and homage at the Quiché court, where Iztayul received them with great
kindness, giving them high rank and titles, and making them the royal
tribute-gatherers of his empire. In this capacity they made a long
tour through the Quiché possessions, even penetrating the mysterious
region of the East, where the ancestors of the king had received
the investiture of their royalty. At last they came to Lake Atitlan,
where the united Zutugils and Ah-Tziquinihayi were still living. These
vassals paid their tributes to the envoys, but contrived a cunning plan
to recover the treasure. Two beautiful princesses, Bubatzo and Icxiuh,
daughters of the ruling lords, were appointed to wait upon the royal
tax-collectors. Caynoh and Caybatz were not proof against their charms,
and the maidens, following the parental commands, allowed themselves to
be easily won; but they managed in the night to escape from the couches
of their royal lovers and to steal back all the gold and silver which
had been paid as tribute. The princes complained bitterly when they
discovered their loss, but as a compensation they received Bubatzo and
Icxiuh for wives, with the promise of an honorable position at Atitlan,
in case of Iztayul's displeasure. On their way back to Izmachi with
their wives, however, the prospective anger of Tepeuh so overcome them
that they hid themselves in a cave for a long time; but at last the
Quiché king not only pardoned them for the affair of the lost tribute
and for their marriage, but enabled them to overcome and put to death
Baqahol and Gekaquch, and reseated them on the Cakchiquel throne as
tributary monarchs on favorable terms to the imperial crown of Izmachi.
Caynoh was made Ahpop Xahil, and Caybatz Ahpop Qamahay, corresponding
exactly with the Quiché royal titles of Ahpop and Ahpop Camha.
Gucumatz mounted the throne at Izmachi on the death of Iztayul, and
Cotuha II. became Ahpop Camha. This king began to reign probably
towards the middle of the thirteenth century.[XI-37] Internal dissensions
between the rival families of the Quiché nobility are vaguely alluded
to in the records, but not with sufficient details to enable us to
determine how they influenced Gucumatz to abandon Izmachi in favor
of a new capital. He selected for this purpose the ancient Utatlan,
situated on a plateau not far distant, which had probably long been in
ruins.[XI-38]
* * * * *
[Sidenote: DIVISION OF THE EMPIRE.]
It is now time to return to Juarros' version of Quiché history during
the reigns of the first kings, although there is little hope of
connecting it at any point with the versions already presented. Nima
Quiché, who directed the people in their migration to these Guatemalan
regions, ceded to his brother the command of the Mames and Pokomams,
and at his death left his son Acxopal, or Acxopil, king of the Quiché
tribes. This monarch, either by the increase of his people or by his
conquests among the aboriginal tribes soon found himself master of the
provinces now called Sololá, Chimaltenango, and Sacatepeques, with
a part of Quezaltenango and Totonicapan. In his old age his empire
seemed to him too vast and the duties of government too burdensome for
his failing strength. He consequently divided his empire into three
domains, keeping for himself that of the Quichés, giving that of the
Cakchiquels to his oldest son Xiuhtemal, or Jiutemal, and that of the
Zutugils to his second son Acxoquauh, or Acxiquat; the brother who
ruled over the Mames and Pokomams is not named here. The bounds given
by Juarros to the three kingdoms of the empire are substantially the
same as those of the peoples speaking the same languages at the time
of the Conquest, and were doubtless ascertained from the condition of
affairs in the sixteenth century rather than from ancient records or
traditions.
After the division it was not long before ambition began to produce
what Juarros terms its usual results. Acxoquauh, king of the Zutugils,
found his domain too small and wished to extend its limits to the
detriment of his brother, Xiuhtemal. With this intent he marched at
the head of a large army to the Cakchiquel frontiers, but was forced
to retire to his fortified stronghold on Lake Atitlan, where the
contest raged for many days until a truce was brought about by the aged
Acxopal. Xiuhtemal took advantage of the peace to fortify his capital
at Tecpan Guatemala, but during the extreme old age of his father
he was called to direct affairs at the Quiché capital, and succeeded
to the imperial throne at his father's death, putting his own eldest
son on the Cakchiquel throne. Still fearful of his brother, his first
care was to fortify the Quiché capital,--which Juarros represents as
having been Utatlan from the first--building, among other extensive
works, the castle of Resguardo.[XI-39] His precautions seem not to have
been unnecessary, for Acxoquauh soon recommenced the war, fighting
particularly for the possession of the whole territory about the
lake, which seems to have been in some way divided between the three
monarchs. The war continued, with but brief intervals, throughout the
reign of Xiuhtemal and during a part of that of Hunahpu, his son, who
succeeded him. Nothing further is recorded of Hunahpu's reign, save
that he distinguished himself by introducing the cultivation of cacao
and cotton.[XI-40]
Except in the general statement that the Quiché, Cakchiquel, and
Zutugil kingdoms formed a kind of alliance at this early period, a
conclusion to which the other records have also led us, the version
given by Juarros, from Fuentes, has apparently nothing in common with
the others; and I shall not attempt to conjecture what may have been
the source whence the names of kings given by these authors were
derived. There is no room for hesitation in deciding which records
are the more reliable. Brasseur in one place, after narrating the
foundation of Izmachi, suddenly declares that with Qocavib and Nima
Quiché the symbolic recitals cease and history begins, and then goes
on for a few pages with an account of Acxopal and his division of
the empire between his two sons, apparently accepting the version of
Juarros, except in the name of the capital at the foundation of the
empire. But shortly after, he abandons this for the other version, as
follows: "The first king of Toltec race who appears after Acxopal is
Xiuhtemal, who in his turn seems to have placed his son on the throne
of Quauhtemalan, (Tecpan Guatemala, the Cakchiquel capital). According
to more authentic documents, it is Balam II. of the house of Cawek,
who succeeds Qocavib. Except the struggles mentioned by Fuentes, we
find nothing about this prince or his predecessor, after the foundation
of Izmachi," etc. Thus he implies that Qocavib was identical with
Acxopal, and Balam Conache with Xiuhtemal. We hear no more of the
names given by Juarros until we have the statement by the same author
respecting Hunahpu that "everything favors the opinion that he is the
same who reigned under the glorious name of Gucumatz," without any
attempt to account for the intermediate kings of the Quichés, Cotuha
and Iztayul. Consequently as I am inclined to suspect, "everything
favors the opinion" that the worthy abbé has introduced the names
Acxopal, Xiuhtemal, and Acxoquauh, from Fuentes solely because they are
apparently Nahua names and therefore may add some force to his Toltec
theory, and has then got rid of them as expeditiously as possible.[XI-41]
[Sidenote: GUCUMATZ AT UTATLAN.]
The first care of Gucumatz was to restore the ancient buildings of
Utatlan and to add to the city's old-time splendor by the erection of
new and magnificent temples in honor of the gods. "There they built
their houses in great numbers, and there also they built the house of
the god in the centre of the city at the most elevated point, where
they placed it when they came to establish themselves in that place.
Then their empire was much enlarged, and when their numbers were
already considerable, their great families took counsel together, and
were subdivided." When the quarrels which had formerly threatened their
empire were at last terminated "they carried into effect what had been
resolved upon, and the royalty was divided among twenty-four grand
houses or families." "There they increased in greatness, having thus
gloriously united their thrones and their principalities; the titles
of all their honors having been distributed among the princes, there
were formed nine families with the nine princes of Cawek, nine with the
princes of Nihaïb, four with the princes of Ahau Quiché, and two with
the lords of Zakik. They became very numerous, and numerous were those
that followed each of the princes; they were the first at the head
of their vassals, and many families belonged to each of the princes.
We shall now tell the titles of these princes and of each of the
great houses." Then follows a list of titles, substantially the same
that I have given in a preceding volume, when treating of the Quiché
governmental system.[XI-42]
"Thus were completed the twenty-four princes and the twenty-four great
houses; then was multiplied the power and majesty in Quiché; then was
strengthened and extended its grandeur, when the city and its ravines
were built up with stone and mortar and covered with cement. Both great
and little nations came under the power of the king, contributing
to the Quiché glory; power and majesty sprang up, and the house of
the god was built as well as the houses of the princes. But it was
not they who built them; they did no work, neither constructing the
temple of their god, nor their own buildings, for all was done by
their vassals, whose numbers were multiplied. It was not by stratagem
nor by force that these vassals were brought in; for truly each one
belonged to some one of the princes, and great was the number of their
brothers and relatives who gathered to hear what the princes commanded.
Truly were they loved and esteemed, and great was the glory of the
princes. Veneration kept pace with their renown, and with the lords
were multiplied the dwellers in the ravines round about the city. Thus
nearly all the nations surrendered themselves, not through war and
force directed against them in their ravines and cities, but by reason
of the marvels wrought by their kings, Gucumatz and Cotuha.
[Sidenote: REIGN OF GUCUMATZ.]
Verily, this Gucumatz became a most marvelous king. In seven days he
mounted to the skies--ascended the mountain heights--and in seven days
he descended to the region of Xibalba.[XI-43] In seven days he took upon
himself the nature and form of a serpent, and again of an eagle, and
of a tiger; and in seven days he changed himself into coagulated blood.
Truly the existence of this wonderful prince filled with terror all the
lords that came before him. The knowledge thereof was spread abroad;
all the nations heard of this prodigious king. And this was the origin
of the Quiché grandeur, when the king Gucumatz wrought these signs of
his power. The remembrance of his grandsons and sons was not lost--or,
as Ximenez renders it, he did not lack descendants, both sons and
grandsons. He had not done these things merely that there might be a
royal worker of miracles, but as a means of ruling all nations, and of
showing himself to be the only chief of the peoples. This prodigious
king Gucumatz was of the fourth[XI-44] generation of kings, Ahpop and
Ahpop Camha. He left descendants who also reigned with majesty and
begat children who did many things. Thus were begotten Tepepul and
Iztayul, whose reign made the fifth generation. They were kings, and
each generation of these princes begat sons."[XI-45]
It is seen by the preceding account of Gucumatz' reign that this
king fully accomplished his object in transferring the capital to
Utatlan. By removing his court to this ancient city he aroused the
pride of all the tribes of Quiché race, and revived their traditional
recollections of a glorious past; by restoring the ancient temples and
by erecting new ones he enlisted the religious enthusiasm of the whole
country in his favor. The universal interest in the new enterprise
caused the former dissensions between rival nobles to be for a time
forgotten. All these circumstances combined to create for Gucumatz
a higher degree of popularity than he had ever before enjoyed; and
when he felt sufficiently strong with the people, he still further
fortified his position by a partial reconstruction of his empire.
By the establishment of twenty-four houses of nobility he not only
made partisans of those who were the recipients of new honors, but
effectually checked the ambition of the leading nobles, whose quarrels
had at one time threatened his sovereignty. Two of the new dignities
were given to the family of Zakik, to which belonged the priest of
the ancient temple of Cahbaha at Utatlan; and he gave the titles
Ahau-Ah-Tohil and Ahau-Ah-Gucumatz, or high-priests of Tohil and
Quetzalcoatl, to members of his own family, thus firmly attaching the
priesthood to his own interests. Each of the newly created princes was
required to have a palace in the capital and to reside there during
a certain part of each year; in fact the policy pursued by Gucumatz
resembles in many points that which we have seen pursued by the
Chichimec emperor Techotl in Anáhuac as noted in a preceding chapter.
There are no data from which to determine the extent of Gucumatz'
domain; the descent to Xibalba may indicate that the Palenque region
was subjected to his power, or simply that he was wont to spend in the
tierra caliente a portion of each year. Brasseur believes that from
this period the Ahpop Camha of the Quichés spent his time chiefly in
the Zutugil capital at Atitlan.[XI-46]
* * * * *
[Sidenote: CAKCHIQUEL HISTORY.]
After the death of Gucumatz, Cotuha II., already holding the second
rank of Ahpop Camha, mounted the throne. He was in his turn succeeded
by Tepepul, and he by Iztayul II. with Quicab, or Kicab, as Ahpop
Camha. Respecting the reigns of these three monarchs, the Popol Vuh
gives no details whatever; and but very little can be learned from
other records. The three reigns may, however, be supposed to have
extended to about the end of the fourteenth century, a century which
is thus almost a blank in the annals of the empire. One document[XI-47]
informs us that the first of the three kings, Cotuha II., was
treacherously put to death by the lords of Qohaïl and Ulahaïl, who
drew him into an ambush, but his sons Quicab and Cavizimah, afterwards
kings, avenged his murder by seizing and putting to death thirteen of
the supposed guilty parties.
The Cakchiquel record[XI-48] mentions the third of the Quiché monarchs,
Iztayul II., under the name of Xitayul-Hax. Caynoh, whom we left on
the Cakchiquel throne,[XI-49] had been succeeded by his son Citan-Qatu, a
valiant and wise ruler who, under the sovereignty of the Quiché emperor
at Utatlan, had considerably extended the power of his people. At his
death he was followed by his son Qotbalcan, 'the coiled serpent,'
and under his rule the subordinate chieftains took advantage of
his good nature or want of ability, to reclaim their independence.
The descendants of the princes Baqahol and Gekaquch, who had caused
Hacavitz so much trouble in former years, were the first to inaugurate
this revolt, which the other tribes were not slow to join, and thus the
nation was again split up practically into scattered tribes, the king
having little, if any, more authority than the other chieftains. The
same condition of affairs continued during the reign of this king's
son and grandson, Alinam and Xttamer-Zaquentol; the tribe under the
royal command, after wandering for a long time, having finally settled
near the kindred tribe of the Akahales, at the towns of Zakiqahol and
Nimcakahpec. The great grandson of Qotbalcan, Chiyoc Queh, succeeded in
again uniting under his rule most of the Cakchiquel tribes, and having
founded the capital of Chiawar, somewhat further west than the old
capital Tecpan Guatemala, and given the second rank of Ahpop Qamahay
to his brother Ttattah-Akbal, he was laboring most strenuously to raise
his nation to her old position at the time when the record mentions the
death of Iztayul II., or Xitayul-Hax, and the accession of Quicab.
[Sidenote: WAR BETWEEN QUICHÉS AND ZUTUGILS.]
I must now return to the version presented by Fuentes and Juarros, for
this version agrees with the others respecting the name of the next
king, Quicab, and hence it may be inferred that the period between the
reigns of Hunahpu and Kicab, is identical with that between Gucumatz
and Quicab. The kings that Juarros puts on the throne during this
period were Balam Kiché, Balam Acam, Maucotah, and Iquibalam, names
which are evidently identical with the four high-priests or sacrificers
of a much earlier period. It seems probable that the authors cited
found these names in the aboriginal records, and could make no better
place for them than in the list of kings. The events referred to in
these reigns are as follows:--Balam Kiché did nothing worthy of record.
Balam Acam, his successor, was a most kind-hearted prince, and had
great confidence in his cousin, the king of the Zutugils at Atitlan.
But the latter abused this confidence by stealing the king's daughter
from the royal palace in Utatlan; and Ilocab, a near relative of the
Zutugil monarch--called Zutugilebpop by Juarros, evidently a title
rather than a name--at about the same time abducted a niece of Balam
Acam. These abductions caused a war which, as we are told, lasted with
little intermission down to the coming of the Spaniards. The Quiché
army under the king and Maucotah his chief general, marched on Atitlan,
taking several strong towns on the way, and "the most terrible battle
these countries had ever known" was fought against the Zutugil and
Ah-Tziquinihayi forces under Ilocab. In this battle Ilocab was slain
and the Quichés victorious. The campaign was continued, the Zutugils
being aided by many allies, including the Pipiles of Salvador, while
the Quichés were reinforced by the Cakchiquels and forces from Vera
Paz. In a later battle the loss on both sides amounted to fourteen
thousand, and among the slain was Balam Acam, who is blamed by Juarros
for plunging the country in war for so slight a cause, since the
purpose of the abduction was honorable marriage. Long wars between the
Cakchiquels and Pipiles,[XI-50] as well as between the Quichés and Mames,
resulted from Balam's attempt at vengeance.
Maucotah was named as the successor of Balam Acam, while yet in the
field. Zutugilebpop, flushed with victory, besieged Xelahuh, one of
the Quiché strongholds, but the fortune of war seems to have changed
with the change of rulers, for the Zutugils were defeated both before
Xelahuh and in their own territory about the lake, and their king
died of grief and disappointment soon after, leaving his throne to
Rumal-Ahaus, a young man of nineteen years. This young king continued
the war, but was unable to retrieve the ill-fortunes of his people. In
a battle fought soon after his accession, he had a personal combat with
Maucotah, in which he was wounded, and forced to retreat, the Quiché
king remaining in possession of the towns that his predecessor had
conquered. Maucotah died soon after his victory, and was succeeded by
Iquibalam, who marched with two hundred thousand men into the Zutugil
states, determined to put an end to the resistance of the valiant
Rumal-Ahaus, who had recovered from the effects of his wound. He
captured many towns, particularly in the territory of the Pipiles and
about Zapotitlan, but he also met with severe losses, and seems not to
have gained any permanent advantage over the Zutugils. He died during
the campaign, and was succeeded by Kicab, or Quicab, and Rumal-Ahaus
was succeeded on the throne of Atitlan at about the same time by
Chichiahtulú.[XI-51]
* * * * *
The reign of Quicab is briefly disposed of by Juarros as follows:
"He ascended the throne at a mature age, and with much experience in
military and political affairs. Chichiahtulú, who, with the rank of
Lieutenant General, had gained great advantages over the Quichés in the
memorable campaign of Pinar (the one last referred to), having grasped
the Zutugil sceptre, besieged the famous stronghold of Totonicapan.
King Kicab not only opposed the movements of Chichiahtulú with a
formidable army, but enlisting sixty thousand soldiers, he attacked
with them many cities and towns of the Pipiles and Zutugils, among them
Patulul; and although the governors of these places made great efforts
to defend them, they were unable to resist the superior numbers of
the Quichés. Chichiahtulú, seeing that his best possessions were being
lost, hastened by forced marches to defend them, abandoning the siege
of Totonicapan; but being taken grievously ill on account of his haste
in that march, he died within a few days, greatly to the sorrow of his
people. Still his army did not suspend their march, being commanded
by the Lieutenant General Manilahuh, until they arrived within sight
of the Quiché camp. The fury with which the attack was made on both
sides is unspeakable; but the column of King Kicab on account of being
close and double, being harder to break than the feeble and extended
lines of Manilahuh, the latter were broken and scattered in less than
an hour, the commander and many Atitlan chiefs being left on the field
of battle, while the Quichés, chanting victory, returned to Utatlan.
We do not know in detail the events under the seven monarchs of Quiché
who succeeded Kicab I.; but it is certain that these two kingdoms were
never for a long time at peace."[XI-52]
[Sidenote: REIGN OF QUICAB I.]
Now comes the version of Quicab's reign given by the Popol Vuh, which
document carries the Quiché history no farther, save a mere list of
monarchs already mentioned. "Behold now the names of the sixth royal
generation,[XI-53] of the two great kings Quicab, the name of the first
king, and Cavizimah, name of the second (Ahpop Camha). And behold
the great deed that Quicab and Cavizimah did, and how Quiché was
made famous by reason of their really marvelous condition. Behold the
conquest and destruction of the ravines and cities of the nations great
and small, all very near, including the city of the Cakchiquels, that
now called Chuvila (Chichicastenango), as also those in the mountains
of the Rabinals, that of Pamaca (Zacualpa), in the mountains of
Caokeb, that of Zacabaha (San Andres), Zakuleu, Chuvi-Mugina, Xelahuh,
Chuva-Tzak (Momostenango), and Tzolohche (Chiquimula). These abhorred
Quicab, but truly he made war upon them and conquered and ruined the
ravines and the cities of the Rabinals, of the Cakchiquels, and of the
people of Zakuleu. He conquered all the tribes and carried his arms
afar. One or two nations not having brought their tribute he entered
their towns that they might bring their tribute before Quicab and
Cavizimah. They were reduced to servitude; they were tortured and their
people tied to trees and pierced with arrows; there was for them no
more glory nor honor. Such was the ruin of these towns, destroyed from
the face of the earth; like the lightning which strikes and breaks the
stone, thus by terror he blotted out the nations."
"Before Colche, as a signal of its conquest, there stands to-day a
monument of rock, as if he had formed it with his axe; this is on the
coast called Petatayub, where it is still visible, so that everybody
looks upon it as a sign of Quicab's valor. He could not be killed or
conquered; verily he was a hero, and all nations brought to him their
tribute. Then, all the princes having taken counsel, they went away
to fortify the ravines and the towns, having taken possession of the
towns of all nations. Then sentinels (spies) were dispatched to observe
the enemy, and new tribes (or colonies) were formed to dwell in the
conquered countries." Then follows with frequent repetitions an account
of these colonies, their departure for their posts, their victories,
and a list of cities occupied by them, including most of the names
already mentioned. "Everywhere they waged war, taking continually new
captives; they became in their turn heroes, they who had been guards
of frontier posts; they became strong in their language as in their
thoughts before the kings when they brought in their prisoners and
captives."
"Then assembled the council at the order of the kings, of the Ahpop
and the Ahpop Camha, of the Galel, and of the Ahtzic Winak; and it was
decided that, whatever might happen, they should remain at the head,
for their dignities were there to represent their family. 'I am the
Ahpop, I am the Ahpop Camha, Ahpop to hold my rank like thine, O Ahau
Galel.' As to the Galels, their nobility shall be, replied all the
lords forming a decision. Likewise did those of Tamub and Ilocab; equal
was the condition of the three races of Quiché, when the chiefs of the
people set themselves up against the kings and assumed nobility. Such
was the result of this assembly, but it was not there in Quiché that
the power was seized. The name of the place exists where the vassal
chiefs took possession of the power, for although they had been sent
each to a different place, all afterwards assembled together.
[Sidenote: REVOLT OF THE PLEBEIANS.]
Xebalax and Xecamac are the names of the place where they took
possession of the power, at the time when they assembled their
rank, and that took place at Chulimal. Behold the nomination, the
installation, and the recognition of the twenty Galels, and the
twenty Ahpops who were installed by the Ahpop and the Ahpop Camha,
by the Galel and the Ahtzic Winak. All the Galel-Ahpops entered into
their rank, eleven Nim-Chocoh, Galel-Ahpop, Galel-Zakik, Galel-Achih,
Rahpop-Ahih, Rahtzalam-Achih, Utzam-Achih, titles of the warriors which
they obtained when they were nominated and titled on their thrones and
on their principalities, they who were the chiefs of the vassals of
the Quiché nation, its sentinels and spies, its chiefs of the lances
and chiefs of the slings, the ramparts, the walls, and the towers
which defended Quiché. Thus also did the people of Tamub and Ilocab,
the chiefs of the people in each locality having seized the power and
caused themselves to be titled. Such was the origin of the Galel-Ahpops
and of the titles that now exist in each of these places; such was
their source, when they sprang up at the hands of the Ahpop and the
Ahpop Camha, as also of the Galel and of the Ahtzic Winak, from whom
they derived their existence."[XI-54]
From the preceding narrative we learn that Quicab by his skill in war
and the valor of his armies extended the imperial Quiché power far
beyond its former limits, subjecting to the monarch of Utatlan nearly
the whole of Guatemala; and also that later in his reign he was forced
by a combination of his vassal chieftains, to whom military power had
been entrusted during his conquests, to reorganize his government, and
to bestow on these chieftains of the people nobility, and practically
the control of the empire. With this political revolution the record
as presented by the Popol Vuh ceases, the remainder of the document
being devoted to a description of Quiché institutions already given
in another volume of this work. Whether a portion of the original work
has been lost, or the Quiché history was deemed by the author to have
ceased with the humiliation of the ancient nobility by their forced
association with plebeian chiefs, it is impossible to determine.
Ximenez in his account of the Quiché kings devotes five lines to
Quicab and Cavizimah, whom, however, he unites in one person.[XI-55]
For additional details of Quicab's reign and the political changes
which marked it, as well as for all subsequent Guatemalan history,
we have only the Cakchiquel record,[XI-56] with slight information from
other documents, as presented in the history of Brasseur de Bourbourg,
together with the work of Juarros, whose version of Quicab's reign has
already been presented.
* * * * *
[Sidenote: TYRANNY OF QUICAB I.]
We left Chiyoc Queh, the Cakchiquel monarch, endeavoring to restore the
former glory of his nation by re-uniting its scattered tribes under one
head. The Zotzil-Tukuches were the only tribe that refused to recognize
his royal authority, and at last the Cakchiquel monarch applied to the
Quiché king for aid. Quicab and Cavizimah had just succeeded to the
throne of Utatlan, probably early in the fifteenth century. They sent
an army and routed the Zotziles, plundering and burning their towns and
putting the inhabitants to death without mercy. They did not stop here,
however, but forced Xiquitzal and Rahamun, who succeeded Chiyoc Queh on
the Cakchiquel throne, to give up their sovereign rights and submit to
become vassal lords, such of the people as resisted being massacred,
sacrificed, or sold as slaves. The Mames met with the same treatment,
their strongest towns including Zakuleu and Xelahuh (Huehuetenango and
Quezaltenango) being forced to yield to the armies of Utatlan. Then the
Rabinals and Pokomams were conquered, and no power was left that could
make any resistance. Quicab claimed to be absolute monarch of the whole
Guatemalan country; he admitted no allied kings paying homage and a
nominal tribute as they had done under the reign of his predecessors,
but reduced all rulers to the condition of royal governors entirely
subject to his command. Few kings would submit to such conditions and
most were consequently removed to make room for governors appointed by
the Quiché emperor. In his efforts to subordinate all rank and power to
his own personal sovereignty, he naturally arrayed the nobility of even
the Quiché royal families against himself, and the means adopted to
humble the ancient aristocracy were the appointment to high positions
in the army of plebeian officers distinguished for their valor, and the
humiliation of the noble officers on every possible occasion. The new
chieftains were called Achihab, and so numerous did they become and so
highly were they favored and stimulated against the nobles, that they
soon possessed, and fully realized their possession of, the controlling
power in the empire. In his efforts to humiliate one class, Quicab had
created another which he could not control by force and which he had
zealously educated to disregard all authority based on noble birth.
The Achihab, no longer content with military rank, aspired to the
higher dignities of the court; the people were naturally enthusiastic
in favor of their chiefs and were by them encouraged to question the
authority of their king over them. Soon a deputation was sent to the
court to demand certain reforms in favor of the people, including
an abolition of personal service and labor on the highways. Quicab
scornfully refused the petition of the popular chiefs, and his court
was soon abandoned by the Achihab as it had long been by most of the
nobles. Two of his sons, Tatayac and Ahytza, joined the Achihab in the
revolt, promising them all the property and titles of the nobility
in case of success, and being promised in turn the inheritance of
the throne with the palaces, slaves, and wealth pertaining thereto.
Quicab, in his extremity, applied for aid to the very nobility he had
so oppressed, and seems to have received their zealous support, for
notwithstanding the treatment they had suffered at the hands of the
monarch, they saw plainly that with the success of the rebels all their
prestige would be entirely destroyed. By the advice of the assembled
nobles the leaders of the Achihab, including those who had composed the
deputation demanding reforms, were seized and put to death. This caused
an immediate rising of the people, who, incited by their chiefs, and by
the descendants of the Tamub and Ilocab, invaded Utatlan, pillaged the
royal palaces, and almost annihilated by massacre the ancient nobility.
The king happened to be in a neighboring town at the time, and his life
was spared at the intercession of his sons; but he was kept a prisoner
while the rebel chieftains assembled in council as already narrated in
the Popol Vuh, to reconstruct the monarchy and to choose from their own
number the many lords that have been mentioned. At the close of their
deliberations the king and the surviving nobles of the royal families
were obliged to ratify the appointments at Chuliman, where the new
lords were installed with great ceremony. The Ahpop and Ahpop Camha,
seem, however, to have been left nominally in possession of their royal
rank, although the power was practically taken from them.
[Sidenote: WAR WITH THE CAKCHIQUELS.]
A quarrel broke out between the Quichés and the Cakchiquels residing
in or near Utatlan, and the chiefs of the latter, Vucubatz and Huntoh,
although particular friends of Quicab, were forced to flee from the
city to avoid death at the hands of the Achihab. During their flight,
however, accompanied by a large band of followers, they committed
great ravages in the Quiché lands until they arrived at the Cakchiquel
capital of Tecpan Quauhtemalan, or Iximché. On their arrival they
assembled the nobles, and every preparation was made to resist the
Quichés, who, it was thought, would not long delay an attack. The
Cakchiquels determined to shake off the Quiché yoke; Vucubatz and
Huntoh were raised to the throne, with the titles of Ahpozotzil and
Ahpoxahil, borne by their successors down to the Conquest. The war
began by the defeat of a Quiché army sent to punish the Cakchiquels for
their warlike demonstrations. Other nations were ready to follow the
example of the Cakchiquels; the Zotziles, Tzendales, Quelenes, Mames,
Rabinals, Zutugils, and Ah-Tziquinihayi declared their independence,
and many of these peoples not only threw off their allegiance to
Quicab, but were further divided into independent bands or cities.
The Cakchiquel monarchy soon extended over nearly all of Guatemala
south of Lake Atitlan and of the Rio Motagua, including many Pokomam
districts, thus not only becoming independent of the crown of Utatlan,
but also acquiring for itself the balance of power in the whole
country, so long held by the Quichés. Quicab, now the mere tool of
the Achihab, made little or no resistance, and was forced to see his
nation reduced to a secondary position, her territory being constantly
diminished by the revolt of new provinces and cities. It is said,
however, by the author of the Cakchiquel document, that the Achihab
had been restrained from attacking their rivals in the south by the
influence of Quicab, who was friendly to the Cakchiquel kings, but
this seems hardly probable. It is much more likely that the Achihab did
not attack Vucubatz and Huntoh because all their power was required to
repress hostile demonstrations nearer home. The idea of popular rights
which had robbed Quicab of his greatness and raised the vassal chiefs
to power was as dangerous and unmanageable for the new as for the old
nobility.
About the middle of the fifteenth century the Quiché and Cakchiquel
rulers died and were succeeded, the former by Tepepul II. and Iztayul
III., the latter by Oxlahuh-Tzy and Lahuh-Ah. The Ahpoxahil, or
second in rank at Iximché, however, lived only a few years, and was
followed by his son Cablahuh-Tihax. Immediately after the change of
rulers war was declared between the two nations, and at a time when
the Cakchiquels were weakened by a famine resulting from a failure
of crops, the Quiché army marched against Iximché. The kings Tepepul
II. and Iztayul III., accompanied the army, escorting the idol of
their god Tohil; but their forces were routed with great loss after
a terrific contest, near the Cakchiquel capital; both kings with the
idol fell into the hands of the enemy, and nothing farther is recorded
of their lives. Ximenez[XI-57] puts the revolt of the Cakchiquels and the
establishment of their monarchy in the reign of these kings instead of
that of Quicab; and he also mentions a successful revolt of the tribes
of Sacatepeques against the Cakchiquels, and the arrival of a band of
Pokomams from Salvador, who were given lands within the limits of the
two kingdoms. The two captive monarchs may have been put to death by
their captors, so that it is not certain that Iztayul III. ever held a
higher rank than that of Ahpop Camha.
[Sidenote: LATER KINGS AT UTATLAN.]
Tecum, Tepepul II., Vahxaki-Caam, and Quicab II. followed on the throne
of Utatlan down to the beginning of the sixteenth century, but nothing
is known of their reigns, and the Quichés seem to have had but little
to do with Guatemalan events beyond the limits of their own territory
during this period. Juarros, however--and it is to be noted that
this author gives no intimation of any serious reverses to the Quiché
monarchy--attributes to Quicab II. a successful campaign against the
Mames, undertaken because his own territory was found to be overcrowded
with the increasing numbers of his subjects, and because the Mames were
a miserable people, who should be content with less territory. At the
report of Quicab's warlike preparations, all the surrounding nations
made ready for defence, not knowing on which of themselves the blow was
to fall. The lord of the Mames, Lahuhquieh by name, marched boldly to
meet the Quiché army under the command of the king. The battle lasted
all day, with no decisive advantage on either side; but during the
night Quicab gained a commanding position on a hill, from the summit
of which, at sunrise, a storm of stones and arrows was showered upon
the foe. Lahuhquieh was soon defeated--the lord of Iximché, as is
said, aiding in his overthrow--and his people were driven from their
possessions to the northern mountains.[XI-58]
About all that is known of the kings that reigned at Utatlan from the
death of Quicab II., probably about the beginning of the sixteenth
century, down to 1524, is their names as given by the Popol Vuh,
Vucub-Noh, Cavatepech, Oxib-Quieh, and Beleheb Tzi, the last two being
respectively Ahpop and Ahpop Camha at the arrival of Pedro de Alvarado.
Juarros names as kings for a corresponding period, Iximché, Kicab III.,
Kicab IV., Kicab Tanub, Tecum Umam, Chignaviucelut, and Sequechul.
This author finds it recorded that during the reign of Kicab Tanub an
envoy arrived from Montezuma II., of Mexico, announcing the presence
of the Spaniards, and his own imprisonment, news which caused the
Quichés to make active preparations for defence. Juarros also relates
that Ahuitzotl, king of Mexico, after many unsuccessful attempts to
conquer Guatemala, sent an embassy to the different kings, ostensibly
to form an alliance with them, but as the southern rulers believed, to
study the country and the best means of attack; the embassadors were
consequently driven out of the country. The arguments of this and other
authors, that Guatemala was never subjected to Mexican rule need not
be repeated, since there is absolutely no evidence in support of such
a subjection.[XI-59]
* * * * *
The Cakchiquel record[XI-60] gives some additional information respecting
the later period of Guatemalan aboriginal history. The Cakchiquel
monarch Oxlahuh-Tzy seems to have been disposed to follow the example
of Quicab at Utatlan, by humbling the pride of his vassal kings, and
taking from them all real power. Among the most powerful of his allies
were the Akahales of Sacatapeques under Ychal-Amollac. This ruler was
summoned before the royal tribunal at Iximché on some pretext and was
put to death as soon as he appeared in the judgment-hall; the domain
of the Akahales was annexed to the possessions of the Cakchiquel
monarch, and placed under the government of officers who were that
king's creatures. The natural consequence of Oxlahuh-Tzy's ambition was
the formation of a league against him by powerful tribes unwilling to
surrender their independence. Among these were the Ah-Tziquinihayi of
Atitlan under Wookaok, and the Caokeb under Beleheb Gih; the latter,
however, were conquered by the victorious king of Iximché. About this
time internal dissensions were added to the external combination
against Oxlahuh-Tzy. The Cakchiquels at Iximché were divided into
two branches, the Zotziles and the Tukuches, and the leader of the
latter, Cay-Hunahpu took advantage of the ill-feeling produced by the
king's oppressive measures against the nobility, to revolt with his
partisans, leaving the capital and fortifying his new position near
by. Here he awaited the movements of the revolting tribes which were
leagued against the Cakchiquels, believing they would take advantage
of his secession to attack Iximché, and hoping by aiding their attack
and granting their independence, to place himself on the throne. The
tribes in question and others did take advantage of Cay-Hunahpu's
secession, not however to attack the capital and thus lend themselves
to that chief's ambitious projects, but to declare their independence,
establish governments of their own, and to make preparations for the
defence of their homes. The revolting provinces included that of
Sacatapeques as already mentioned by Ximenez, and the seigniories
of Tzolola, Mixco, Yampuk, and Papuluka, established at this time,
maintained their independence of Cakchiquel control down to the
conquest, except perhaps Mixco.
[Sidenote: REVOLT OF CAY-HUNAHPU.]
Cay Hunahpu, disappointed in the movements of his allies, attacked
Iximché with the Tukuches under his command, but his partisans
were routed, most of them being killed and the remainder fleeing to
distant provinces; while the leader was also among the slain. Thus
Oxlahuh-Tzy was still victorious, but was in no condition to attempt
the reduction of the rebel provinces; for new internal troubles soon
broke out. Cinahitoh, one of his bravest commanders in the last war,
but apparently of plebeian birth, demanded the rank of Ahtzih Winak
made vacant by the death of Cay-Hunahpu, but his claim was rejected,
the office given to Ahmoxnag, and the brave Cinahitoh was put to death.
The successful candidate was also executed for treason within a year.
Oxlahuh-Tzy continued in his policy of opposition to the nobles, and
even succeeded in regaining a few of the weaker tribes that had thrown
off their allegiance to his throne. In a war with the Akahales it is
recorded that a band of Yaqui, or Mexicans, probably traders, took part
against the Cakchiquels.
[Sidenote: PROPHECY OF DISASTER.]
About 1501 a defeat of the Zutugils and the capture of their stronghold
of Zakcab by the Cakchiquel king is recorded; and about the same
time the Ah-Tziquinihayi under Wookaok were besieged in Atitlan, but
succeeded in defeating the invaders. Respecting the last epoch of
Cakchiquel history, Juarros says: "The Cakchiquel king, Nimahuinac,
also enjoyed for a long time the promised tranquility, having made
peace and a perpetual alliance with the Pipiles; but this king having
made his near relative Acpocaquil treasurer of his tributes, this
traitor seized upon the city of Patinamit, now Tecpan Guatemala
(Iximché) and all the country subject to that Cakchiquel stronghold;
and the Zutugil king having declared himself an ally of the rebel
Acpocaquil, an obstinate war was waged between these two lords, which
lasted down to the arrival of the Spaniards. And it even seems that
this was the reason why Sinacam, who had succeeded to the throne of
the Cakchiquels, summoned and received peacefully the Spaniards, in
order to regain by their aid the great possessions of which Acpocaquil,
aided by the king of Atitlan, had despoiled him."[XI-61] The Guatemalans
were not left altogether without warnings of the Spaniards' coming,
for as early as the reign of Quicab II.--which, however, was after the
Spaniards were actually on the American coasts--Ximenez relates that
the son of the Cakchiquel king, a great sorcerer, was wont to visit the
Quiché cities by night, insulting the king with opprobrious epithets,
and disturbing his rest. Great rewards were offered for his capture,
and at last he was taken and brought bound into Quicab's presence,
where preparations were made for his sacrifice, when, addressing the
assembly the captive spoke as follows: "Wait a little and hear what I
wish to say to you; know that a time is to come in which you will be
in despair by reason of the calamities that are to come upon you; and
this _mama-caixon_, 'miserable old man,' (the king) must die; and know
that certain men, not naked like you, but armed from head to foot, will
come, and these will be terrible and cruel men, sons of Teja; perhaps
this will be to-morrow, or day after to-morrow, and they will destroy
all these edifices, which will become the habitations of owls and
wildcats, and then will come to an end all the grandeur of this court."
Thus having spoken, he was sacrificed to the gods.[XI-62]
At the beginning of the sixteenth century, three rival and hostile
monarchies ruled Guatemala, that of the Quichés at Utatlan, under
Vucub-Noh and Cavatepech, probably the Kicab Tanub of Fuentes; that
of the Cakchiquels at Iximché, under Oxlahuh-Tzy and Cablahuh-Tihax;
and that of the Zutugils at Atitlan, under Wookaok. The condition of
the Cakchiquel and Zutugil powers has already been portrayed so far
as there is any information extant on the subject. The Quiché monarchy
had recovered in a certain sense a large part of its former power. The
Achihab had shrewdly kept the descendants of the ancient kings on the
throne, and thus secured something of the friendship and respect of the
scattered lords. True, these lords maintained their independence of the
king of Utatlan, but so long as their privileges were not interfered
with they were still Quiché allies against the hated Cakchiquels and
all other foreign powers. So with all the independent tribes in the
country, who, although admitting no control on the part of either
monarch, were at heart allies of one of them against the others. Thus
the ancient empire had been practically divided into three, each with
its allied kingdoms or seigniories, of which three that of the Zutugils
and Ah-Tziquinihayi at Atitlan, was much less powerful and extensive
than the others.
There is no doubt that during this final period of Guatemalan history
the Mexican traders, who constantly visited the cities of the coast
in large caravans for commercial purposes, and who became, as we have
seen, practically the masters of Soconusco, exerted an influence also
in the politics of the interior. We have seen the prominent part this
class played in the conquest of provinces north of the isthmus, and
there is much evidence that they were already making their observations
and laying plans, by mixing themselves in the quarrels of the Quichés
and Cakchiquels, which might have brought the whole country under the
Aztec rulers, had it not been for the coming of the Spaniards, which
broke up so many cunningly devised plans in America. I have already
noticed the expulsion of ambassadors seeking ostensibly an alliance
with the southern powers, recorded by Juarros, and also the Mexican aid
said to have been furnished the Akahales against the Cakchiquels.
Oxlahuh-Tzy died about 1510, and his colleague two years later, leaving
the Cakchiquel throne to Hunyg and Lahuh-Noh. Early in the reign of
these kings there came from Mexico the embassy already spoken of in a
preceding chapter[XI-63] as having been sent by Montezuma II. probably to
obtain information respecting the strangers on the eastern coast, and
to consult with the southern monarchs about the best method of treating
the new-comers. It is possible also, that the political designs alluded
to above had something to do with the embassy, and Brasseur believes
that the Mexicans and Cakchiquels formed at this time an alliance
offensive and defensive against all foes. War broke out immediately
afterwards between the Cakchiquels and Quichés, and lasted almost
uninterruptedly for seven years, with no decisive results in favor of
either party, although the Cakchiquels, who acted for the most part on
the offensive, seem to have had the best of the struggle.
[Sidenote: RAVAGES OF THE SMALL-POX.]
In 1514, while the war still continued, immense numbers of locusts
caused a famine in the Cakchiquel dominions, and in the same year the
city of Iximché was almost entirely destroyed by fire. In 1519 the
war was suspended, perhaps on receipt of the news brought by the envoy
already mentioned, that the Spaniards had landed at Vera Cruz. Omens of
sinister import appeared here as at the north, one of the most notable
being the appearance of a ball of fire which appeared every evening for
many days in the east, and followed the course of the sun until it set
in the west. The famous black stone in the temple of Cahbaha was found,
when the priests went to consult it in this emergency, broken in two
pieces. In 1520 there came upon the Cakchiquels an epidemic cholera
morbus, accompanied by a fatal affection of the blood which carried
off large numbers, but which were as nothing in their ravages compared
with the small-pox which raged in 1521, contracted as is supposed, from
the Nahua tribes of the coast region. One half of the whole Cakchiquel
population are estimated to have fallen victims to this pestilence,
including the two monarchs, who were succeeded by Belehe Qat and
Cahi Imox. Whether the pestilence also raged among the Quichés is not
known; but the monarchs of Utatlan renewed their hostilities at this
time, and the Cakchiquels, weakened by disease and famine, harassed by
rebellious vassals, and now attacked again by a powerful foe, adopted
the desperate resort of sending an embassy to Mexico to demand the aid
of the Spaniards, advised to this course doubtless by their Mexican
allies. The reply was the promise that relief would soon be sent. In
the meantime two Cakchiquel campaigns are recorded, one most successful
in aid of the rulers of Atitlan against insurgents, and the other, less
favorable in its results, in aid of the Ah-Tziquinihayi of Pacawal.
The news of the Cakchiquel alliance with the Spaniards caused the most
bitter indignation, not only at Utatlan, where Oxib-Quieh and Beleheb
Tzy had succeeded to the throne, but among all the tribes of the
country, which seem to have formed a combination against the monarchs
of Iximché, and to have already begun hostilities when, in February
1524, the approach of Pedro de Alvarado was announced. The details of
Alvarado's conquest belong to another history; but in general terms,
after having marched--not without opposition--through Soconusco, he
defeated the native forces that attempted to check his progress on the
banks of the Rio Tilapa, the Guatemalan frontier line, and advanced
against the allied forces that had assembled from all directions in the
region of Xelahuh, or Quezaltenango, under the command of Tecum, the
Nim Chocoh Cawek of the Quiché monarchy. The two battles which decided
the fate of the Quichés were fought near Xelahuh and Totonicapan, so
that at Utatlan Alvarado met no open resistance, but was invited to
enter the city, the plan being to burn the city and the Spaniards with
it. The plot was discovered and the Ahpop and Ahpop Camha burned alive
in punishment for their intentions, the city then being burned by the
invaders. After the fall of Utatlan, Alvarado marched to Iximché,
where he was kindly received by the Cakchiquel kings, and where
he established his headquarters for the conquest of other nations,
beginning with the Zutugils.[XI-64]
FOOTNOTES:
[XI-1] See vol. ii., p. 121, et seq.
[XI-2] See map in vol. ii.
[XI-3] _Popol Vuh_, p. 79; this volume, p. 175.
[XI-4] _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., tom. iii., cap. cxxiv.,
cxxv.
[XI-5] This vol., pp. 178-80; _Popol Vuh_, p. 141.
[XI-6] _Torquemada_, tom. ii., pp. 53-4; _Las Casas_, _Hist.
Apologética_, MS., tom. iii., cap. cxxiv.
[XI-7] _Brasseur_, in _Popol Vuh_, p. cclvi. The only authority
referred to on this matter of Copan is the _Isagoge Historico_, a
manuscript cited in _García Pelaez_, _Mem. para la Historia del
antiguo Reino de Guatemala_, tom. i., p. 45 et seq.
[XI-8] The other names are Lamak, Cumatz, Tuhalha, Uchabaha,
Chumilaha, Quibaha, Batenab, Acul-Vinak, Balamiha, Canchahel, and
Balam-Colob, most of which Brasseur connects more or less
satisfactorily with the scattered ruins in the Guatemala highlands,
where these tribes afterwards settled. It is stated by the tradition
that only the principal names are given.
[XI-9] The fourth god, Nicahtagah, is rarely named in the following
pages; Tohil is often used for the trinity, Tohil, Avilix, and
Hacavitz; and Balam-Quitzé for the band of the first four men or
high-priests.
[XI-10] The names of the localities named as the hiding-places of the
gods are said to be still attached to places in Vera Paz.
[XI-11] See p. 182, of this volume.
[XI-12] Another document consulted by Brasseur, _Popol Vuh_, p. 286,
places four generations between Balam-Quitzé and Qocaib and Qocavib
mentioned above as his sons.
[XI-13] Brasseur insists that this was Acxitl Quetzalcoatl, the last
Toltec king, who had founded a great kingdom in Honduras, with the
capital at Copan. _Popol Vuh_, p. 294.
[XI-14] Brasseur, in _Popol Vuh_, p. 297, gives a list from another
document of many of these new settlements, many of which as he claims
can be identified with modern localities. The chief of the new towns
was Chiquix, 'in the thorns,' possibly the name from which Quiché was
derived. This city occupied four hills, or was divided into four
districts, the Chiquix, Chichac, Humetaha, and Culba-Cavinal.
[XI-15] _Popol Vuh_, pp. 205-99; _Ximenez_, _Hist. Ind. Guat._, pp.
83-118.
[XI-16] _Brasseur_, in _Popol Vuh_, pp. ccliii-cclxxi. The manuscripts
referred to by this writer for this and the preceding information,
are:--_Título Territorial de los Señores de Totonicapan_; _Título
Territorial de los Señores de Sacapulas_; _MS. Cakchiquel_; _Título
Real de la Casa de Itzcuin-Nehaib_; and _Título de los Señores de
Quezaltenango y de Momostenango_.
[XI-17] _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., pp. 73-150. The authorities
referred to besides those already named are the following: _Fuentes y
Guzman_, _Recopilacion Florida de la Hist. de Guat._, MS.; _Ximenez_,
_Hist. de los Reyes del Quiché_, MS.; _Chrónica de la Prov. de
Goattemala_, MS. The chief authority, however, is the _MS.
Cakchiquel_, or _Mémorial de Tecpan-Atitlan_.
[XI-18] The tribes named as having gathered here, are the Quichés,
Rabinals, Cakchiquels, Zutugils, Ah-Tziquinaha, Tuhalaha, Uchabaha,
Chumilaha, Tucurú, Zacaha, Quibaha, Batenab, Balaniha, Canchahel,
Balam Colob, Acul, Cumatz, Akahales, and Lamagi.
[XI-19] See p. 182, of this volume.
[XI-20] See vol. iv., pp. 128-30, for notice of ruins.
[XI-21] See p. 555 of this volume.
[XI-22] This is evidently taken by Juarros, from the Spanish version
of the Mexican traditions.
[XI-23] The reader is already aware that no such kings ever reigned
over the Toltecs in Anáhuac. It is evident that the author has
confounded the Tulan of the Guatemalan annals with Tollan, the Toltec
capital in Anáhuac, and the Nahua migration from the Xibalban region
in the fourth or fifth century, with that of the Toltecs in the
eleventh.
[XI-24] _Juarros_, _Hist. Guat._, (Guat., 1857) pp. 7-9. The extract
that I have made extends a little beyond the point at which I have
left the other records. I give here also a list of the Quiché kings,
who were according to Juarros: 1, Acxopil; 2, Jiuhtemal; 3, Hunahpu;
4, Balam Kiché (Balam-Quitzé); 5, Balam Acam (Balam-Agab); 6, Maucotah
(Mahucutah); 7, Iquibalam (Iqi-Balam); 8, Kicab I.; 9, Cacubraxechein;
10, Kicab II.; 11, Iximché; 12, Kicab III.; 13, Kicab IV.; 14, Kicab
Tamub; 15, Tecum Umam; 16, Chignaviucelut; 17, Sequechul or Sequechil.
The list of the Quiché princes of the royal house of Cawek, according
to the order of the generations, is given in the _Popol Vuh_, pp.
339-40, _Ximenez_, pp. 133-4, as follows--the list apparently includes
not only the Ahpop, or king, but the Ahpop Camha, heir apparent to the
throne. And, as is indicated by the course of the history, and as
Brasseur believes, each Ahpop Camha succeeded the Ahpop on the throne,
so that the whole number of the Quiché kings, down to the coming of
the Spaniards, counting from Qocavib, was twenty-two instead of
eleven, as the list might seem to imply and as Ximenez evidently
understands it:--1, Balam-Quitzé; 2, Qocavib, (although we have seen
that, by other documents several generations are placed between the
first and second of this list); 3, Balam Conache (the first to take
the title Ahpop); 4, Cotuha and Iztayub; 5, Gucumatz and Cotuha; 6,
Tepepul and Iztayul; 7, Quicab and Cavizimah; 8, Tepepul and Xtayub;
9, Tecum and Tepepul; 10, Vahxaki-Caam and Quicab; 11, Vukub Noh and
Cavatepech; 12, Oxib-Quieh and Beleheb Tzi (reigning when Alvarado
came, and hung by the Spaniards); 13, Tecum and Tepepul; 14, Don Juan
de Rojas and Don Juan Cortés.
The princes of the house of Nihaïb given by the same authority, p.
343, _Ximenez_, pp. 135, were as follows:--1, Balam-Agab; 2, Qoacul
and Qoacutec; 3, Qochahuh and Qotzibaha; 4, Beleheb-Gih; 5, Cotuha; 6,
Batza; 7, Ztayul; 8, Cotuha; 9, Beleheb-Gih; 10, Quema; 11, Cotuha;
12, Don Christóval; 13, Don Pedro de Robles.
List of the princes of the Royal House of Ahau Quiché, _Popol Vuh_, p.
345, _Ximenez_, pp. 136-7; 1, Mahucutah; 2, Qoahau; 3, Caklacan; 4,
Qocozom; 5, Comahcan; 6, Vukub-Ah; 7, Qocamel; 8, Coyabacoh,
Vinak-Bam. These lists, however, do not seem to correspond altogether
with the Quiché annals as given by the same authority, as the reader
will see in the succeeding pages.
[XI-25] _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i., p. 38, tom. ii., pp. 338-40. See also
_Helps' Span. Conq._, vol. iii., pp. 246-9.
[XI-26] _Geografía_, pp. 97-9, 128, et seq.
[XI-27] _Gallatin_, in _Amer. Ethno. Soc., Transact._, vol. i., p. 8.
[XI-28] _Voy. Pitt._, pp. 41, 646.
[XI-29] _Mem. de Tecpan-Atitlan_, in _Brasseur_, _Hist._, tom. ii.,
pp. 155-75.
[XI-30] Pp. 299-307; _Brasseur_, _Hist._, tom. ii., pp. 475-99;
_Ximenez_, _Hist. Ind. Guat._, pp. 119-21.
[XI-31] In his _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., p. 478, Brasseur seems to
regard Balam II. and Conache as two kings, one succeeding the other,
but in his notes to _Popol Vuh_, p. cclxxiii., he unites them in one.
[XI-32] _Título de los Señores de Totonicapan._
[XI-33] _Título de los Señores de Totonicapan_, in the introduction to
_Popol Vuh_, pp. cclxxv-vi.
[XI-34] See p. 529, of this volume.
[XI-35] _Mem. de Tecpan-Atitlan_, in _Brasseur_, _Hist._, tom. ii.,
pp. 483-9.
[XI-36] See p. 570-1, of this volume.
[XI-37] Brasseur places his reign somewhere between 1225 and 1275.
[XI-38] The _Popol Vuh_ represents Utatlan, as we have seen, p. 573,
to have been first occupied by Cotuha and Gucumatz; meaning, as is
shown by the table of kings in the same document--see p. 566, of this
volume--by Gucumatz as king and Cotuha II. as second in rank. Brasseur
states that the name Gumarcaah was then given to the city, but it is
much more likely that this was the ancient name, and Utatlan of later
origin.
[XI-39] For description of the ruins of Utatlan, see vol. iv., pp.
124-8.
[XI-40] _Juarros_, _Hist. Guat._, pp. 9-16.
[XI-41] _Brasseur_, _Hist._, tom. ii., pp. 150-2, 475-7, 499. The
opinion that Hunahpu and Gucumatz were identical, however, is said to
receive some support from the _Isagoge Historico_, of Pelaez' work,
quoted by _Id._, in _Popol Vuh_, p. 316.
[XI-42] See vol. ii., pp. 637-44.
[XI-43] Or, as Ximenez renders it, to Hell.
[XI-44] He is named as being of the fifth generation in the tables at
the end of the document.
[XI-45] _Popol Vuh_, pp. 307-17; _Ximenez_, _Hist. Ind. Guat._, pp.
121-5; _Id._, _Escolios_, in _Id._, pp. 165-8. This last work is
perhaps the same as that quoted by Brasseur as _Ximenez_, _Hist. de
los Reyes del Quiché_, MS., but it is merely a list of kings with some
of their deeds, adding nothing whatever, in a historical point of
view, to the translation of the Quiché record.
[XI-46] _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii., pp. 493-9; _Id._, in _Popol Vuh_,
p. cclxxvi.
[XI-47] _Título de los Señores de Totonicapan_, in _Popol Vuh_, pp.
cclxxvi-vii.
[XI-48] _Mem. de Tecpan-Atitlan_, in _Brasseur_, _Hist._, tom. ii.,
pp. 501-3.
[XI-49] See p. 576, of this vol.
[XI-50] Cakchiquels and Pipiles almost constantly at war; _Squier's
Cent. Amer._, p. 323; _Id._, in _Nouvelles Annales_, tom. cliii., p.
180.
[XI-51] _Juarros_, _Hist. Guat._, pp. 16-23. Fuentes used a history
written by a son and grandson of the last king of Guatemala, _Müller_,
_Amer. Urrel._, p. 454. Waldeck, _Voy. Pitt._, p. 46, declares the
Guatemalan manuscripts not reliable, and states that the Macario
manuscript used by Fuentes was badly translated.
[XI-52] _Juarros_, _Hist. Guat._, pp. 23-4.
[XI-53] The seventh according to the tables.
[XI-54] _Popol Vuh_, pp. 317-27; _Ximenez_, _Hist. Ind. Guat._, pp.
125-9. There are some differences and omissions in the Spanish
translation.
[XI-55] _Escolios_, in _Hist. Ind. Guat._, pp. 168-9.
[XI-56] _Mem. de Tecpan-Atitlan_, in _Brasseur_, _Hist._, tom. ii.,
pp. 503-45.
[XI-57] _Escolios_, in _Hist. Ind. Guat._, pp. 169-71.
[XI-58] _Juarros_, _Hist. Guat._, pp. 24-6.
[XI-59] _Id._, pp. 9-11, 35-9.
[XI-60] _Mem. de Tecpan-Atitlan_, in _Brasseur_, _Hist._, tom. ii.,
pp. 529-45.
[XI-61] _Juarros_, _Hist. Guat._, p. 26. It is impossible to connect
this account in any way with the others.
[XI-62] _Ximenez_, _Escolios_, in _Hist. Ind. Guat._, pp. 172-3.
[XI-63] See p. 470 of this volume; _Brasseur_, _Hist._, tom. ii., p.
624.
[XI-64] _Brasseur_, _Hist._, tom. iv., pp. 619-51, with reference to
_MS. Cakchiquel_, and other documents.