, is impossible) have done violence to the

Holy Virgin Mary, mother of God, let him pay, let him only pay well,

and it will be forgiven him.[301]

[301] Tezel defends and reiterates this assertion in his Anti-Theses

published the same year. (Th. 99, 100, and 101.) "Sub-commissariis in

super ac prædicatoribus veniarum imponere, ut si quis per impossibile

Dei Genitricem semper Virginem violasset, quod eumdem indulgentiarum

vigore absolvere possent, luce clarius est." (Positiones fratris J.

Tezelii quibus defendit indulgentias contra Lutherum.) Moreover, to

enjoin the sub-commissaries and preachers of pardon, that if any one

should, by impossibility, have violated the Mother of God, always

Virgin, they could absolve him in virtue of indulgences, is clearer

than day.

"Think, then, that for each mortal sin you must, after confession and

contrition, do penance for seven years, either in this life or in

purgatory. Now, how many mortal sins are committed in one day, in one

week? How many in a month, a year, a whole life?[302] Ah! these sins

are almost innumerable, and innumerable sufferings must be endured for

them in purgatory. And now, by means of these letters of indulgence,

you can at once, for life, in all cases except four, which are

reserved to the Apostolic See, and afterwards at the hour of death,

obtain a full remission of all your pains and all your sins."

[302] "Quot peccata mortalia committuntur in die...." (Löscher's

Reformations, Acten i, p. 418.) How many mortal sins are committed in

a day?

Tezel even made financial calculations on the subject.

"Do you not know," said he, "that when a man proposes to go to Rome,

or to any other country where travellers are exposed to danger, he

sends his money to the bank, and for every five hundred florins that

he means to have, gives five, or six at most, in order that, by means

of letters from the bank, he may receive the money safely at Rome or

elsewhere.... And, you, for the fourth of a florin, will not receive

these letters of indulgence, by means of which you might introduce

into the land of paradise, not worthless money, but a divine and

immortal soul, without exposing it to the smallest risk."[303]

[303] "Si contingat aliquem ire Romam, vel ad alias periculosas

partes, mittit pecunias suas in banco, et ille pro quolibet centum dat

quinque aut sex aut decem...." (Ibid.)

Tezel next passed to another subject.

"But more than this," said he; "indulgences not only save the living:

they also save the dead.

"For this repentance is not even necessary.

"Priest! noble! merchant! wife! young girls! young men! hear your

departed parents and your other friends, crying to you from the bottom

of the abyss, 'We are enduring horrible torments! A little alms would

deliver us; you can give it, and yet will not!'"

These words, uttered by the formidable voice of the charlatan monk,

made his hearers shudder.

"At the very instant," continued Tezel, "when the piece of money

chinks on the bottom of the strong box, the soul comes out of

purgatory, and, set free, flies upward into heaven."[304]

[304] Theses, 56. (Positiones fratris J. Tezelii quibus defendit

indulgentias contra Lutherum.)

"O imbecile and brutish people, who perceive not the grace which is so

richly offered to you!... Now heaven is everywhere open!... Do you

refuse at this hour to enter? When, then, will you enter? Now you can

ransom so many souls! Hard-hearted and thoughtless man, with twelve

pence you can deliver your father out of purgatory, and you are

ungrateful enough not to save him! I will be justified on the day of

judgment, but you, you will be punished so much the more severely, for

having neglected so great salvation. I declare to you, that though

you had only a single coat, you would be bound to take it off and sell

it, in order to obtain this grace.... The Lord our God is no longer

God. He has committed all power to the pope."

Then, trying to avail himself of other weapons still, he added, "Know

you why our most holy Lord is distributing so great a grace? His

object is to raise up the ruined church of St. Peter and St. Paul, so

that it may not have its equal in the universe. That church contains

the bodies of the holy apostles St. Peter and St. Paul, and of a

multitude of martyrs. Owing to the actual state of the building, these

holy bodies are now, alas! beaten, flooded, soiled, dishonoured, and

reduced to rottenness, by the rain and the hail.... Ah! are these

sacred ashes to remain longer in mud and disgrace?"[305]

[305] Instruction of the Archbishop of Mentz, etc.

This picture failed not to make an impression on many who felt a

burning desire to go to the help of poor Leo X, who had not wherewith

to shelter the bodies of St. Peter and St. Paul from the rain.

Then the orator opened on the arguers and traitors who opposed his

work. "I declare them excommunicated," exclaimed he.

Afterwards addressing docile souls, and making a profane use of

Scripture, "Happy are the eyes which see what you see; for I tell you,

that many prophets and many kings have desired to see the things which

you see, and have not seen them; and to hear the things which you

hear, and have not heard them." And at last, showing the strong box in

which the money was received, he usually concluded his pathetic

discourse with this triple appeal to the people, "Bring! bring!

bring!" "These words," says Luther, "he uttered with such horrible

bellowing, that one might have thought it was a mad bull making a rush

at people, and striking them with his horns."[306] When his discourse

was ended, he came down from the pulpit, ran towards the chest, and in

presence of the people chucked a piece of money into it, taking care

to make it give a very loud tinkle.[307]

[306] Resolut. on Theses, 32.

[307] Tenztel, Reformationsgesch; Myconii, Ref. Hist.; Instruction of

the Archbishop of Mentz, etc.; Luther's Theses.

Such were the discourses which astonished Germany, heard in the days

when God was preparing Luther.

At the termination of the discourse, the indulgence was understood "to

have established its throne in the place in due form." Confessionals

were set up adorned with the pope's arms. The sub-commissaries, and

the confessors whom they selected, were considered to represent the

apostolical penitentiaries of Rome at the jubilee, and on each of

these confessionals were posted, in large characters, their names,

surnames, and designations.

Then a crowd pressed forward to the confessor, each coming with a

piece of money in his hand. Men, women, and children, the poor, even

those who lived on alms, all found means of procuring money. The

penitentiaries, after having anew explained the greatness of the

indulgence to each individual, asked, "How much money can you afford

to part with, in order to obtain so complete a forgiveness?" "This

question," says the Instruction of the Archbishop of Mentz to the

commissaries; "this question ought to be put at this moment, that the

penitents may thereby be the better disposed to contribute."[308]

[308] Instruction, etc., 5, 69.

Four valuable graces were promised to those who aided in building the

basilisk of St. Peter. "The first grace which we announce to you,"

said the commissaries, according to their Letter of Instruction, "is

the complete pardon of all sins."[309] After this came three other

graces,--_first_, the right of choosing a confessor, who, whenever the

hour of death should seem to be at hand, would give absolution from

all sins, and even from the greatest crimes reserved for the Apostolic

See;[310] _second_, a participation in all the blessings, works, and

merits of the Catholic Church, in prayers, fastings, alms, and

pilgrimages; and, _third_, the redemption of the souls which are in

purgatory.[311]

[309] Ibid., 19.

[310] Ibid., 30.

[311] Ibid., 35.

To obtain the first of these graces, it was necessary to have

contrition of heart and confession of the lips, or, at least, the

intention of confessing. But for the three others, they could be

obtained without contrition or confession, merely by paying. Previous

to this, Christopher Columbus, extolling the value of gold, had said

quite gravely, "He who possesses it may introduce souls into

paradise." Such was the doctrine taught by the Archbishop-Cardinal of

Mentz, and the commissaries of the pope. "As to those," said they,

"who would deliver souls from purgatory, and procure for them pardon

of all their offences, let them throw money into the chest. It is not

necessary for them to have contrition of the heart or confession of

the lips.[312] Let them only hasten with their money; for they will

thus do a work most useful to the souls of the departed, and to the

erection of the Church of St. Peter." Greater blessings could not be

offered at a cheaper rate.

[312] "Auch ist nicht nothig dass sie in dem Herzen zerknirscht sind,

und mit dem Mund gebeichtet haben." (Ibid., 38.).

When the confession was over, and it did not take long, the faithful

hastened towards the seller. One only had charge of the sale, and kept

his counter near the cross. He carefully eyed those who approached

him, examining their air, bearing, and dress, and asked a sum

proportioned to the appearance which each presented. Kings, queens,

princes, archbishops, bishops, were, according to the regulation, to

pay twenty-five ducats for an ordinary indulgence. Abbots, counts, and

barons, paid ten. Others of the nobility, rectors, and all who had an

income of five hundred florins, paid six. Those who had two hundred

florins a-year paid one; others, only a half. Moreover, when the tax

could not be followed to the letter, full powers were given to the

commissary-apostolic, who was to arrange everything in accordance with

the dictates of "sound reason," and the generosity of the donor.[313]

For particular sins, Tezel had a particular tax. Polygamy paid six

ducats; theft in a church, and perjury, nine ducats; murder, eight

ducats; magic, two ducats. Samson, who carried on the same traffic in

Switzerland as Tezel in Germany, had a somewhat different tax. For

infanticide he charged four livres _tournois_; for parricide or

fratricide, a ducat.[314]

[313] "Nach den Sätzen der gesunden vernunft, nach ihrer Magnificenz

und Freigebigkeit." (Instruction, etc., 26.)

[314] Müller's Reliq., iii, p. 264.

The apostolic commissaries sometimes encountered difficulties in

carrying on their trade. It often happened, both in towns and

villages, that husbands were opposed to the whole concern, and

prohibited their wives from giving any thing to these merchants. What,

then, were devout spouses to do? "Have you not your dowry, or some

other property, at your own disposal?" asked the dealers. "In that

case we may dispose of part for so sacred a purpose, even against the

will of your husbands."[315]

[315] Instr. 27. "Wieder, den Willen ihres Mannes."

The hand which had given the indulgence could not receive the money.

This was prohibited under the severest penalties; for there might be

good reason to suspect that that hand would not have been faithful.

The penitent himself behoved to deposit the price of his pardon in the

chest.[316] Angry looks were given to those who were audacious enough

not to open their purses.[317]

[316] Ibid., 87, 90, et 91.

[317] Luth., Op. Leipz., xvii, 79.

If among those who pressed forward to the confessionals, there

happened to be any one whose crime was publicly known, though of a

kind which the civil law could not reach, he behoved, first of all, to

do public penance. For this purpose they first led him to a chapel or

sacristy, where they stripped him of his clothes, and took off his

shoes, leaving him nothing but his shirt. His arms were crossed upon

his breast, a light placed in one hand, and a rod in the other. Then

the penitent walked at the head of the procession which proceeded to

the red cross. He remained on his knees till the chant and the collect

was finished. Then the commissary gave out the Psalm, _Miserere mei_.

The confessors immediately approached the penitent, and led him across

the church towards the commissary, who, taking the rod from his hand,

and gently striking him thrice on the back with it,[318] said to him,

"The Lord have pity on thee, and forgive thy sin." He then gave out

the _Kyrie Eleison_. The penitent was led back to the front of the

cross, and the confessor gave him the apostolic absolution, and

declared him restored to the company of the faithful. Sad mummery,

concluded with a holy expression, which, at such a moment, was mere

profanation!

[318] "Dreimal gelind auf den Rücken." (Instruction.)

It is worth while to know the contents of one of those diplomas of

absolution which led to the Reformation of the Church. The following

is a specimen:--"May our Lord Jesus Christ have pity on thee, N. N.,

and absolve thee by the merit of his most holy passion. And I, in

virtue of the apostolic power entrusted to me, absolve thee from all

ecclesiastical censures, judgments, and penalties, which thou mayest

have deserved; moreover, from all the excesses, sins, and crimes,

which thou mayest have committed, how great and enormous soever they

may have been, and for whatever cause, even should they have been

reserved to our most holy Father the pope, and to the apostolic see. I

efface all the marks of disability, and all the notes of infamy which

thou mayest have incurred on this occasion. I remit the pains which

thou shouldest have to endure in purgatory. I render thee anew a

partaker in the sacraments of the church. I again incorporate thee

into the communion of saints, and re-establish thee in the innocence

and purity in which thou wert at the hour of thy baptism; so that, at

the moment of thy death, the gate of entrance to the place of pains

and torments will be shut to thee, and, on the contrary, the gate

which leads to the heavenly paradise, will be opened to thee. If thou

art not to die soon, this grace will remain unimpaired till thy last

hour arrive. In the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the

Holy Spirit. Amen.

"Friar John Tezel, commissary, has signed it with his own hand."

How dexterously presumptuous and lying words are here intermingled

with holy Christian expressions!

All the faithful required to come and confess at the place where the

red cross was erected. The only exceptions were the sick, the aged,

and pregnant women. If, however, there happened to be in the

neighbourhood some noble in his castle, or some great personage in his

palace, there was an exemption for him;[319] for he might not care to

mingle with the crowd, and his money was worth the going for.

[319] Instr. 9.

If there happened to be a convent whose heads were opposed to the

traffic of Tezel, and prohibited their monks from visiting the places

where the indulgence had erected its throne, means were still found to

remedy the evil by sending them confessors, who were commissioned to

absolve them against the will of their order and the will of their

heads.[320] There was not a vein in the mine, however small, which

they did not find means of working.

[320] Ibid., 69.

At length they arrived at the object and end of the whole affair, the

summing up of the cash. For greater security, the strong box had three

keys--one in the hands of Tezel, the second in those of the treasurer,

appointed by the firm of Fugger of Augsburg, who had been appointed

agents in this vast enterprise, while the third was entrusted to the

civil authority. When the moment arrived, the counters were opened in

the presence of a notary-public, and the whole was duly counted and

recorded. Must not Christ arise and drive these profane sellers from

the temple?

The mission being closed, the dealers relaxed from their labours. It

is true the instructions of the commissary-general forbade them to

frequent taverns and suspicious places;[321] but they cared little for

this prohibition. Sin must have appeared a very trivial matter to

people who had such an easy trade in it. "The mendicants," says a

Roman Catholic historian, "led a bad life, expending in taverns,

gaming-houses, and places of infamy, what the people retrenched from

their necessities."[322] It is even averred, that in taverns they

sometimes played at dice for the salvation of souls.[323]

[321] Ibid., 4.

[322] Sarpi, Conc. di Trent, p. 5.

[323] Schröck. K. G. v, d. R., i, 116.

CHAP. II.

The Franciscan Confessor--The Soul in the

Burying-Ground--The Shoemaker of Hagenau--The

Students--Myconius--Conversation with Tezel--Stratagem by a

Gentleman--Conversation of the Wise and of the People--A

Miner of Schneeberg.

But let us look at some of the scenes which then took place in Germany

during this sale of the pardon of sins; for we here meet with

anecdotes which, by themselves alone, give a picture of the times. As

we proceed with our narrative we deem it best to let men speak for

themselves.

At Magdebourg Tezel refused to absolve a wealthy female, unless she

would pay him one hundred florins in advance. She consulted her

ordinary confessor, who was a Franciscan. "God," replied he, "gives

the remission of sins freely, and does not sell it." However, he

begged her not to tell Tezel what advice he had given her. But the

merchant having somehow or other heard of words so injurious to his

interest, exclaimed, "Such an adviser deserves to be banished or

burned."[324]

[324] Scultet. Annal. Evangel., p. 4.

Tezel rarely found men enlightened enough, and still more rarely men

bold enough, to resist him. For the most part he had a good market

from the superstitious crowd. He had erected the red cross of

indulgences at Zwickau, and the good parishioners had hastened to make

the money which was to deliver them chink on the bottom of the chest.

He was going away with a well-filled purse. The evening before his

departure the chaplains and their attendants applied to him for a

farewell entertainment. The request was reasonable; but how was it

possible to comply with it? the money was already counted and sealed

up. The next morning he orders the large bell to be rung. Crowds

hastened to the church, every one thinking that something

extraordinary must have happened, as the station was closed. "I had

resolved," said he, "to depart this morning, but last night was awoke

by groans. On listening I found they came from the burying-ground.

Alas! it was a poor soul calling and entreating me instantly to

deliver it from the torment by which it was consumed. I have,

therefore, remained one day more, in order to stir up the compassion

of Christian hearts in favour of this unhappy soul. I am willing

myself to be the first to give, and whosoever does not follow my

example will deserve damnation." What heart would not have responded

to such an appeal? Who knew, moreover, whose soul it was that was

crying in the burying-ground? The people contributed freely, and Tezel

gave the chaplains and their attendants a jovial entertainment,

defraying the expence by the offerings which he had received in favour

of the soul of Zwickau.[325]

[325] Loscher's Ref. Acten, i, 404, Luth. Op. xv, 443, etc.

The indulgence merchants had fixed their station at Hagenau in 1517. A

shoemaker's wife, taking advantage of the authority of the instruction

of the commissary-general, had, contrary to the will of her husband,

procured a letter of indulgence, and paid a gold florin for it. She

died shortly after. The husband not having caused mass to be said for

the repose of her soul, the curate charged him with contempt of

religion, and the judge of Hagenau summoned him to appear. The

shoemaker put his wife's indulgence in his pocket and repaired to the

court. "Is your wife dead?" asked the judge. "Yes," replied he. "What

have you done for her?" "I have buried her body, and commended her

soul to God." "But have you caused a mass to be said for the salvation

of her soul?" I have not; it was unnecessary. She entered heaven the

moment of her death." "How do you know that?" "Here is the proof." So

saying, he takes the indulgence out of his pocket, and the judge, in

presence of the curate, reads in as many words that the woman who

received it would not enter purgatory, but go straight to heaven. "If

the reverend curate maintains that a mass is still necessary, my wife

has been cheated by our most holy father the pope. If she was not

cheated, then it is the reverend curate who is cheating me." This was

unanswerable, and the accused was acquitted. Thus the good sense of

the people did justice to these pious frauds.[326]

[326] Musculi Loci Communes, p. 362.

One day when Tezel was preaching at Leipsic, and introducing into his

sermons some of those stories of which we have given a sample, two

students feeling quite indignant, rose up and left the church,

exclaiming, "It is impossible for us to listen longer to the

drolleries and puerilities of this monk."[327] One of them, it is

said, was young Camerarius, afterwards the intimate friend of

Melancthon, and his biographer.

[327] Hoffman's Reformationsgesch, v, Leipz., p. 32.

But of all the young men of the period, he on whom Tezel made the

strongest impression unquestionably was Myconius, afterwards

celebrated as a Reformer, and historian of the Reformation. He had

received a Christian education. His father, a pious man of Franconia,

was wont to say to him, "My son, pray frequently, for all things are

freely given to us by God alone. The blood of Christ," added he, "is

the only ransom for the sins of the whole world. O, my son! were there

only three men that could be saved by the blood of Christ, believe,

and believe with confidence, that thou art one of the three. It is an

insult to the blood of the Saviour to doubt if it saves."[328] Then

cautioning his son against the traffic which was beginning to be

established in Germany--"The Roman indulgences," said he to him, "are

nets which fish for money, and deceive the simple. The forgiveness of

sins and of eternal life are not things for sale."

[328] "Si tantum tres homines essent salvandi per sanguinem Christi,

certo statueret unum se esse ex tribus illis." (Melch. Adam. Vita

Mycon.)

At the age of thirteen Frederick Myconius was sent to the school of

Annaberg to finish his studies. Shortly after, Tezel arrived in the

town, and remained in it for two years. The people flocked in crowds

to his sermon. "There is no other method," exclaimed Tezel in his

voice of thunder; "there is no other method of obtaining eternal life

than the satisfaction of works; but this satisfaction is impossible

for man, and, therefore, all he can do is to purchase it from the

Roman pontiff."[329] When Tezel was about to quit Annaberg, his

addresses became more urgent. "Soon," exclaimed he, in a threatening

tone, "soon will I take down the cross, shut the gate of heaven,[330]

and quench the lustre of that sun of grace which is now shining in

your eyes." Then resuming the gentle accent of persuasion, "Now," said

he, "is the accepted time, now is the day of salvation." Then raising

his voice anew, the pontifical Stentor,[331] who was addressing the

inhabitants of a rich mineral district, loudly exclaimed, "Bring your

money, burghers of Annaberg, contribute largely in behalf of the

indulgences, and your mines and your mountains will be filled with

pure silver." In conclusion, he declared that at Pentecost he would

distribute his letters to the poor gratuitously, and for the love of

God.

[329] "Si nummis redimatur a pontifice Romano." (Melch. Adam.)

[330] Clausurum januam cœli." (Ibid.)

[331] "Stentor pontificius." (Ibid.)

Young Myconius being among the number of Tezel's hearers, felt an

eager desire to avail himself of this offer. Going up to the

commissaries, he said to them in Latin, "I am a poor sinner, and need

a gratuitous pardon!" The merchants replied, "Those alone can have

part in the merits of Jesus Christ who lend a helping hand to the

Church, in other words, who give money." "What is the meaning then,"

said Myconius, "of those promises of free gift, which are posted up on

the walls and doors of the churches?" "Give at least a shilling," said

Tezel's people who had gone to their master, and interceded with him

for the young man, but without effect. "I am not able." "Only

Sixpence." "I have not even so much." The dominicans then began to

fear that he wished to entrap them. "Listen," said they to him, "we

will make you a present of the sixpence." The young man, raising his

voice in indignation, answered, "I want no indulgences that are

purchased. If I wished to purchase, I would only have to sell one of

my school-books. I want a free pardon, given purely for the love of

God, and you will have to give account to God for having allowed the

salvation of a soul to be lost for a sixpence." "Who sent you to

entrap us?" exclaimed the merchants. "Nothing but the desire of

receiving the grace of God could have tempted me to appear before such

mighty lords," replied the young man, and withdrew.

"I was much grieved," said he, "at being sent thus pitilessly away;

but I still felt within myself a Comforter, who told me that there was

a God in heaven, who, without money and without price, pardons

repenting sinners for the love of his Son Jesus Christ. As I was

taking leave of those people, I melted into tears, and, sobbing,

prayed, 'O God! since these men have refused me the forgiveness of my

sins, because I had no money to pay for it, do thou, O Lord, have pity

on me, and forgive my sins in pure mercy!' I went to my lodging, and

taking up my crucifix, which was lying on my desk, laid it on my

chair, and prostrated myself before it. I cannot describe what I felt.

I asked God to be my Father, and to do with me whatsoever he pleased.

I felt my nature changed, converted, and transformed. What formerly

delighted me now excited my disgust. To live with God, and please him,

was my strongest, my only desire."[332] Thus Tezel himself contributed

to the Reformation. By crying abuses he paved the way for a purer

doctrine, and the indignation which he excited in a generous youth was

one day to break forth mightily. We may judge of this by the following

anecdote.

[332] Letter of Myconius to Eberus in Hechtii Vita Tezelii. Wittemb.,

p. 114.

A Saxon gentleman, who had heard Tezel at Leipsic, felt his

indignation aroused by his falsehoods, and going up to the monk, asked

him whether he had power to pardon the sins which were intended to be

committed? "Assuredly," replied Tezel. "I have full power from the

pope to do so." "Well then," resumed the knight, "there is one of my

enemies on whom I should like to take a slight revenge without doing

him any deadly injury, and I will give you ten crowns in return for a

letter of indulgence, which will completely acquit me." Tezel made

some objections; at last, however, they came to an agreement for

thirty crowns. Soon after the monk quits Leipsic. The gentleman

accompanied by his servants, waited for him in a wood between

Jüterboch and Treblin, and rushing out upon him, and giving him some

blows with a stick, carried off the rich indulgence chest, which the

inquisitor had with him. Tezel cries out robbery, and carries his

complaint before the judges, but the gentleman shows the letter with

Tezel's own signature, exempting him beforehand from all punishment.

Duke George, who had at first been very angry, on seeing the document

ordered the accused to be acquitted.[333]

[333] Albinus Meissn. Chronick. L. W. (W.) xv, 446, etc., Hechtius in

Vita Tezelii.

This traffic everywhere occupied men's thoughts, and was everywhere

talked of. It was the subject of conversation in castles, in

academies, and at the firesides of the citizens, as well as in inns

and taverns, and all places of public resort.[334] Opinions were

divided, some believing, and others expressing indignation. The

sensible portion of the community rejected the whole system of

indulgences with disgust. It was so contrary to Scripture and to

morality, that all who had any knowledge of the Bible, or any natural

light, condemned it in their hearts, and only waited for a signal to

declare their opposition to it. On the other hand, scoffers found

ample materials for raillery. The people, who had for many years been

irritated by the misconduct of the priests, and whom nothing but the

fear of punishment induced to keep up a certain show of respect, gave

free vent to their hatred. Complaints and sarcasms were everywhere

heard on the avarice of the clergy.

[334] Luth. Op. (Leips.) xvii, pp. 111 et 116.

Nor did they stop here. They even attacked the power of the keys, and

the authority of the sovereign pontiff. "Why," said they, "does not

the pope deliver all souls from purgatory at once from a holy charity,

and in consideration of the sad misery of these souls, seeing he

delivers so great a number for the love of perishable money, and of

the cathedral of St. Peter? Why do feasts and anniversaries of the

dead continue to be celebrated? Why does not the pope restore or allow

others to resume the benefices and prebends which have been founded in

favour of the dead, since it is now useless, and even reprehensible,

to pray for those whom indulgences have for ever delivered?" "What

kind of new holiness in God and the pope is this--from a love of money

to enable a wicked profane man to deliver a pious soul beloved of the

Lord from purgatory, rather than deliver it themselves gratuitously

from love, and because of its great wretchedness."[335]

[335] Luther's Theses on Indulgences, (Th. 82, 83, et 84.)

The gross and immoral conduct of the traffickers in indulgences was

much talked of. "In paying carriers for transporting them with their

goods, the innkeepers with whom they lodge, or any one who does any

piece of work for them, they give a letter of indulgence for four,

five, or any number of souls, as the case may be." In this way, the

diplomas of salvation were current in inns and in markets like bank

bills or paper money. "Bring! Bring!" said the common people, "is the

head, the belly, the tail, and the whole body of the sermon."[336]

[336] Luth. Op. (Leips.) xvi, 79.

A miner of Schneeberg, meeting a seller of indulgences, asked, "Must

we indeed give credit to what you have often said of the power of the

indulgence, and of the authority of the pope, and believe it possible,

by throwing a penny into the box, to ransom a soul from purgatory?"

The merchant assured him it was true. "Ah!" resumed the miner, "what

an unmerciful man the pope must be, for a paltry penny to leave a

miserable soul so long crying in the flames. If he has no ready money,

let him borrow some hundred thousand crowns, and deliver all these

people at once. We poor folks will willingly pay him both the interest

and the capital." Thus Germany was weary of the shameful traffic which

was going on in the midst of her, and could no longer tolerate the

impostures of these master-swindlers of Rome, as Luther calls

them.[337] Yet no bishop, no theologian, durst oppose their quackery

and their fraud. The minds of men were in suspense, and asked whether

God would not raise up some mighty man for the work which required to

be done? This man nowhere appeared.

[337] "Fessi erant Germani omnes, ferendis explicationibus,

nundinationibus, et infinitis imposturis Romanensium nebulonum."

(Luth. Op. Lat. in Præf.) All the Germans were weary with the

windings, traffickings, and endless impostures of Roman spendthrifts.

CHAP. III.

Leo X--Necessities of the Pope--Albert--His

Character--Favours the Indulgences--The Franciscans and the

Dominicans.

The pope then on the pontifical throne was not a Borgia but Leo X, of

the illustrious house of Medici. He was able, frank, kind, and gentle.

His address was affable, his liberality without bounds, and his

morals, superior to those of his court. Cardinal Pallavicini, however,

acknowledges that they were not altogether irreproachable. To this

amiable character he joined several of the qualities of a great

prince. He showed himself friendly to science and art. The first

Italian comedies were represented in his presence; and there are few

of his day which he did not see performed. He was passionately fond of

music. Musical instruments resounded every day in his palace; and he

was often heard humming the airs which had been performed before him.

He was fond of magnificence, and spared nothing when fêtes, games,

theatricals, presents or rewards, were in question. No court

surpassed that of the sovereign pontiff in splendour and gayety.

Accordingly, when it was learned that Julian Medicis was proposing to

reside at Rome with his young bride, "God be praised," exclaimed

Cardinal Bibliena, the most influential counsellor of Leo X, "the only

thing we wanted was a female court."[338] A female court was necessary

to complete the court of the pope. To religious sentiment Leo was

completely a stranger. "His manners were so pleasing," says Sarpi,

"that he would have been perfect if he had had some acquaintance with

religious matters, and been somewhat more inclined to piety, which

seldom, if ever, gave him any concern."[339]

[338] Ranke, Rœmische Pæbste, i, 71.

[339] Council of Trent, p. 4. Pallavicini, while pretending to refute

Sarpi, confirms, and even heightens his testimony. "Suo plane officio

defuit, (Leo) ... venationes, facetias, pompas adeo frequentes." ...

(Conc. Trid. Hist. i, pp. 8, 9.) Leo was plainly wanting to his duty,

so frequent were his shows his amusements, and hunting parties.

Leo was greatly in want of money. He had to provide for his immense

expenditure, supply all his liberalities, fill the purse of gold which

he daily threw to the people, keep up the licentious exhibitions of

the Vatican, satisfy the numerous demands of his relations and

voluptuous courtiers, give a dowry to his sister, who had been married

to Prince Cibo, a natural son of Pope Innocent VIII, and meet the

expenditure occasioned by his taste for literature, arts, and

pleasure. His cousin, Cardinal Pucci, as skilful in the art of

hoarding as Leo in that of lavishing, advised him to have recourse to

indulgences. Accordingly, the pope published a bull, announcing a

general indulgence, the proceeds of which were, he said, to be

employed in the erection of the church of St. Peter, that monument of

sacerdotal magnificence. In a letter, dated at Rome, under the seal of

the Fisherman, in November, 1517, Leo applies to his commissary of

indulgences for one hundred and forty-seven gold ducats, to pay a

manuscript of the thirty-third book of Livy. Of all the uses to which

he put the money of the Germans, this was, doubtless, the best. Still

it was strange to deliver souls from purgatory in order to purchase a

manuscript history of the wars of the Roman people.

There was at this time in Germany a young prince who might be regarded

as in many respects a living image of Leo X. This was Albert, a

younger brother of the elector, Joachim of Brandenburg. At twenty-four

years of age he had been appointed Archbishop and Elector of Mentz and

of Magdeburg, and two years after made a cardinal. Albert had neither

the virtues nor the vices which are often met with in the high

dignitaries of the church. Young, fickle, worldly, but not without

some generous feelings, he was perfectly aware of many of the abuses

of Catholicism, and cared little for the fanatical monks by whom he

was surrounded. His equity disposed him, in part at least, to

acknowledge the justice of what the friends of the gospel demanded. In

his secret heart he was not much opposed to Luther. Capito, one of the

most distinguished Reformers, was long his chaplain, counsellor, and

confidant. Albert regularly attended his sermons. "He did not despise

the gospel," says Capito; "on the contrary, he highly esteemed it, and

for a long time would not allow the monks to attack Luther." But he

would have liked Luther not to compromise him, and to take good care

while exposing the doctrinal errors and vices of the inferior clergy,

not to disclose the faults of bishops and princes. In particular, he

was most anxious that his name should not be mixed up with the affair.

His confidant, Capito, who had imposed upon himself, as men often do

in situations similar to his, thus addressed Luther: "Look to the

example of Jesus Christ and the apostles; they rebuked the Pharisees

and the incestuous man of Corinth, but they never expressly named

them. You know not what is passing in the hearts of the bishops; and,

perhaps, there is more good in them than you suppose." But the fickle

and profane spirit of Albert, still more than the susceptibilities and

fears of his self-love, estranged him from the Reformation. Affable,

clever, handsome, extravagant, and wasteful, delighting in the

pleasures of the table, in rich equipages, splendid buildings,

licentious pleasures, and literary society, this young Archbishop-Elector

was in Germany what Leo X was at Rome. His court was one of the most

magnificent in the empire, and he was prepared to sacrifice to

pleasure and grandeur all the sentiments of truth which, perhaps,

might have insinuated themselves into his heart. Nevertheless, his

better convictions continued even to the last to exercise some degree

of influence over him, and he repeatedly gave indications of

moderation and equity.

Albert, like Leo, was in want of money. The Fuggers, rich merchants in

Augsburg, had made him advances which he behoved to repay, and hence,

though he had managed to secure two archbishoprics and a bishopric, he

was unable to pay Rome for his Pallium. This ornament of white wool,

bespangled with black crosses and blessed by the pope, who sent it to

the archbishops as a token of their dignity, cost them twenty-six, or,

some say, thirty thousand florins. In order to obtain money, Albert,

naturally enough, bethought himself of having recourse to the same

methods as the pope. He accordingly applied to him for the general

farming of the indulgences, or, as they expressed it at Rome, "of the

sins of the Germans."

The popes sometimes kept the indulgences in their own hands, and at

other times farmed them out, in the same way as some governments still

do gaming-houses. Albert made an offer to Leo to share the profit with

him, and Leo, in agreeing to the bargain, stipulated for immediate

payment of the Pallium. Albert had been counting on paying it out of

the indulgences, and therefore applied anew to the Fuggers, who,

thinking the security good, agreed, on certain conditions, to make the

advance required, and were appointed bankers to the concern. They were

the bankers of the princes of this period, and were afterwards made

counts in return for the services which they had rendered.

The pope and the archbishop having thus, by anticipation, shared in

the spoils of the good souls of Germany, the next matter was to select

the persons who were to carry the affair into effect. It was first

offered to the Franciscan order, whose guardian was conjoined with

Albert. But, as it was already in bad odour with honest people, these

monks were not anxious to have anything to do with it. The Augustins,

who were more enlightened than the other religious orders, would have

been less inclined to undertake it. The Franciscans, however, being

afraid of offending the pope, who had just sent their chief, De,

Forli, a cardinal's hat, a hat which had cost this poor mendicant

order thirty thousand florins, the guardian deemed it more prudent not

to refuse openly, but, at the same time, threw all sorts of

difficulties in Albert's way. They could never understand each other,

and, accordingly, when the proposal was made to the Elector to

undertake the whole charge, he eagerly closed with it. The Dominicans,

on the other hand, longed for a share in the general collection which

was about to commence. Tezel, who was already famous in the trade,

hastened to Mentz to offer his services to the Elector. In

consideration of the talent which he had displayed in publishing the

indulgences for the knights of the Teutonic order of Prussia and

Livonia, his proposals were accepted, and in this way, the whole

traffic passed into the hands of his order.[340]

[340] Seckendorf, 42.

CHAP. IV.

Tezel approaches--Luther at the Confessional--Tezel's

Rage--Luther without a Plan--Jealousy among the

Orders--Luther's Discourse--The Elector's Dream.

In so far as we know, Luther heard of Tezel, for the first time, at

Grimma, in 1516, when he was on the eve of beginning his visit to the

churches. While Staupitz was still with Luther, it was told him that

an indulgence merchant was making a great noise at Vürzen. Even some

of his extravagant sayings were quoted. Luther's indignation was

roused, and he exclaimed, "Please God, I'll make a hole in his

drum."[341]

[341] Lingke, Reisegesch. Luther's, p. 27.

Tezel, on his return from Berlin, where he had met with a most

friendly reception from the elector Joachim, brother of the

farmer-general, took up his head-quarters at Juterboch. Staupitz,

availing himself of his influence with the elector Frederick, had

often represented to him the abuses of the indulgences, and the

scandalous proceedings of the mendicants,[342] and the princes of

Saxony feeling indignant at the shameful traffic, had forbidden the

merchant to enter their territory. He was, accordingly, obliged to

remain on those of the Archbishop of Magdeburg, but at the same time

came as near to Saxony as he could, Juterboch being only four miles

from Wittemberg. "This great thresher of purses," says Luther, "set

about threshing[343] the country in grand style, so that the money

began to leap, tumble, and tinkle, in his chest." The people of

Wittemberg went in crowds to the indulgence market of Juterboch.

[342] "Instillans ejus pectori frequentes indulgentiarum abusus."

(Coch. 4.) Impressing him with the frequent abuse of indulgences.

[343] In German, to thrash like grain, dreschen. (Luth. Op. xvii.)

At this period Luther had the highest respect for the church and for

the pope. "I was then," said he, "a monk, a most bigoted Papist, so

intoxicated and imbued with the doctrines of Rome, that if I had been

able I would willingly have lent a hand in killing any one audacious

enough to refuse obedience to the pope in the minutest matter.[344] I

was a real Saul, as many still are." But, at the same time, his heart

was ready to declare in favour of all that he believed to be truth,

and against all that he believed to be error. "I was a young doctor

just of the irons, ardent and rejoicing in the word of the Lord."[345]

[344] In Præf. Op. (Witt. i.) "Monachum, et Papistam insanissimum, ita

ebrium, imo submersum in dogmatibus papæ," etc.

[345] Luth. Op. (W.) xxii.

One day when Luther had taken his seat in the confessional at

Wittemberg, several citizens of the town came before him, and one

after another confessed the grossest immoralities. Adultery,

libertinism, usury, ill-gotten wealth, were the crimes with which the

minister of the word was entertained by persons of whose souls he was

one day to give account. He rebukes, corrects, and instructs them; but

what is his astonishment when these people tell him that they don't

choose to abandon their sins?... Quite amazed, the pious monk

declares, that since they refuse to promise amendment, he cannot give

them absolution. The wretched creatures then appealed to their letters

of indulgence, exhibiting them and extolling their virtues. But Luther

replied, that he cared little for the paper which they had shown him,

and added, _unless you repent_, _you will all perish_. They made an

outcry, and expostulated, but the doctor was immovable; "they must

cease to do evil, and learn to do well, ... otherwise no absolution."

"Beware," added he, "of lending an ear to the harangues of the venders

of indulgences; you might be better employed than in buying those

licences which are sold you for the most paltry sum."[346]

[346] "Cœpi dissuadere populis et eos dehortari ne indulgentiariorum

clamoribus aurem præberent, ..." (Luth Op. Lat. in Præf.)

Much alarmed, these inhabitants of Wittemberg hastened back to Tezel

to tell him how his letters were disregarded by an Augustin monk.

Tezel, on hearing this, became red with fury, crying, and stamping,

and cursing in the pulpit.[347] To strike a deeper terror into the

people, he repeatedly kindled a fire in the market-place, declaring he

had received orders from the pope to burn all heretics who should dare

to oppose his holy indulgences.

[347] "Wütet, schilt und maledeit græulich auf dem Predigtstuhl."

(Myconius, Reformationsgesch.)

Such is the circumstance, which was not the cause, but the first

occasion of the Reformation. A pastor seeing the sheep of his flock in

a path which must lead them to destruction, makes an effort to deliver

them. As yet, he has no thought of reforming the church and the world.

He has seen Rome and its corruptions, but he declares not against

Rome. He perceives some of the abuses under which Christianity is

groaning, but has no thought of correcting these abuses. He has no

desire to become Reformer.[348] He has no plan for the reformation of

the Church any more than he had had one for himself. God intends

reform, and for reform selects Luther. The same remedy which had

proved so powerful in curing his own wretchedness, the hand of God

will employ by him to cure the miseries of Christendom. He remains

quiet in the sphere which is assigned to him, walking merely where his

Master calls him, and fulfilling his duties as professor, preacher,

and pastor, at Wittemberg. While seated in the church, his hearers

come and open their hearts to him. Evil makes an assault upon him, and

error seeks him out, of her own accord. He is interfered with in the

discharge of his duty, and his conscience, which is bound to the word

of God, resists. Is it not God that calls him? To resist is a duty,

and being a duty, is also a right. He has no alternative but to speak.

In this way were events ordered by that God who was pleased, says

Mathesius, "to restore Christendom by means of the son of a forge

master, and to purify the impure doctrine of the church, by making it

pass through his furnaces.[349]

[348] "Hæc initia fuerunt hujus controversiæ in qua Lutherus nihil

adhuc suspicans aut somnians de futura mutatione rituum." (Melancth.

Vita Luth.) Such was the beginning of this controversy in which Luther

was not yet thinking or dreaming of a future change of ritual.

[349] "Die verseurte Lehr durch den ofen gehen," (p. 10.)

Having given this detail, it must be unnecessary to refute a false

imputation invented by some of Luther's enemies, but not till after

his death. Jealousy for his order, it has been said, grief at seeing a

shameful and condemned traffic entrusted to the Dominicans in

preference to the Augustins, who had hitherto enjoyed it, led the

doctor of Wittemberg to attack Tezel and his doctrines. The well known

fact that this traffic was first offered to the Augustins, who refused

it, is sufficient to refute this fable, which has been repeated by

writers who have copied each other; even Cardinal Pallavicini states

that the Augustins never had discharged this office.[350] Besides, we

have seen the travail of Luther's soul. His conduct needs no other

explanation. It was impossible for him not to make open profession of

the doctrine to which he owed his happiness. In Christianity, every

man who finds a blessing longs to make others partakers in it. In our

day it is time to abandon those puerile explanations which are

unworthy of the great revolution of the sixteenth century. To lift a

world, a more powerful lever was required. The Reformation existed not

in Luther only; it was the offspring of his age.

[350] "Falsum est consuevisse hoc munus injungi Ermitanis S.

Augustini."... (p. 14.) It is not true that this office was wont to be

assigned to the Eremites of St. Augustine.

Luther impelled equally by obedience to the truth of God, and by

charity towards men, mounted the pulpit. He forewarned his hearers;

but, as he himself says, he did it gently.[351] His prince had

obtained particular indulgences from the pope for the church of the

castle of Wittemberg, and it was possible that some of the blows which

he was going to level at the indulgences in question might fall on

those of the Elector. No matter; he will run the risk. If he sought to

please men, he would not be the servant of Christ.

[351] Säuberlich.

"No man can prove by Scripture," says the faithful minister of the

Word to the people of Wittemberg, "that the justice of God exacts a

penalty or satisfaction from the sinner; the only duty which it

imposes upon him is true repentance, sincere conversion, a resolution

to bear the cross of Jesus Christ, and to be diligent in good works.

It is a great error to think we can ourselves satisfy the justice of

God for our sins. He always pardons them gratuitously by his

inestimable grace.

"The Christian Church, it is true, requires something from the sinner,

and consequently has the power of remitting what she so requires, but

that is all. Even these indulgences of the Church are tolerated, only

on account of indolent and imperfect Christians, who will not

zealously exercise themselves in good works. For they stimulate none

to sanctification, but leave all in imperfection."

Then adverting to the pretext under which the indulgences were

published, he continues:--"It would be much better to contribute to

the erection of St. Peter's church from love to God, than to purchase

indulgences in this view.... But you ask, Are we then never to

purchase them? I have already said, and I repeat it; my advice is,

Don't purchase. Leave them to sleepy Christians, but do you walk apart

in your own path. The faithful must be diverted from indulgences, and

urged to do the works which they neglect."

At last, glancing at his adversaries, Luther concludes thus:--"If some

cry out that I am a heretic, (for the truth which I preach is very

hurtful to their strong box,) their clamour gives me little concern.

They are dull and sickly brains, men who never felt the Bible, never

read Christian doctrine, never comprehended their own teachers, and

who turn to rottenness, wrapped up in the tatters of their vain

opinions,[352] ... God grant them and us a sound mind. Amen." After

these words, the doctor descended from the pulpit, leaving his hearers

in astonishment at his bold language.

[352] "Sondern in ihren löcherichen, und zerrissenen opinien, viel

nahe verwessen." (Luth. Op. (L.) xvii, p. 119.)

This sermon was printed, and made a deep impression on all who read

it. Tezel answered it, and Luther replied; but these discussions did

not take place till a later period, (1518).

The feast of All Saints drew near. The chronicles of that day here

relate a circumstance, which, though not important to the history of

the period, may, however, serve to characterise it. It is a dream of

the Elector, which in substance is unquestionably authentic, though

several circumstances may have been added by those who have related

it. It is mentioned by Seckendorf,[353] who observes, that the fear of

giving their adversaries ground to say that the doctrine of Luther was

founded upon dreams, has perhaps prevented several historians from

speaking of it.

[353] It occurs also in Löscher, i, 46, etc.; Teuzel's Anfund Fortg.

der Ref.; Jünker's Ehrenged, p. 148; Lehmann's Beschr. d. Meissn.

Erzgeb., etc., and in a manuscript of the Archives of Weimar, taken

down from the statement of Spalatin. Our account of the dream is

conformable to this manuscript, which was republished at the last

jubilee of the Reformation, (1817).

The Elector Frederick of Saxony, say the chronicles of the time, was

at his castle of Schweinitz, six leagues from Wittemberg. On the

morning of the 31st October, being in company with his brother Duke

John, who was then co-regent, and became sole elector after his death,

and with his chancellor, the Elector said to the Duke,

"Brother, I must tell you a dream which I had last night, and the

meaning of which I should like much to know. It is so deeply impressed

on my mind, that I will never forget it, were I to live a thousand

years. For I dreamed it thrice, and each time with new circumstances."

_Duke John._--"Is it a good or a bad dream?"

_The Elector._--"I know not; God knows."

_Duke John._--"Don't be uneasy at it; but be so good as tell it to

me."

_The Elector._--"Having gone to bed last night, fatigued and out of

spirits, I fell asleep shortly after my prayer, and slept quietly for

about two hours and a half; I then awoke, and continued awake till

midnight, all sorts of thoughts passing through my mind. Among other

things, I thought how I was to observe the feast of All Saints. I

prayed for the poor souls in purgatory, and supplicated God to guide

me, my counsels, and my people, according to truth. I again fell

asleep, and then dreamed that Almighty God sent me a monk, who was a

true son of the Apostle Paul. All the saints accompanied him by order

of God, in order to bear testimony before me, and to declare that he

did not come to contrive any plot, but that all that he did was

according to the will of God. They asked me to have the goodness

graciously to permit him to write something on the door of the church

of the castle of Wittemberg. This I granted through my chancellor.

Thereupon the monk went to the church, and began to write in such

large characters, that I could read the writing at Schweinitz. The pen

which he used was so large that its end reached as far as Rome, where

it pierced the ears of a lion that was couching there,[354] and caused

the triple crown upon the head of the pope to shake. All the

cardinals and princes running hastily up, tried to prevent it from

falling. You and I, brother, wished also to assist, and I stretched

out my arm ... but at this moment I awoke, with my arm in the air,

quite amazed, and very much enraged at the monk for not managing his

pen better. I recollected myself a little: it was only a dream.

[354] Leo X.

"I was still half asleep, and once more closed my eyes. The dream

returned. The lion, still annoyed by the pen, began to roar with all

his might, so much so that the whole city of Rome and all the states

of the holy empire, ran to see what the matter was. The pope requested

them to oppose this monk, and applied particularly to me, on account

of his being in my country. I again awoke, repeated the Lord's Prayer,

entreated God to preserve his Holiness, and once more fell asleep.

"Then I dreamed that all the princes of the empire, and we among them,

hastened to Rome, and strove one after another to break the pen; but

the more we tried the stiffer it became, sounding as if it had been

made of iron. We at length desisted. I then asked the monk (for I was

sometimes at Rome and sometimes at Wittemberg) where he got this pen,

and why it was so strong. 'The pen,' replied he, 'belonged to an old

goose of Bohemia, a hundred years old.[355] I got it from one of my

old school-masters. As to its strength, it is owing to the

impossibility of depriving it of its pith or marrow, and I am quite

astonished at it myself.' Suddenly I heard a loud noise; a large

number of other pens had sprung out of the long pen of the monk.... I

awoke a third time; it was daylight...."

[355] John Huss. This circumstance may perhaps have been afterwards

added in allusion to the saying of John Huss, which we have quoted.

See the First Book.

_Duke John._--"Chancellor, what is your opinion? Would we had a Joseph

or a Daniel enlightened by God!"

_Chancellor._--"Your Highnesses know the common proverb, that the

dreams of young girls, learned men, and great lords, have usually some

hidden meaning. The meaning of this dream, however, we will not be

able to know for some time; not till the things to which it relates

have taken place. Wherefore, leave the accomplishment to God, and

place it wholly in his hand."

_Duke John._--"I am of your opinion, Chancellor; 'tis not fit for us

to annoy ourselves in attempting to discover the meaning; the God will

overrule all for his glory."

_Elector._--"May our faithful God do so; yet I will never forget this

dream. I have indeed thought of an interpretation, but I keep it to

myself. Time, perhaps, will show if I have been a good diviner."

Thus, according to the manuscript of Weimar, the morning of 31st of

October was spent at Schweinitz. Let us see how the evening was spent

at Wittemberg. We again return to the province of History.

CHAP. V.

Feast of All Saints--The Theses--Their

Force--Moderation--Providence--Letter to

Albert--Indifference of the Bishops--Dissemination of the

Theses.

The words of Luther had produced little effect. Tezel, without

troubling himself, continued his traffic and his impious

harangues.[356] Will Luther submit to these crying abuses, and keep

silence? As a pastor, he has earnestly exhorted those who have had

recourse to his ministry, and, as a preacher, he has lifted his

warning voice in the pulpit. It still remains for him to speak as a

theologian--to address, not individuals in the confessional, not the

assembly of the faithful in the church of Wittemberg, but all who,

like himself, are teachers of the word of God. His resolution is

taken.

[356] "Cujus impiis et nefariis concionibus incitatus Lutherus, studio

pietatis ardens, edidit propositiones de indulgentiis." (Melancth.

Vita Luth.) Luther, stimulated by his impious and nefarious harangues,

and glowing with pious zeal, published his Theses on Indulgences.

He has no thought of attacking the Church, or of putting the pope on

his defence. On the contrary, it is his respect for the pope that will

not allow him to be any longer silent with regard to claims by which

he is injured. He must take the part of the pope against audacious

men, who dare to associate his venerable name with their disgraceful

traffic. Far from thinking of a revolution which is to destroy the

primacy of Rome, Luther expects to have the pope and Catholicism for

his allies against impudent monks.[357]

[357] "Et in iis certus mihi videbar, me habiturum patronum papam,

cujus fiducia tune fortiter nitebar." (Luth. Op. Lat. in Præf.) And in

these I thought myself certain that I would have the patronage of the

pope, in whom I had then great confidence.

The feast of All Saints was an important day for Wittemberg, and

especially for the church which the Elector had there erected and

filled with relics. On that day these relics, adorned with silver and

gold, and precious stones, were brought out and exhibited to the eyes

of the people, who were astonished and dazzled by their

magnificence.[358] Whoever on that day visited the church and

confessed in it obtained a valuable indulgence. Accordingly, on this

great occasion, pilgrims came in crowds to Wittemberg.

[358] "... Quas magnifico apparatu publicè populis ostendi curavit."

(Cochlœus, 4.)

On the 31st of October, 1517, Luther, who had already taken his

resolution, walks boldly towards the church to which the superstitious

crowds of pilgrims were repairing, and puts up on the door of this

church ninety-five Theses or propositions against the doctrine of

indulgences. Neither the Elector, nor Staupitz, nor Spalatin, nor any,

even the most intimate of his friends, had been previously informed of

this step.[359] In these theses, Luther declares, in a kind of

preamble, that he had written them with the express desire of setting

the truth in the full light of day. He declares himself ready to

defend them on the morrow at the university, against all and sundry.

The attention which they excite is great; they are read and repeated.

In a short time the pilgrims, the university, the whole town is

ringing with them. The following are some of these Propositions,

written with the pen of the monk, and fixed on the door of the church

of Wittemberg.

[359] "Cum hujus disputationis nullu etiam intimorum amicorum fuerit

conscius." (Luth., Ep. i, p. 186.)

1. "When our Lord and Master Jesus Christ says 'repent,' he means that

the whole life of his followers on the earth is a constant and

continual repentance.

2. "This expression cannot be understood of the sacrament of

penitence, (that is to say, of confession and satisfaction,) as

administered by the priest.

3. "Still the Lord intends not to speak merely of internal repentance.

Internal repentance is null, if it does not manifest itself externally

by the mortification of the flesh.

4. "Repentance and sorrow--that is to say, true penitence--continue so

long as a man is displeased with himself--that is, until he passes

from this life into life eternal.

5. "The pope is not able, and does not wish to remit any other penalty

than that which he has imposed of his own good pleasure, or

conformably to the canons, that is to say, the papal ordinances.

6. "The pope cannot remit any condemnation, but only declare and

confirm the remission which God himself has given. At least he can

only do it in cases which belong to him. If he does otherwise, the

condemnation remains exactly as before.

8. "The laws of ecclesiastical penance ought to be imposed on the

living only, and have nothing to do with the dead.

21. "The commissaries of indulgence are mistaken when they say that

the pope's indulgence delivers from all punishment and saves.

25. "The same power which the pope has over purgatory throughout the

Church, each bishop has individually in his own diocese, and each

curate in his own parish.

27. "It is the preaching of human folly to pretend, that at the very

moment when the money tinkles in the strong box, the soul flies off

from purgatory.

28. "This much is certain; as soon as the money tinkles, avarice and

the love of gain arrive, increase, and multiply. But the aids and

prayers of the Church depend only on the will and good pleasure of

God.

32. "Those who imagine they are sure of salvation by means of

indulgences will go to the devil, with those who teach them so.

35. "It is an antichristian doctrine to pretend, that, in order to

deliver a soul from purgatory, or to purchase an indulgence, there is

no need of either sorrow or repentance.

36. "Every Christian who truly repents of his sins has entire

forgiveness of the penalty and the fault, and, so far, has no need of

indulgence.

37. "Every true Christian, dead or alive, participates in all the

blessings of Christ and of the Church by the gift of God and without a

letter of indulgence.

38. "Still the dispensation and pardon of the pope must not be

despised; for his pardon is a declaration of the pardon of God.

40. "Genuine sorrow and repentance seek and love punishment; but the

mildness of indulgence takes off the fear of punishment, and begets

hatred against it.

42. "Christians must be told that the pope has no wish and no

intention that they should in any respect compare the act of

purchasing indulgences with any work of mercy.

43. "Christians must be told that he who gives to the poor, or lends

to the needy, does better than he who buys an indulgence:

44. "For the work of charity makes charity increase, and renders a man

more pious; whereas the indulgence does not make him better, but only

gives him more self-confidence, and makes him more secure against

punishment.

45. "Christians must be told that he who sees his neighbour want, and,

instead of helping him, purchases an indulgence, purchases not the

indulgence of the pope, but incurs the Divine displeasure.

46. "Christians must be told that if they have no superfluity, they

are bound to keep what they have, in order to procure necessaries for

their families, and not to lavish it on indulgences.

47. "Christians must be told that to purchase an indulgence is

optional, not obligatory.

48. "Christians must be told that the pope having more need of prayer

offered up in faith than of money, desires the prayer more than the

money when he dispenses indulgences.

49. "Christians must be told that the indulgence of the pope is good

provided they do not place their confidence in it, but that nothing is

more hurtful if it diminishes piety.

50. "Christians must be told that if the pope knew of the extortions

of the preachers of indulgences, he would rather that the metropolis

of St. Peter were burned and reduced to ashes, than see it built with

the skin, flesh, and bones, of his sheep.

51. "Christians must be told that the pope, as is his duty, would

dispense his own money to the poor people whom the preachers of

indulgences are now robbing of their last penny, were he, for that

purpose, even to sell the metropolis of St. Peter.

52. "To hope to be saved by indulgences is an empty and lying hope

even should the commissary of indulgences, nay, the pope himself, be

pleased to pledge his own soul in security of it.