THE QUICHÉ-CAKCHIQUEL EMPIRE IN GUATEMALA.
No Chronology in the South -- Outline View -- Authorities
-- Xbalanque at Utatlan -- The Migration from Tulan --
Balam-Quitzé and his Companions -- Sacrifices to Tohil --
the Quichés on Mt Hacavitz -- The Tamub and Ilocab -- First
Victories -- Qocavib Founds the Monarchy at Izmachi -- the
Toltec Theory -- Imaginary Empire of the East -- Different
Versions of Primitive History -- The Cakchiquel Migration --
Juarros and Fuentes -- Lists of Kings -- Cakchiquels under
Hacavitz -- Reigns of Balam-Conache, Cotuha, and Iztayul,
at Izmachi -- War against the Ilocab -- The Stolen Tribute
-- Gucumatz, Quiché Emperor at Utatlan -- Changes in the
Government -- Reigns of Cotuha II., Tepepul, and Iztayul
II. -- Cakchiquel History -- Conquests of Quicab I. --
Revolt of the Achihab -- Dismemberment of the Empire --
Cakchiquel Conquests -- Reigns of the last Guatemalan Kings
-- Appearance of the Spaniards under Alvarado in 1524.
[Sidenote: PRELIMINARY VIEW.]
In the south we have no connected history except for two centuries
immediately preceding the conquest, and no attempt at precise
chronology even for that short period. The Quiché-Cakchiquel empire in
Guatemala was, at the coming of the Spaniards, the most powerful and
famous in North America, except that of the Aztecs in Anáhuac, with
which it never came into direct conflict, although the fame of each
was well known to the other, and commercial intercourse was carried on
almost constantly. The southern empire, so far as may be learned from
the slight evidence bearing on the subject, was about three centuries
old in the sixteenth century, and the nearest approach to chronology
in its annals is the regular succession of monarchs who occupied the
throne, the achievements of each king given in what may be considered
to be their chronologic order, and an apparent connection in a few
cases with occurrences whose date is known from the Aztec records.
In a preceding volume of this work I have presented all that the
authorities have preserved respecting the manners and customs of the
Guatemalan peoples, and their condition at the coming of the Spaniards,
including their system of government and the order of royal succession.
In a chapter devoted to a general preliminary view of these nations,[XI-1]
I have already presented a brief outline of their history as follows:
Guatemala and northern Honduras were found in possession of the Mames
in the north-west, the Pokomams in the south-east, the Quichés in the
interior, and the Cakchiquels in the south.[XI-2] The two latter were the
most powerful, and ruled the country from their capitals of Utatlan
and Tecpan Guatemala, where they resisted the Spaniards almost to
the point of annihilation, retiring for the most part after defeat to
live by the chase in the distant mountain gorges. Guatemalan history
from the time of the Votanic empire down to an indefinite date not
many centuries before the conquest, is a blank. It re-commences with
the first traditions of the nations just mentioned. These traditions,
as in the case of every American people, begin with the immigration
of foreign tribes into the country, as the first in the series of
events leading to the establishment of the Quiché-Cakchiquel empire.
Assuming the Toltec dispersion from Anáhuac in the eleventh century
as a well-authenticated fact, most writers have identified the
Guatemalan nations, except perhaps the Mames, by some considered the
descendants of the original inhabitants, with the migrating Toltecs
who fled southward to found a new empire. I have already made known
my scepticism respecting national American migrations in general, and
the Toltec migration southward in particular, and there is nothing in
the annals of Guatemala to modify the views previously expressed. The
Quiché traditions are vague and without chronologic order, much less
definite than those relating to the mythical Aztec wanderings. The
sum and substance of the Quiché and Toltec identity is the traditional
statement that the former people entered Guatemala at an unknown period
in the past, while the latter left Anáhuac in the eleventh century.
That the Toltecs should have migrated en masse southward, taken
possession of Guatemala, established a mighty empire, and yet have
abandoned their language for dialects of the original Maya tongue, is
in the highest degree improbable. It is safer to suppose that the mass
of the Quichés, and other nations of Guatemala, Chiapas, and Honduras,
were descended directly from the Maya builders of Palenque, and from
contemporary peoples,--that is, as has been shown in the chapter on
pre-Toltec history in this volume, from the Maya peoples after they
had been conquered by a new power and had become to a certain extent,
so far as their institutions were concerned, Nahua nations.--Yet the
differences between the Quiché-Cakchiquel structures and the older
architectural remains of the Maya empire, indicate a new era of Maya
culture, originated not improbably by the introduction of foreign
elements. Moreover the apparent identity in name and teachings between
the early civilizers of the Quiché tradition and the Nahua followers of
Quetzalcoatl, together with reported resemblances between actual Quiché
and Aztec institutions as observed by Europeans, indicate farther that
the new element was engrafted on Maya civilization by contact with the
Nahuas, a contact of which the presence of the exiled Toltec nobility
may have been a prominent feature. After the overthrow of the original
empire, we may suppose the people to have been subdivided during the
course of centuries by civil wars and sectarian struggles into petty
states, the glory of their former greatness vanished and partially
forgotten, the spirit of progress dormant, to be roused again by the
presence of the Nahua chiefs. These gathered and infused new life
into the scattered remnants; they introduced some new institutions,
and thus aided the ancient peoples to rebuild their empire on the
old foundations, retaining the dialects of the original language. The
preceding paragraphs, however, gave an exaggerated idea of the Toltec
element in forming Quiché institutions, as has been shown by the
investigations of the present volume, since, while the Nahua element in
these institutions was very strong, yet the Nahua influence was exerted
chiefly in pre-Toltec times while the two peoples were yet living
together in Central America, rather than by the exiled Toltec nobles
and priests.
[Sidenote: AUTHORITIES ON GUATEMALAN HISTORY.]
The authorities for Quiché history are not numerous. They include
the work of Juarros, which is chiefly founded on the manuscripts of
Fuentes; the published Spanish and French translations of the Popol
Vuh, or National Book, of which much has already been said; and a
number of documents similar to the latter, written in Spanish letters,
but in the various Quiché-Cakchiquel dialects, by native authors who
wrote after the Conquest, of course, but relied upon the aboriginal
records and traditions, never published and only known to the world
through the writings of Brasseur de Bourbourg, who, in Maya as in many
parts of Nahua history, is the chief and almost the only authority.
In the earliest annals of Central America, while the Xibalban empire
was yet in the height of its power, we find what is, perhaps, the first
mention of the territory known later as Guatemala, in the mention by
the Popol Vuh[XI-3] of Carchah, or Nimxob Carchah, a locality in Vera
Paz, as the place whence Hunhunahpu and Vucub Hunahpu, the first Nahua
chiefs who conspired against the Xibalban monarchs, directed their
first expedition toward the region of Palenque. Las Casas also names
this as one of the entrances to the road which lead to the infernal
regions, the sense probably given to Xibalba in the traditions of the
country.[XI-4] And from Utatlan, in the same region, in later centuries
the Quiché capital, started Xbalanque and Hunahpu, the descendants
of the two chieftains already named, to avenge the defeat of their
ancestors, and to overthrow the proud kings of Xibalba. The young
princes left behind them their mother and grand-mother, planting in
their cabin two canes which were to indicate to those left at home
their own fortune, to flourish with their prosperity, to wither at each
misfortune, and to die should they meet the fate of their predecessors;
hence perhaps the Quiché name of Utatlan, Gumarcaah, 'house of
withered canes.'[XI-5] The mention of Guatemalan localities in this
connection is not sufficient to prove that the opposition to Xibalba
had its beginning or centre in Guatemala, but simply indicates that
the Nahua power in those primitive times extended over that region,
as did also the Maya power, not improbably. In other words, the long
struggle between the two rival powers was no local contest at and about
Palenque, but was felt in a greater or less degree throughout the whole
country, from Anáhuac to Guatemala, and perhaps still farther south.
[Sidenote: EXPEDITION OF XBALANQUE.]
Xbalanque's expedition and some subsequent occurrences are related by
Torquemada, as follows: "After the people of the earth had multiplied
and increased, it was made known that a god had been born in the
province of Otlatla (Utatlan), now known as Vera Paz, thirty leagues
from the capital called Quauhtemallan (Guatemala), which god they named
Exbalanquen. Of him it is related, among other lies and fables, that
he went to wage war against Hell, and fought against all the people
of that region and conquered them, and captured the king of Hell with
many of his army. On his return to the earth after his victory, bearing
with him his spoils, the king of the Shades begged that he might not
be carried away. They were then in three or four grades of light, but
Exbalanquen gave the infernal monarch a kick, saying 'go back, and
thine be in future all that is rotten, and refuse, and stinking, in
these infernal regions.' Exbalanquen then returned to Vera Paz whence
he had set out, but he was not received there with the festivities
and songs of triumph which he thought he had deserved, and therefore
he went away to another kingdom, where he was kindly received. This
conqueror of Hell is said to have introduced the custom of sacrificing
human beings.""[XI-6] Brasseur adds on this subject: "Copan, the name of
which ('on the vase') alludes mysteriously to the religious symbols
of the mixed, or Mestizo, Nahua race, was it then chosen by this
prince, whose mother (Xquiq) personified the fundamental idea of this
sanguinary worship? However this may have been, it seems certain that
the latter city owed its origin to a fierce warrior named Balam,
who had entered the country by the way of Peten Itza about fifteen
centuries before the Spanish conquest. During the last period of native
rule the province of which Copan was the capital was called Payaqui
('in the Yaqui, or Nahuas') or the kingdom of Chiquimula."[XI-7] But all
this may be regarded as purely conjectural.
From the time when Xbalanque and Hunahpu marched to the conquest
of Xibalba, and succeeded in subordinating the ancient Maya to the
Nahua power, for several centuries down to the subsequent scattering
of both Nahua and Maya tribes, which preceded the appearance of the
Toltec branches in Anáhuac, the history of Guatemala is a blank. That
civilized peoples occupied the country at that remote time; that they
had been more or less the subjects of the ancient empire; and that they
had been brought within the new influences of the Nahua institutions,
there can be little doubt; but they have left no record of their
deeds, probably not even of their names. The annals recommence with
the traditional migration from Tulan, by which the Toltecs established
themselves on the central plateaux of Mexico, while the tribes
afterwards known as Quichés wandered southward to the highlands of
Vera Paz; but five or six centuries were yet to pass before we find any
record that may be properly termed history. I return to the traditions
of the Popol Vuh, it being necessary to take up the thread of the story
at a period even preceding the arrival at Tulan, and thus to repeat in
a measure certain portions already referred to in a preceding chapter.
[Sidenote: RECORD OF THE POPOL VUH.]
After the creation of the first men, Balam-Quitzé, Balam-Agab,
Mahucutah, and Iqi-Balam, wives were given them, and these were the
parents of the Quiché nation. Among the nations then in the East,
that received their names from those that were begotten, were those
of Tepeuh, Oloman, Cohah, Quenech, and Ahau; also those of Tamub and
Ilocab who came together from the eastern land.[XI-8] Balam-Quitzé was the
ancestor of the nine grand families of Cawek; Balam-Agab of the nine
of Nihaïb; Mahucutah of the four of Ahau-Quiché. There came also the
thirteen of Tecpan, and those of Rabinal, the Cakchiquels, those of
Tziquinaha, Zacaha, and others. All seem to have spoken one language,
and to have lived in great peace, black men and white together. Here
they awaited the rising of the sun and prayed to the Heart of Heaven.
The tribes were already very numerous, including that of the Yaqui
(Nahuas). At the advice of Balam-Quitzé and his companions, they
departed in search of gods to worship, and came to Tulan-Zuiva, the
Seven Caves, where gods were given them, Tohil, Avilix, Hacavitz, and
Nicahtagah. Tohil was also the god of Tamub and Ilocab, and the three
tribes, or families, kept together, for their god was the same.[XI-9] Here
arrived all the tribes, the Rabinals, the Cakchiquels, the Tziquinaha,
and the Yaqui; and here their language was confounded, they could no
longer understand each other, and they separated, some going to the
east and many coming hither (to Guatemala). They dressed in skins
and were poor, but they were wonderful men, and when they reached
Tulan-Zuiva, long had been their journey, as the ancient histories tell
us.
Now there was no fire; Tohil was the first to create it, but it is
not known exactly how he did it, since it was already burning when
it was discovered by Balam-Quitzé and Balam-Agab. The fire was put
out by a sudden shower and by a storm of hail, but the fire of the
Quichés was rekindled by Tohil. Then the other tribes came shivering
with chattering teeth to ask for fire from Balam-Quitzé, which was at
first denied them; and a messenger from Xibalba appeared, a Zotzil,
or bat, as it is said, and advised the high-priests to refuse the
petition of the tribes until they should have learned from Tohil the
price to be paid for the fire. The condition finally named by the god
was, that they consent to "unite themselves to me under their armpit
and under their girdle, and that they embrace me, Tohil," a condition
not very clearly expressed, but which, as is shown by what follows,
was an agreement to worship the Quiché god, and sacrifice to him their
blood, and, if required, their children. They accepted the condition
and received the fire. But one family stole the fire, the family of
Zotzil, of the Cakchiquels, whose god was Chamalcan, and whose symbol
was the bat; and they did not submit to the conditions of Tohil. Here
they began to fast and to watch for the sun. It was not here that they
received their power and sovereignty, but there where they subdued the
great and the little tribes, when they sacrificed them before the face
of Tohil, offering him the blood, the life, the breast, and the armpit
of all men. Thus at Tulan came to them their majesty, that great wisdom
which was in them in the obscurity and in the night. They came then and
tore themselves away from there and abandoned the regions of the rising
sun. "This is not our home; let us go and see where we shall establish
it," said Tohil. Truly he spoke to Balam-Quitzé--and the others. "Make
first your thanksgiving, prepare the holes in your ears, pierce your
elbows, and offer sacrifice; this will be your act of gratitude before
god." "It is well," they replied, piercing their ears; and these things
are in the song of their coming from Tulan; and their hearts groaned
when they started, after they had torn themselves away from Tulan.
"Alas! we shall no longer behold here the dawn at the moment when the
sun comes up to illumine the face of the earth," said they as they set
out. But some were left on the road; for some remained asleep, each of
the tribes arising so as to see the morning star. It was the sign of
the morning that was in their thoughts when they came from the land of
the rising sun, and their hope was the same in leaving this place which
is at a great distance, as they tell us to-day.
[Sidenote: THE QUICHÉS AT MT HACAVITZ.]
They arrived and assembled on the mountain now called Chipixab, the
Quichés, Tamub, Ilocab, Cakchiquels, Rabinals, and Tziquinaha. They
took counsel one with another, and were very sad, and hungry too. Then,
at their own request, were the gods concealed in different ravines
and forests,[XI-10] except Hacavitz, who was placed on a pyramid on Mt
Hacavitz, and there all the tribes waited in great trouble for the
coming of the dawn. "Now behold lords were made, and our old men and
our fathers had their beginning; behold we will relate the dawn and
the appearance of the sun, moon, and stars." The account of the dawn
and its attendant ceremonies, which follows in the Popol Vuh, would
seem, in connection with the preceding quotations, to refer vaguely to
the election of rulers, the establishment of temporal and spiritual
government, the birth of Quiché institutions. Here they sang the
song of lamentation for their separation from their kindred in Tulan,
already referred to.[XI-11]
Under Balam-Quitzé, Balam-Agab, Mahucutah, and Iqi-Balam, they lived
together on the mountain, and the tribes of Tamub and Ilocab lived
near by in the forests of Dan, under the same god Tohil, the god of
the people of Rabinal being the same under the name of Huntoh, while
the god of the Cakchiquels was different, Tzotziha Chamalcan, as was
also their language. Their hearts were heavy because Tohil, Avilix,
and Hacavitz were still hidden in the grass and moss, although it has
been stated before that the latter was on the pyramid of Hacavitz. They
went to thank Tohil for the sunrise, and to make offerings of resins
and plants; and he spoke and made known a rule of conduct for the
sacrificers; and they called upon him to aid them and said, "here shall
be our mountains and our valleys;" and the gods predicted their future
greatness. They still suffered from hunger, and the places where the
wives abode were not clearly known.
And now many towns had been founded, apparently by other than the
Quiché tribes, but as to Balam-Quitzé and his three companions they
were not clearly seen, but cried like wild beasts in the mountains
and on the roads, coming each day before Tohil, Avilix, and Hacavitz,
offering them the blood of beasts, and blood drawn from their own
bodies. Afterwards began the slaughter of the surrounding people who
were overtaken on the roads, either one by one or in small groups,
and slain, as was supposed, by wild beasts. After many had perished,
suspicions were aroused of the four sacrificers and of their gods, but
it was hard to track the pretended animals on the fog-enveloped summits
of the Guatemalan heights. Now the gods Tohil, Avilix, and Hacavitz
assumed the appearance of three young men, and were wont to bathe in a
certain river, vanishing at will whenever they were seen by the people;
and a council was held to devise means for effecting their death, and
to escape the destruction caused by these Quichés of Cawek. They deemed
themselves a great people and those of Cawek only a handful; yet if
the power of the three gods was really so great that it could not be
overcome, then would they call upon Tohil also to be their god. It was
decided to send to meet the three young men at the bath two of the most
beautiful of their virgins, that the passions of the former might be
excited. These virgins, in obedience to the commands of their elders,
went to the river to wash linen, and both removed all their clothing as
soon as the three bathers appeared, and began to talk with them, saying
that their parents had sent them to speak to the young men and to bring
some token of having had an interview with them. But the young men did
not, as was expected, so far descend from their godlike dignity as to
take liberties with the fair Xtah and Xpuch, but after consultation
with Balam-Quitzé and his brother sacrificers, gave the girls their
painted mantles as tokens to carry to those that had sent them. One of
the mantles was covered with painted wasps and bees which came to life
and stung the lord who put it on, and thus was Tohil victorious over
the princes, by the aid of Balam-Quitzé and his companions. Then an
assault was determined upon by the numerous tribes against the small
forces of the Quiché sacrificers on Mount Hacavitz, but Tohil knew of
all their plans, as did Balam-Quitzé. The invaders were to make the
attack by night, but they fell asleep on the route, and their eyebrows
and beard were shaven and all their ornaments stolen by the valiant
Quichés as they slept. The Quiché leaders fortified their position
with palisades and fallen trees, and stationed on them manikins of
wood armed like soldiers and decorated with the gold and silver stolen
from the sleeping foe. The sacrificers were sore afraid, but Tohil
re-assured them. They filled the shells of gourds with hornets and
wasps and placed them about the defences of their town. Spies came from
the enemy and looked upon the wooden soldiers and rejoiced that they
were few in number, and at the victory their countless armies were soon
to win.
[Sidenote: THE THREE TEMPTERS.]
The hostile forces, armed with bows and arrows, and bearing shields,
ascended the mountain and surrounded the Quiché retreat, shouting and
striving with fearful clamor to strike terror into the hearts of their
foes, who meanwhile looked calmly on. At the fitting moment the winged
allies of the Quichés were released from the gourds and in countless
hordes attacked the invaders right valiantly, fastening themselves
on the eyes and noses of the foe, who threw down their arms in their
agony, threw themselves on the ground, and were slaughtered by the
followers of Tohil, both men and women joining in the bloody work.
Barely half of the invading army escaped to their homes. The tribes
were thus humiliated before the face of the sacrificers, begged for
mercy, and were made subjects; the victors were filled with exultation,
and multiplied, begetting sons and daughters on Mount Hacavitz.
The sons of the sacrificers were as follows; Balam-Quitzé begat Qocaib
and Qocavib, ancestor of the Cawek, or first Quiché royal family.
Balam-Agab begat Qoacul and Qoacutec, from whom sprang the family of
Nihaïb. Mahucutah had but one son Qoahau; and Iqi-Balam had none.[XI-12]
The four sacrificers, the first leaders and fathers of the Quiché
people, were now old and ready to die, and after many words of counsel
to their sons they disappeared suddenly, leaving to their people what
is called the 'enveloped majesty' as a most precious relic, the form of
which was not known for the envelope was not removed; and thenceforth
the Quichés from their home on the mountain ruled all the surrounding
tribes now thoroughly subjected.
[Sidenote: ESTABLISHMENT OF THE MONARCHY.]
The three elder sons, Qocaib, Qoacutec, and Qoahau, were married long
after the death of their fathers, and they determined to go as their
fathers had ordered to the East on the shore of the sea, whence their
fathers had come, 'to receive the royalty,' bidding adieu to their
brothers and friends, and promising to return. "Doubtless they passed
over the sea when they went to the East to receive the royalty. Now
this is the name of the lord, of the monarch of the people of the East
where they went. And when they arrived before the lord Nacxit,[XI-13] the
name of the great lord, of the only judge, whose power was without
limit, behold he granted them the sign of royalty and all that
represents it; hence came the sign of the rank of Ahpop and of that
of Ahpop Camha, and Nacxit finally gave them the insignia of royalty,
... all the things in fact which they brought on their return, and
which they went to receive from the other side of the sea, the art of
painting from Tulan, a system of writing, they said, for the things
recorded in the histories."
The three princes returned to Mount Hacavitz, assembled all the tribes,
including the people of Ilocab and Tamub, the Cakchiquels, Tziquinaha,
and the tribe of Rabinal, assuming the authority over them to the
great joy of all. Then the wives of the original sacrificers died,
and many of the people left Mount Hacavitz and founded innumerable
other towns on the neighboring hills,[XI-14] where their numbers were
greatly multiplied. The three princes who went to the East to receive
the royalty, had grown old and died, but before their death they had
established themselves in their great city of Izmachi.[XI-15]
* * * * *
The narrative of the Popol Vuh condenses in the preceding paragraphs,
the history of the Quichés during the whole time that elapsed between
the scattering of the Nahuas from Tulan before the fifth century, and
the final establishment of the Quiché empire, an event whose exact date
is unknown--for we have nothing but approximate dates in the aboriginal
history of Guatemala--but which, judging by the number of kings that
are represented as having occupied the throne afterwards down to the
coming of the Spaniards, is thought not to have been earlier than the
thirteenth century. The record implies, in fact, that the Quichés lived
long in their new home before they acquired power among the surrounding
tribes. All this time they were directed by their trinity, Tohil,
Avilix, and Hacavitz, acting through their four chief sacrificers, or
high-priests, Balam-Quitzé, Balam-Agab, Mahucutah, and Iqi-Balam, the
same who had led them in their migration from the region of Xibalba,
and even in their migration to that region from the east. Of course
many generations of priests bearing these names or these titles must
have succeeded each other in the direction of Quiché affairs during
this period; but the record admits the succession of sons to the
ecclesiastical and temporal power only after the nation had risen
to power. It has been noted, however, that another document mentions
several generations between Balam-Quitzé and Qocavib. The surrounding
peoples are continually referred to in the Popol Vuh, but for the most
part simply as 'the tribes,' although the tribes of Tamub and Ilocab,
of Rabinals, of the Cakchiquels, and several others are frequently
named, sometimes in a manner that would lead the reader to suppose that
these were 'the tribes' subdued, but oftener as if these were from the
first connected with the Quichés. From the records of other Guatemalan
nations which have never been published, the Abbé Brasseur attempts to
throw some light on the history of the tribes among which the Quichés
lived so long in a subordinate position, and on the period over which
the Popol Vuh passes so rapidly.
[Sidenote: MIGRATION FROM TULAN.]
The many tribes that left the central region of Tulan did not probably
do so simultaneously, but migrated at irregular intervals, so that
the final destruction of Tulan may not have occurred before the sixth
or seventh century. Juarros even gives a list of four kings, Tanub,
Capichoch, Calel-Ahus, and Ahpop, who ruled in that city, although his
account taken from that of Fuentes is not worthy of great confidence.
According to the records followed by Brasseur, the first tribes to
migrate southward towards Guatemala, were those of Tamub and Ilocab
together with the thirteen clans of Tecpan, the ancestors of the
Pokomams. We have seen, however, that Guatemala was already more or
less in possession of the Nahuas before the overthrow of Xibalba,
and the vague references to the tribes of Tamub and Ilocab--the
oldest Nahua tribes in the country according to all authorities--are
insufficient to show clearly whether they were already in Guatemala in
the time of Hunahpu and Xbalanque, or like the Quichés proper migrated
thither after the fall of Xibalba. The chiefs of Tamub held the highest
rank in a kind of confederacy that seems to have been established at
this early time. Their capital was Amag-Dan, a few leagues north of
Utatlan. The family of Ilocab, the second in the confederacy, had its
capital, Uquincat, at a short distance north-west of Utatlan, and was
divided into two branches called Gale-Ziha and Tzununi-ha. The third
chief of the alliance has escaped the abbé's researches. The thirteen
tribes of Tecpan, under the names of Uxab and Pokomam, occupied Vera
Paz and the region south of the Motagua, their capital, Nimpokom, being
near where the modern town of Rabinal now stands. The western country
towards Chiapas was held by the Mames, one of the ancient peoples of
Guatemala who were probably found in the country by the first tribes
from Tulan. This nation was divided into many bands, whose names
and towns are given, the latter including those afterwards known as
Quezaltenango and Huehuetenango. One document mentions a succession of
nine sovereigns in the Tamub dynasty before the Quiché power began.
The Quichés entered the country at about the same time as the tribes
of Ilocab, Tamub, and the Pokomams, but as we have seen in their own
record, they had no influence for many centuries among the nations
that preceded them. During this period, with the Cakchiquels, the band
of Rabinal, and the Ah-Tziquinaha, they constituted a group of small
tribes, dwelling on the barren heights of Vera Paz, or the Lacandon
country. It is not probable that they were yet known as Quichés, or
'men of the woods,' and all that is known of them is the names of their
gods, Tohil, Avilix, and Hacavitz; of their chief priests, whose names,
or titles, were Balam-Quitzé, Balam-Agab, Mahucutah, and Iqi-Balam;
and of leaders mentioned by the _MS. Cakchiquel_, and named Xurcah and
Totomay. According to our only authority on early events, excepting
the Popol Vuh, the time which was occupied by the Quichés under
Balam-Quitzé and his companions in their long struggles as animals
against the other tribes, is not that which elapsed between their
arrival from Tulan at Mt Hacavitz in the sixth or seventh century, and
the establishment of their monarchy in the thirteenth, but rather that
between their first coming prominently into notice in the mountains
of Vera Paz in the twelfth century, and the founding of their empire.
According to this version, the annals of the whole preceding period are
included by the author of the Popol Vuh in those of the migration to Mt
Hacavitz; Balam-Quitzé and the other sacrificers were not their leaders
when they left Tulan, but were given to them much later by their god
Tohil to guide the unfortunate people out of their difficulties; in
fact, these sacrificers, so called, were Toltec chieftains who fled
from Anáhuac at the fall of their empire, joined the partisans who
accompanied their flight to the forces of the Quichés, gathered the
scattered tribes on the heights of Vera Paz, and were enabled after a
century of contest--during which the Quichés were regarded as a nation
of brigands, much like the Aztecs at the same time, or a little later,
about the Mexican lakes--to subdue the surrounding nations, and thus
become masters of Guatemala. There are probably no sufficient reasons
to deny that the empire was founded in the twelfth or thirteenth
century;--although it should be noted that this gives to the following
kings down to the Conquest, as will be seen later, an average reign of
only twelve or fifteen years;--the Quichés are known to have claimed
relationship with the Toltec sovereigns; and it is quite likely the
exiled chiefs and priests of Tollan had an influence on the Quiché
institutions; but that the Quiché empire was thus founded by the Toltec
exiles, there is, as I have repeatedly shown, every reason to deny.
[Sidenote: EMBASSY TO ANÁHUAC.]
The first tribes conquered by the followers of Tohil were five of
the thirteen Pokomam bands, which were forced to pay tribute. Ahcan
was now the high-priest and leader of the bands who were gathered
about Mt Hacavitz, and he was the great-grandson of Balam-Quitzé, and
the father of Qocaib and Qocavib, mentioned by the Popol Vuh as the
founders of the monarchy, and represented by that record as the sons of
Balam-Quitzé. It was at his command, expressed just before his death,
that the three princes undertook a journey to the East, to obtain from
the great monarch of that region, the authority and insignia which
should render legitimate the power they were about to assume. Other
documents differ from the Popol Vuh in stating that while one of the
brothers, Qocaib, thus visited the East, the other brother, Qocavib,
directed his course northward to Anáhuac to seek the royal investiture
at the hands of the Toltec princes who had remained at Culhuacan.
He reached the valley, but such was the state of anarchy he found
prevailing there, that he was forced to return without having attained
his object, and reached his home long before the return of his brother.
He even took advantage of Qocaib's absence to dishonor his wife, who
bore him a son. Qocaib, when he came back from his successful mission
and was congratulated by the assembled chieftains, saw the child in
its mother's arms, and was not a little surprised at its existence,
but he seemed perfectly satisfied with the assurance of his wife that
the child was of his own blood, and taking it in his arms, he named
it Balam Conache, who was the founder of the house of Conache and
of Iztayul, and the first to bear the title of Ahpop Camha, or heir
apparent to the throne. It is not explained why the younger brother,
unsuccessful in his mission, was allowed to become the head of the
government instead of the older and more successful Qocaib. A second
journey to the East by the two princes is also recorded before their
right to the throne was definitely established.
This subject of an eastern monarchy ruled by Nacxit is shrouded in
impenetrable mystery. Brasseur claims confidently that the kingdom
cited was in Honduras with its capital probably at Copan, and ruled by
Acxitl Quetzalcoatl, the last of the Toltec kings, or by his son; the
sea alluded to as having been crossed in the journey, must then have
been the gulf of Amatique or that of Dulce. The only authority that I
know of for this assumption is the vague report by Ixtlilxochitl that
Acxitl went southward and established a great empire in Tlapallan,
where he died in the twelfth century; and the slight resemblance in
the names Acxitl and Nacxit. I need not say that the authority is
altogether insufficient, and that it is much safer to give the tale of
the mission to the East some mythologic meaning, or to admit that its
meaning like that of many of the traditions of this early period in
Guatemalan history is wholly unknown.
[Sidenote: REIGN OF QOCAVIB.]
The monarchy as thus first established seems to have included, besides
the Quichés proper of the house of Cawek, the Cakchiquels, Rabinals,
and Ah-Tziquinaha, as the principal Quiché branches or allies. During
the reign of Qocavib, the territory of the kingdom was considerably
extended by the conquest of large portions of Vera Paz, which were
taken from the Pokomams in the south. At the assault of Qoxbaholam, the
stronghold of a powerful people called the Agaab, the prince of that
nation is reported to have been captured, and to have made his nation
tributary to the Quiché king and worshipers of the Quiché trinity,
Tohil, Avilix, and Hacavitz. This and succeeding events, down to the
foundation of Izmachi, already alluded to in the account from the
Popol Vuh, I quote from the only writer who has had access to the other
Guatemalan records.[XI-16]
"Already masters of Pachalum, and on the point of entering Zquina, the
Quichés found themselves checked by strong forces, when an unexpected
ally was offered them; this was Cotuha, prince of Cakulgi, hereditary
guardian of the sacred stone of Tzutuha in the temple of Cahbaha, whom
they had just made a prisoner. Like a skillful politician, Qocavib
took advantage of this occurrence so providential for him. The annals
reveal that in the midst of their conquests the Quichés were divided by
family rivalries; and it seems probable that Qocavib, whose name takes
the place of that of his older brother, had as enemies all the princes
of the house of Ahcan, sprung from Qocaib. Placing little reliance
on the support of his relatives, he sought to strengthen himself by
making allies among the conquered chiefs; and thus Cotuha having become
his captive, he offered him in the order of the Ahqib and Ahqahb the
fourth rank, vacant at the time by the death of the incumbent who had
no offspring; so that this prince was assured of eventually rising to
the command of the whole nation. Cotuha, proclaimed by the nobility,
soon proved his worthiness of that high honor. After having powerfully
aided the Quichés in the conquest of Zquina, Bayal, Chamilah, Ginom,
Tocoy, and Patzima, returning to the Rio Chixoy with his new allies
and subjects, he guided them by passes known only to himself to the
centre of the great city of Cawinal on the bank of the river, an event
soon followed by the submission of the whole Agaab nation, to which it
belonged. The Quiché kings finding themselves pressed for room on Mount
Hacavitz, left this city for that of Cawinal, where they established
the seat of government. This was not, however, the permanent capital.
At the death of Qocavib, Balam Conache, his successor, crossed the
river southward, probably even before his coronation, and fixed his
residence at Izmachi; and there he had himself proclaimed Ahau Ahpop
and consecrated with all the Toltec ceremonial, conferring the title of
Ahpop Camha on his son Iztayul."
[Sidenote: MIGRATION FROM THE NORTH.]
Here should be given such scattered items of information respecting
this primitive period of Guatemalan history, given by the same author
in an earlier work,[XI-17] as are additional to or differ from those
already presented. The famous mythical queen Atit is said by Fuentes
to have lived four centuries, and from her sprang all the royal and
noble families of Guatemala. The oldest nation, or tribe, in the
country was that of Tamub, whose son Copichoch had come from the east
with Cochochlam, Mahquinalo, and Ahcanail, brought the black stone
afterwards venerated at Utatlan, and reigned for a time at Tulan.
The tribe of Ilocab ruled after that of Tamub, or perhaps at the same
time, over the adjoining provinces. Brasseur seems here to favor the
idea that the tribes of Tamub and Ilocab were the Nahuas who occupied
Guatemala before the overthrow of Xibalba in the time of Xbalanque
and Hunahpu, who refused to receive the former at his return from the
conquest, yet among whom he introduced human sacrifice. A Zutugil
document makes the Seven Caves an earlier station on the Quiché
migration than Tulan, and speaks of wars that drove the people from the
latter place into the mountains of Vera Paz. The worthy abbé finds room
in his capacious imagination for a theory that the Pokomams, Quichés,
Cakchiquels, and other kindred peoples, originated in the regions north
of Mexico, stayed a while with the Toltecs at Tollan, but not long
enough to be influenced to any great extent by them, and then migrated
to the Guatemalan highlands. It does not seem to occur to this author
that there are no arguments in favor of such a theory, that there is
no necessity for such a conjecture, and that it disagrees radically
with nearly all that he ever wrote before or afterwards. The same
writer notes that the Pokomams were bitter foes of Acxitl, the last
Toltec king, while the other Quiché tribes were friendly to him, and
he infers from Nuñez de la Vega and other authorities that the kingdom
of Xibalba was still existing, though with greatly diminished power,
at the time when the Quiché tribes came into notice in Guatemala and
Acxitl established his southern empire. The Cakchiquels on their way
are even said to have been employed to defend the Xibalban frontiers,
and their chieftains, the Tukuches, took their name of Zotziles, or
bats, from that of Tzinacantla, their residence at the time, which has
the meaning of 'city of bats.' In fact the tribes are here represented
as having gathered in the Xibalban region before they mounted to their
later homes in the highlands.[XI-18]
The accounts of this gathering are chiefly from the Cakchiquel record.
The locality is called Deozacuancu, apparently in the tierra caliente
of Tabasco; but war was declared against some neighboring power, and
the tribes went to Oloman--perhaps the Tepeu and Oliman, mentioned
in a preceding chapter.[XI-19] The cities against which this expedition
was directed were Nonualcat and Xulpiti, the former suggesting the
Nonohualcas, whose home was in the Tabascan region. The leaders were
the Cakchiquel, or Zotzil-Tukuche, chiefs Hacavitz (Gagawitz) and
Zactecauh; the enemies were defeated in a battle fought chiefly on
the water; their cities were taken and their people massacred. But
even while engaged in the massacre, their foes rallied, attacked them
in the rear, and in their turn routed the Quiché tribes with great
slaughter, not without the aid of magic arts, as we are informed by
the record. The remnants of the vanquished were re-united on Mt Oloman,
but the influence of Hacavitz and Zactecauh was destroyed, the tribes
could be no longer kept together, and they resolved to separate and
each for itself to seek the regions of the interior. No particulars
are preserved of their wanderings, but Brasseur believes that the
Quichés proper were the first to reach the heights of Vera Paz, after
a generation at least had passed since they left the Xibalban region
of Tabasco, and the sufferings from cold and the giving of fire by
Tohil, are by him applied to the period immediately following their
arrival. Then the other tribes arrived one by one and applied for fire,
as has already been stated, their languages having become different
one from another during that interval. The envoy from Xibalba also
appeared among them, a circumstance that indicates to Brasseur that the
Xibalban empire still existed in the eleventh or twelfth century; but
which may, I think, be taken much more reasonably as a proof that these
events took place at a date as early as the fifth or sixth century. The
Cakchiquels were the last to arrive, and they stole the fire of Tohil
without submitting to the required conditions, coming, as it is said,
like bats, another derivation of their name of Zotziles.
[Sidenote: MAMES AND POKOMAMS.]
The Cakchiquels are said to have applied, on their arrival, the name
Mem, or as the Spaniards afterwards called it, Mames, or 'stutterers,'
to the Maya-speaking aboriginal tribes whom they found in possession
of the country, on account of their peculiar pronunciation, although
the Cakchiquel was also a Maya dialect. The Mames in later times
occupied the north-western part of the country towards the Chiapan
frontiers, where they were never entirely conquered by the Quiché
nations down to the time of the Conquest, their capital being Zakuléu,
near Huehuetenango.[XI-20] Besides the Mames, probably the most ancient of
the Guatemalan nations, the tribes of Tamub and Ilocab also occupied
the country before the later Quiché tribes. According to Fuentes the
capital of the Tamub was Utatlan, or Gumarcaah, and it is stated that
the Ilocab were bitter enemies of the Quichés, and were only conquered
when nearly annihilated. The Pokomams and Pokonchis, kindred tribes or
divisions of the same tribe, are here estimated by Brasseur to have
arrived something more than a half century before the other Quiché
tribes, and are said to have conquered or allied themselves with the
Uxab, elsewhere[XI-21] spoken of as a division of that tribe. Nothing is
known of Pokomam history, but some remains of their language and of
their towns may yet be studied. These people, together with the Tamub
and Ilocab, were perhaps the chief foes of the Quichés in the earlier
days of their power.
In their wars against the Pokomams the Quiché tribes made use of the
ancient chieftains who had been subjected by that people, among whom
are mentioned Zakbim and Huntzuy on the Chiquimula frontier. The first
battle and the first Quiché victory was in the valley of Rabinal and
brought into the possession of the Cakchiquels--for these events are
taken from the Cakchiquel record--the stronghold of Mount Zactzuy,
and also made allies of Loch and Xet, chieftains of the Ahquehayi,
who afterwards became almost identical with the Cakchiquels. The
next point against which Hacavitz proceeded was Mount Cakhay; but the
allied Quiché forces were repulsed with great loss, and so weakened
that it was long before they were able again to attack the warlike
Pokomams. Then they retired from a hopeless contest, and took refuge
in the inaccessible mountain fastnesses about Utatlan, now Santa Cruz
del Quiché in the department of Totonicapan. The mountain where they
established themselves is called in the Cakchiquel record Tohohil,
'clashing of arms,' but in the Popol Vuh is known as we have seen as
Mount Hacavitz. All that is known of their stay at Mount Hacavitz, of
their oppression by the neighboring tribes, their gradually increasing
power, their final victory over those tribes, and the establishment of
the Quiché monarchy with its capital at Izmachi, related by Brasseur in
the work from which the preceding notes have been extracted, is taken
by him from the Popol Vuh, and is substantially the same that I have
already given on the same authority.
[Sidenote: VERSION OF JUARROS.]
To conclude this primitive period of Guatemalan history, it only
remains to present a few notes given on the subject by the Spanish
writers, chiefly by Juarros, who follows the manuscript writings of
Fuentes y Guzman, founded as is claimed on native documents, but full
of inconsistencies, and doubtless also of errors. Juarros, or the
authority followed by him, was fully imbued with the belief that the
Quichés were the Toltecs who left Anáhuac after the fall of their
empire, and his efforts to reconcile the native records to this theory
perhaps account for many of his inconsistencies. I translate from this
author that part of his work which relates to this primitive period.
"The Toltecs referred to were of the house of Israel, and the great
prophet Moses freed them from the captivity in which they were held
by Pharaoh; but, having passed the Red Sea, they gave themselves up
to idolatry, and persisting in it notwithstanding the warnings of
Moses, either to escape the chidings of this law-giver or for fear of
punishment, they left him and their kindred and crossed the sea to a
place called the Seven Caves on the shores of the Mar Bermejo (Gulf of
California) now a part of the Mexican kingdom,[XI-22] where they founded
the celebrated city of Tula. The first chief who ruled and conducted
this great band from one continent to the other, was Tamub, ancestor
of the royal families of Tula and of Quiché, and first king of the
Toltecs. The second was Capichoch; the third Calel Ahus; the fourth
Ahpop; the fifth Nimaquiché,[XI-23] who, being the best beloved and most
distinguished of all, at the order of his oracle, led these people away
from Tulan, where they had greatly increased in numbers, and guided
them from the Mexican kingdom to this of Guatemala. In this migration
they spent many years, suffered unspeakable hardships, and journeyed
in their wanderings for many leagues over an immense tract of country,
until, beholding a lake (that of Atitan), they determined to fix their
habitation at a certain place not far from the lake, which they named
Quiché, in memory of the king Nimaquiché (or, the 'great' Quiché), who
had died during their long wanderings. There came with Nimaquiché three
of his brothers, and by an agreement between the four they divided
the region; one founding the province, or seigniory, of the Quelenes
and Chiapanecs; another the department of Tezulutan (Tezulutlan), or
Vera Paz; the third became the ruler of the Mames and Pokomams; while
Nimaquiché was the father of the Quichés, Cakchiquels, and Zutugils.
The latter having died on the journey, Acxopil, a son of Nimaquiché,
entered Quiché at the head of his nation, and was the first to reign
at Utatlan. This prince, seeing the great increase of his monarchy in
numbers and influence, appointed three captains, or governors, with
whom he shared the burden of the administration of affairs. It is also
added in the manuscripts referred to, that Acxopil, at a very advanced
age, determined to divide his empire into three kingdoms, that of the
Quichés, that of the Cakchiquels, and that of the Zutugils. Retaining
for himself the first, he gave the second to his oldest son, Jiutemal,
and the third to his second son, Acxiquat; and this division was made
on a day when three suns were seen, which has caused some to think that
it took place on the day of the birth of our Redeemer, a day on which
it is commonly believed that such a meteor was observed."[XI-24]
[Sidenote: PRIMITIVE QUICHÉ PERIOD.]
Torquemada[XI-25] briefly mentions a few of the points in early Quiché
history, agreeing with Juarros. Orozco y Berra's reasoning from a
linguistic point of view respecting the primitive inhabitants of this
region, is not very clear, or at least it is difficult to determine
what are his conclusions on the subject. In one place he says that
Utatlan was founded at the time of the Toltec migration southward; and
elsewhere, that the Toltecs could not have been the ancestors of the
Quichés, Cakchiquels, and Zutugils.[XI-26] Gallatin accepts the popular
theory that the Quichés were a Toltec colony, but does not explain the
linguistic difficulties in the way of such a supposition.[XI-27] Waldeck
rejects the Toltec theory on account of differences in language and
physique; but states that the Guatemalan tribes came originally from
Yucatan[XI-28].
* * * * *
I have now given all the information accessible respecting Quiché
history preceding the establishment of the empire, which began in the
twelfth or thirteenth century and endured with some modifications
down to the coming of the Spaniards. It has been presented in the
form of fragments, for the reader will readily perceive that to form
from the authorities a connected narrative would have been an utter
impossibility. I have in a preceding chapter presented the evidence
of the existence during a few centuries before and after the beginning
of the Christian era, of a great aboriginal empire in Central America,
narrating all that may be known of its decline and fall resulting from
the contentions of the great Maya and Nahua powers. In the sixteenth
century the Spaniards found two powerful empires, the Aztec in the
north, the Quiché in the south, both of which doubtless were offshoots
of the great primitive monarchy. The annals of the northern branch
have been traced more or less clearly back to the parent trunk, with
only a blank of one or two centuries at most, during which the Nahua
power was transferred northward; but in the annals of the southern
branch, whose connection with the primitive empire was of precisely
the same nature, the blank is lengthened to some eight centuries at
least. From the Xibalban times and the tribal separation at Tulan down
to the establishment of the Quiché empire we have only the fragments
of the preceding pages. These fragments represent the history of many
peoples for many centuries; they are not necessarily contradictory,
for in the absence of all chronology we have no means of knowing to
what epoch each refers. The apparent contradictions and inconsistencies
result for the most part from the efforts of authors through whose
writings the traditions are handed down to us to reconcile them with
the Toltec theory; to apply to one people the traditions of many,
to a modern people the traditions of a remote antiquity; to compress
the events of eight or nine centuries into one. We shall still find
the Quiché annals fragmentary and far from satisfactory, but from the
foundation of Izmachi I shall attempt to carry along the tale as told
by the different authorities together. By far the most complete of
these are the Quiché records as given in the Popol Vuh and that of the
Cakchiquels contained in Brasseur's works.
[Sidenote: EARLY CAKCHIQUEL HISTORY.]
I begin with the adventures of the Cakchiquels after the defeat of
Hacavitz and Zactecauh by the Pokomams, already mentioned.[XI-29] They
seem not to have continued in the company with the Quichés at Izmachi,
but to have retired to other localities in the country of the Mames
somewhat further west, among the Mames of Cholamag, as the record
states it. They found the people very friendly, but only remained
long enough among them to learn their language, which they found most
difficult. Leaving this place they approached the Valley of Panchoy, in
the region of the volcanos, and twice they penetrated the mountain of
fire, Hunahpu, where a most wonderful and unintelligible interview with
Zakiqoxol, the phantom or guardian of the fiery abysses is related,
all being possibly the account of a volcanic eruption. Having reached
the shores of Lake Atitlan the Cakchiquels wished to settle there
permanently although the chief, Hacavitz, seems to have opposed the
settlement. Tolqom, a powerful chieftain and a most wonderful magician,
lived on Mount Qakbatzulu, which extended like a promontory into the
lake; but the bold Hacavitz took him prisoner and became master of
his domain. The Cakchiquels, or the Cakchiquel nobility, seem to have
been divided in four families, the Zotzil-Tukuches, the Cibakihay,
the Baqahol, and the Gekaquchi. All united in giving to Hacavitz
and Zactecauh, of the house of Zotzil-Tukuche, after the victory
over Tolqom, the supreme power, the former having the first rank.
The conquered chieftain, Tolqom, was sacrificed at the coronation of
Hacavitz, in the midst of great festivities, and a part of his body was
thrown from the summit of Qakbatzulu, his former home, into the waters
of the lake. Many of the Cakchiquels decided to remain here and chose a
site which they named Chitulul; others built houses on a point called
Abah, afterwards the site of the city of Atitlan. But Hacavitz was
not pleased, and a violent wind arose and an extraordinary white cloud
hung over the surface of the lake; the new dwellings were destroyed and
great damage was done. The Cakchiquels accepted this as a warning to
obey the will of the gods, except the Ah-Tziquinihayi who decided to
remain with the Zutugils.
The other tribes retired under their leaders into the mountains, and
became much scattered. In passing a deep ravine Zactecauh missed his
footing and was dashed to death on the rocks below, the record hinting
that his colleague and superior was not wholly free from the suspicion
of having caused his death. This suspicion destroyed much of the
prestige of Hacavitz, but he regained it all and more by extinguishing
the fire of a volcano which by its lava and flames had hemmed in and
threatened with total destruction all his followers. Zakitzunun aided
him and was given the second place in the government. They then seem
to have returned to the lake shores, conquering and making allies of
several aboriginal tribes, including the people of Ikomag, with a lady
of which people Hacavitz seems to have married. In the meantime the
Gekaquchi, the Cibakihay, and the Baqahol, three of the four principal
Cakchiquel families, had settled on the mountains in the region of
Iximché, or Tecpan Guatemala, and the ambitious chief of the latter
family had succeeded in obtaining the allegiance of his companions, who
crowned him as supreme king of the three bands.
Hacavitz was filled with wrath, but being unable to overthrow his
rival, Baqahol, was obliged to be content with establishing himself
and his own band of Zotziles on the shores of the lake, where their
dwellings were erected and the Cakchiquel god, Chimalcan, had his
altars. A little later Hacavitz is reported to have aided Baqahol in
overcoming certain foes that had attacked him, and as having received,
at the end of the campaign, the voluntary allegiance of that chief,
thus regaining the supreme power over the Cakchiquel tribes, whom he
ruled from his residence at a place known as Chigohom, where he seems
to have settled after his new accession to power, somewhat away from
the shores of the lake. Here he died at a ripe old age, not long after
his wife gave birth to Caynoh and Caybatz, his successors in later
years.
* * * * *
[Sidenote: REIGN OF COTUHA AND IZTAYUL.]
Returning to the Quiché record as given in the Popol Vuh,[XI-30] we find
nothing recorded of the reign of Balam Conache,[XI-31] son of Qocavib, in
his new capital of Izmachi. He was succeeded early in the thirteenth
century, as it seems, by Cotuha, with Iztayul as Ahpop Camha, and
under this monarch many improvements were made in the city, including
many houses of stone and mortar and three royal palaces, one for the
house of Cawek, one for the house of Nihaïb, and a third for the house
of Ahau Quiché. "Now all were of one heart in Izmachi; there were no
enmities; there were no difficulties; the monarchy was in a state of
repose, without disputes or troubles; peace and felicity were in all
hearts." But their power was yet confined to narrow limits; they had as
yet achieved no great success. The Rabinals, the Cakchiquels, and the
mingled Zutugils and Ah-Tziquinihayi of Atitlan are spoken of as being
at this time allies and friends of the Quichés; but the descendants
of the ancient Ilocab were yet powerful, and became hostile, although
hitherto represented as joined to the house of Cawek; their capital was
but a short distance from Izmachi. When Ilocab--the tribal name being
used, as is often the case, for that of the ruling monarch--perceived
the prosperity of the Quichés, "war was kindled by Ilocab, who wished
to kill this king Cotuha, his people being unwilling that there should
be any king but their own. And as to the king Iztayul, they desired
to punish him also, to put him to death, in the cause of Ilocab. But
their jealousy was not successful against the king Cotuha, who marched
against them. Such was the origin of the revolt and of the war. At
first they entered the city (Izmachi) by assault, spreading death
in their way, for what they desired was the ruin of the Quiché name,
that they alone might rule. But they came only to die; they were taken
captives, and but few escaped. Then their sacrifices began; the people
of Ilocab were immolated before the god, and that was the penalty of
their crime, which was inflicted by the order of Cotuha. Many also were
reduced to slavery, now that they had brought ruin upon themselves by
kindling the flames of war against the king and against the city. What
they had desired was that the name of the Quichés should be ruined
and disgraced, but nothing could be done. Thus originated the usage of
human sacrifices before the god at the declaration of war; and this was
the origin of the fortifications which they began to erect in Izmachi."
Another document[XI-32] is said to give some additional information
respecting the immediate cause of the war, which is reported to
have been connected in some way with Cotuha's marriage. He married
Hamai-Uleü, 'rose of the earth,' a daughter of one of the friendly
Zutugil princes whose territory was on Lake Atitlan, annexing that
prince's domain to his own, and giving his father-in-law, Malah by
name, high rank at the Quiché court. The favor thus shown to Malah,
with other acts of like nature, seem to have excited the jealousy
of other Zutugil lords, who at last marched against Cotuha and were
utterly defeated. It was while Cotuha had this war on his hands that
the Ilocab engaged in the desperate effort above recorded to check
the Quiché monarchs in their rapid progress to supreme power, and
were enabled, perhaps during the absence of Cotuha, to penetrate his
capital. After their final defeat, Uquincat, the Ilocab capital,
was taken and destroyed, and many other towns fell into Cotuha's
possession.
[Sidenote: TRANSFER OF THE CAPITAL TO UTATLAN.]
The Quiché record narrates no further historical events down to the
time when Izmachi was abandoned. It dwells, however, on the greatness
of the kingdom after the overthrow of the Ilocab, and mentions the
power and number of the surrounding princes yet unsubdued as the
strongest proof of Quiché valor, since the new people even in the
face of such environment had been able to establish and extend their
monarchy. After the immolation which followed the Ilocab's defeat,
the practice of human sacrifice was carried to such an extent that the
surrounding tribes were filled with terror at the number of captives
slain by order of Cotuha and Iztayul. At this period the system of
government was perfected by measures, the exact nature of which is not
clearly given, and magnificent festivities with complicated ceremonial
rites were instituted. "Long they remained in Izmachi, until they had
found and had seen another city, and had abandoned in its turn that
of Izmachi. After that they departed and came to the capital called
Gumarcaah (Utatlan), which was so named by the Quichés, when the
kings Cotuha and Gucumatz came together with all the princes. They
were then in the fifth generation (of kings) from the commencement of
civilization and from the origin of their national existence."
The same document already referred to[XI-33] disagrees with the Quiché
record respecting the peace and harmony that followed Cotuha's victory,
while the people were yet at Izmachi. According to this authority
dissensions arose between the heads of the government. Certain parties
interested in fomenting the dissatisfaction, constantly reminded
ambitious nobles that Cotuha was a foreigner,[XI-34] and Iztayul the
son of a bastard, both occupying the places that belonged to more
legitimate princes. Then going to the Ahpop, Cotuha, they said, "the
Ahpop Camha looks with scorn upon thee; he says thou art a miserable
wretch, feeding only on the foam of the _chiquivin_ and other vile
food unworthy of a great king." Then to the Ahpop Camha, Iztayul, they
said, "the king Cotuha is filled with disdain for thee; to him thou
art but a useless man, who livest upon dung and the eggs of flies and
other insects, while his own table is always loaded with excellent
fresh fish and other viands fit for a great prince." The perfidy of
these counselors was afterwards brought to light and they were driven
in disgrace from the court after an attempt to assassinate Cotuha
by suffocation in a steam bath. Yet the king afterwards, according
to the same authority, fell a victim to another conspiracy. Iztayul
succeeded to the throne, with Gucumatz as Ahpop Camha, and continued
the conquests of his predecessor, but no details of his reign are given
in the Quiché record.
In the Cakchiquel annals,[XI-35] however, Brasseur relates certain
events which would seem to belong to the period of Iztayul's reign,
although he is always called in the record of this nation, Tepeuh,
'the dominator, or conqueror.' We left Caynoh and Caybatz, infant
sons of the deceased Hacavitz, under the guardianship of Baqahol and
Gekaquch, who became practically monarchs of the whole nation, having
their capitals on the mountain plateaux of Pantzic and Paraxone.[XI-36]
The Zotzil-Tukuche branch of the nation were naturally unwilling
that the sons of the great Hacavitz, the former head of their family,
should occupy a secondary rank, and they were not slow to urge Caynoh
and Caybatz as soon as they reached a proper age to declare their
independence and resume their legitimate place at the head of the
nation; but the aged chieftain Baqahol, who, it will be remembered, had
been for a time supreme monarch, even before the death of Hacavitz,
haughtily refused to surrender his scepter; and the young princes
must perforce await a more favorable opportunity to assume their due
position. The Cakchiquels seem at this time to have been tributaries
to the Quiché throne, now occupied by Iztayul, or Tepeuh, of whom
it is said, "he was the first to reign with majesty; he dwelt in the
castle of Chixnal; his mysterious power spread abroad terror; he caused
to tremble the place where he had his dwelling, and all people payed
tribute before the face of Tepeuh."
[Sidenote: THE STOLEN TRIBUTE.]