CHAPTER X.

HISTORY OF THE EASTERN PLATEAU, MICHOACAN, AND OAJACA.

Early History of the Eastern Plateau -- The Chichimec-Toltecs

-- Arrival of the Teo-Chichimecs in Anáhuac -- They Conquer

and Settle the Eastern Plateau -- Civil Wars -- Miscellaneous

Events -- Wars between Tlascala and the Nations of Anáhuac

-- Early History of Michoacan -- Wars between Wanacaces and

Tarascos -- Founding of Tzintzuntzan -- Metamorphosis of the

Tarasco Princes -- Encroachments of the Wanacaces -- The King

of the Isles -- Murder of Pawacume and Wapeani -- Reigns of

Curatame, Tariacuri, Tangaxoan I., Ziziz Pandacuare, Zwanga,

and Tangaxoan II. -- Origin of the Miztecs and Zapotecs --

Wixipecocha -- Rulers of Oajaca -- The Huaves and Mijes --

Later Kings and History of Oajaca -- Wars with Mexico.

Although all that is known of the history of the eastern plateau prior

to the fall of the Toltec empire has been already told, it will be well

to briefly review the events of that period before referring to the

Chichimec occupation of the region under consideration.

The earliest inhabitants of the plateau of whom we have any definite

knowledge were the Olmecs, one of the oldest of the Nahua nations, who

appear to have settled the country about Puebla and Cholula with the

permission of the Quinames, or giants, the original possessors, and

to have been so badly treated by them that at length, by a stratagem,

they slew their oppressors and became sole masters of the country. Next

we hear of the erection of the great pyramid of Cholula by Xelhua,

an Olmec chief; then of the advent and subsequent disappearance

of Quetzalcoatl, the culture hero and reformer, who is not to be

confounded with Ceacatl Quetzalcoatl, king of Tollan and afterwards

of Cholula, who appeared on the scene at a much later period and was

also a great reformer. After this, history is silent concerning the

Olmecs until the founding of the Toltec empire, when we find them

still flourishing on the eastern plateau with Cholula for their capital

city. Then the king of Culhuacan, Mixcohua, better known as Camaxtli,

under which name he was subsequently apotheosized and worshiped on

the plateau, directs a military expedition towards Chalchiuhapan,

afterwards Tlascala, which seems to have been founded about this

time. But the most notable event of this pre-Chichimec history of the

plateau, and the one which most advanced its importance and prosperity,

was the coming of Ceacatl Quetzalcoatl, son of Camaxtli, to Cholula,

in 895, after he was forced from his throne at Tollan by the ambitious

Tezcatlipoca, or Huemac. As has been already stated, this event was the

beginning of a new and golden era in the eastern region, which lasted,

if we except the conquest and temporary subjection of Cholula by

Huemac, up to the time of the Toltec troubles, in which Cholula and her

sister cities on the plateau doubtless shared, though to what extent is

not certain; at all events they were not deserted as the Toltec cities

in the valley are traditionally reported to have been at the time of

the Chichimec invasion.

[Sidenote: CHICHIMECS AT CHOLULA.]

Brasseur has an account, drawn from one of his manuscripts,[X-1] of

the taking of Cholula shortly after the fall of the Toltec empire

by a tribe which he calls the Chichimec-Toltecs, and the subsequent

settlement of the greater part of the plateau by this and other fierce

bands, the original inhabitants being driven out of the country. This

relation is, however, of doubtful authenticity, and is, moreover,

irreconcilable with other statements made by the same writer;[X-2] it

seems, in short, to stand by itself, as an episode recorded in one

obscure manuscript only, and having no connection whatever with the

events that precede or follow it. The account relates that among

the fierce hordes that contributed to the downfall of Tollan, was

one which, from the fact of its settling in the ruined capital,

and possibly founding a temporary power there, received the name of

Chichimec-Toltec. After the death of Huemac III. this band left Tollan,

under the leadership of Icxicohuatl, Quetzaltehueyac, Totolohuitzil,

and other chiefs,[X-3] and after ravaging the country about lake

Tenochtitlan, entered the mountains to the east of the valley of

Anáhuac, and there wandered about for a number of years without making

any permanent settlement. When next heard of they were encamped near

Cholula, their numbers greatly reduced by famine or pestilence, and

in a very wretched condition. Weary of their wandering life and not

strong enough to take forcible possession of one of the rich provinces

of the plateau, or even to forage for their subsistence, they resolved

to humble themselves before the princes of Cholula, and implore their

protection and assistance. Their small number and apparently broken

spirit, caused their prayer to be granted with more readiness than they

had expected, and the fierce warriors, who in former times had made

the kings of Anáhuac tremble upon their thrones, were now scornfully

admitted into Cholula as men too weak to be feared and upon the footing

of slaves and servants. But a few years of rest and abundance roused

the old spirit in the Chichimec-Toltecs, and made them burn to throw

off their self-imposed yoke, and avenge the insults to which they

were constantly subjected by their masters. To obtain this end, they

resorted to a very ingenious stratagem, suggested it is said, by their

national god, Tezcatlipoca. A deputation waited upon the Tlachiach

and Aquiach, the two chief princes of Cholula, and begged permission

to give a public entertainment, the chief feature of which should be

their national ballad and dance. For the proper performance of this

they must, however, be supplied with their old weapons, which, since

their arrival in Cholula, had been shut up in the city arsenal. Their

petition was readily granted, great preparations were made, and on the

appointed day all the people assembled to witness the novel spectacle.

The Tlachiach and Aquiach were present, surrounded by their suites and

a vast number of the nobility. The entertainment opened with certain

comic representations, which made the spectators roar with laughter,

and excited them to drink freely and be merry. Then the Chichimec

warriors dressed in full war costume and bearing their weapons in

their hands, formed themselves into a great circle, with the teponaztli

player in the centre, and the solemn _mitote_ commenced. At first the

music was low and sad, and the dancers moved with slow and measured

steps, but gradually the pace grew faster, and the deep voices of the

warriors as they chanted their battle song mingled with the sound of

the teponaztli. Higher and still higher the shouts arose, accompanied

now by terrible gestures and brandishing of weapons; more madly yet

the circle whirled, until it was impossible to distinguish one form

from another; then, on a sudden, the note of the teponaztli changed

and became low and sad once more. This was the signal for the massacre;

in a moment the mock fury became a terrible reality, as the Chichimecs

turned and fell upon the unarmed and half-drunk spectators. A dreadful

slaughter ensued, and the streets of the city ran red with human blood.

The Tlachiach and Aquiach managed to escape, and took refuge with a few

of their relatives and friends within the walls of Yancuitlalpan, which

became for the time their residence. By night the Chichimec-Toltecs

were masters of Cholula. The news of this victory soon attracted

other savage tribes; the original inhabitants were driven from place

to place, and at the end of a few years, the entire country "from the

shores of the gulf of Mexico to the mountains which encircled the port

of Acapulco," had changed masters.[X-4]

* * * * *

[Sidenote: TEO-CHICHIMEC ANNALS.]

With the arrival of the Teo-Chichimecs in Anáhuac, the history proper

of the eastern plateau begins. This people, as has been said, was one

of the invading bands that appear about the same time as the Nahuatlaca

tribes, with whom they are classed by some writers. According to

Camargo, the Tlascaltec historian, they were at Chicomoztoc in 5

Tochtli; thence they journeyed by way of Amaquetepec and Tepenec to

Tomallan, which they conquered; then with great difficulty they fought

their way through Culhuacan, passed into Teotla Cochoalco, and so on to

Teohuiznahuac, where their march was opposed by Queen Coatlicue, who,

however, after a severe struggle was forced to come to terms. They next

advanced to Hueypuchtlan, and then to Tepozotlan, where the principal

chiefs received certain military honors and adopted new names. After

passing with many halts through other provinces they finally arrived

in the vicinity of Tezcuco, in the year 2 Tecpatl, where they were

well received by the king, and assigned the plain of Poyauhtlan as

a place of encampment.[X-5] Veytia states that a great number of the

Teo-Chichimecs, who did not like to settle in a locality surrounded

by so many people, passed on into the country east of the Valley of

Mexico, where they spread over Tlascala, Huexotzinco, and Cholula,[X-6]

which were probably occupied at that time by the remnants of the Olmecs

and Xicalancas, who had formerly been subject to the Toltec empire.

[Sidenote: TEO-CHICHIMEC MIGRATION.]

Notwithstanding the settlers at Poyauhtlan met with no opposition

on their arrival, and even appear to have been well received,

their presence soon became a source of great uneasiness to all the

surrounding nations. At first they behaved themselves well enough,

and as they gave no cause for complaint, were left undisturbed in

their new country for a number of years; but as time progressed, and

their numbers increased, they began to encroach upon and ravage the

adjoining territories. This led to reprisals and bloody encounters,

until at length the evil grew to be unbearable, and was finally put an

end to by the famous battle of Poyauhtlan, and the departure of the

Teo-Chichimecs to join their countrymen upon the eastern plateau, in

the year 1272. Their real reason for leaving the country was doubtless

their weakened condition, for though they had nominally won the battle

of Poyauhtlan, yet it had been but a Cadmean victory for them, and

they knew that another such engagement must infallibly result in

their annihilation. But be this as it may, their god Camaxtli spoke

opportunely through the mouth of his priests, saying, "arise, depart

from hence, for the dawn of your greatness shall not break in this

place, neither shall the sun of your splendor rise here." But the

strongest proof that the Teo-Chichimecs emigrated because their enemies

were too strong for them, lies in the fact that they found it necessary

to ask the king of Tezcuco for permission to leave the country, though

Camargo gives as an excuse for their submission that they wished to be

able to call upon him for assistance, should they meet with reverses

in their intended journey beyond the mountains. The king of Tezcuco,

doubtless delighted to get rid of such troublesome neighbors, not only

gave the desired permission, but granted them safe conduct through his

dominions and furnished them with trusty guides who were to conduct

them by the safest passes to the summit of the range, and thence to

point them out their road toward the east. No time was lost in setting

out, and soon the whole Teo-Chichimec nation was marching eastward.

Their guides led them to the peak of Tlalocan, from which elevation

they overlooked an immense extent of country. Behind them the Lake of

Mexico sparkled in the midst of the valley of Anáhuac, before them lay

the fertile provinces of Tlascala, Huexotzinco, and Cholula. Descending

to the plain they gave vent to their joy in feasts and rejoicings, and

offered thanks to their god Camaxtli, who had delivered them from their

enemies and brought them into such a fair land. It is related, however,

that the entire nation did not ascend the peak. A large party under the

leadership of Chimalcuixintecuhtli refused to climb the great eastern

range, and proceeded northwards to Tulancingo, Quauhchinanco, and

other neighboring provinces which they found to be already colonized by

Macuilacatltecuhtli, a kinsman of Chimalcuixintecuhtli, who welcomed

the wanderers with every mark of friendship, and as an especial token

of his favor conferred wives upon their chiefs.[X-7]

Meantime the larger portion of the emigrants pressed forward into

the eastern country. They seem to have kept together until they

reached a place called Tetliyacac,[X-8] situated near Huexotzinco,

where they separated into several divisions, and dispersed in various

directions. Most of the surrounding cities and provinces fell into

their hands one after another, and before long they had gained

possession of the best part of the country. Thus the province of

Quauhquelchula was appropriated by Toquetzal and Yohuallatonac, and

the town of Coatepec was founded by Quetzalxiuhtli;[X-9] another band

went to Ahuayopan, where a bloody fray took place among them, which

caused a chief named Izcohuatl to separate from the rest and settle

in Zacatlan. Tetzitzimitl founded, or took possession of Totollan;

Quauhtzintecuhtli settled in Atlmayoacan; Cozcaquauh Huehue established

himself in the Teopan district; Tlotlitecuhtli went a little lower

down; Tempatlahuac settled in the Contlan district; Cacamatecuhtli in

the Xaltepetlapan district; Calpan surrendered to Toltecatltecuhtli;

Cimatecuhtli obtained Totomihuacan; Totomalotecuhtli gained possession

of Tepeaca.[X-10]

For several years the Teo-Chichimecs continued to extend their

settlements over the entire plateau. Some of the provinces yielded

without a struggle, others offered a desperate resistance, but though

the invaders occasionally met with a temporary repulse, their arms

were always victorious in the end. At Nacapahuazcan they were visited

by certain Chichimec chiefs who are said to have preceded them on

the plateau, and who instructed the new-comers how to cook meat in

earthen pots which they presented to them.[X-11] Here they conferred the

dignity of Tecuhtli upon a number of warriors who had distinguished

themselves. They next proceeded towards the plain of Cholula, but their

passage through the mountains was opposed by the Tlachiach and Aquiach,

who refused to let them enter their country. They met with a very

haughty response, however, in which the Teo-Chichimecs expressed their

determination to continue their march in spite of all opposition. Upon

this the Cholultec princes retreated, and the invaders advanced without

hindrance. At Tepeticpac, a city strongly fortified by art and nature,

their progress was again stayed by the Olmec prince, Colopechtli,

but after a desperate resistance the city was taken and its brave

defender slain. Struck by the advantageous position of this place, the

Teo-Chichimec leader, Quanez,[X-12] resolved to found his capital here.

The city was first known as Texcalticpac, then as Texcalla, and finally

as Tlaxcallan, or Tlascala.[X-13]

[Sidenote: CONQUEST OF CHOLULA.]

So far everything had gone well with the invaders. While they were

united and occupied themselves only in driving the rightful possessors

from the soil they had experienced a succession of brilliant conquests.

But, as is usual in such cases, they had no sooner got possession of

the country than they began to quarrel among themselves. Quanez was the

first to give rise to a jealous feeling. He had fortified his position

at Tlascala more strongly than ever, and seemed disposed to aim at the

sovereignty of the plateau. To this his brother chiefs at Huexotzinco

and other places would not submit. Each wanted to be independent in

the territory he had won, and they clamored for a distinct division

of the soil. Quanez, however, persisted in his ambitious designs

and soon confirmed their suspicions by his acts. Upon this the other

chiefs held a consultation which resulted in their uniting their forces

and marching upon Tlascala. It seems that they were met by Quanez,

who, however, was defeated in the engagement that ensued and forced

to retreat to his stronghold, where he was closely besieged by his

enemies.[X-14] The Tlascaltecs did not remain shut up within their walls,

however, but made frequent and furious sallies against the besiegers.

The horrors of these engagements, in which fathers fought against sons,

and brothers against brothers, are dilated upon by the historians. All

efforts were unavailing, outpost after outpost was lost to the enemy

until the Tlascaltecs were finally driven within the walls of the city

proper, without any hope of escape. In this extremity Quanez managed to

secretly dispatch messengers to the king of Tezcuco and to the princes

of Xochimilco[X-15] and Xalpan, requesting assistance. The Tezcucan

monarch promptly responded to the call with a considerable force, under

the command of a valiant chief named Chinametl, and at the same time

sent the beleaguered Quanez a valuable alabaster vase as an encouraging

token of regard. This re-inforcement, together with certain prophecies

delivered by the oracle of Camaxtli, re-assured the Tlascaltecs, and

they at once set about strengthening their position.

In the meantime Xiuhtlehui, prince of Huexotzinco, who commanded the

allied troops, seeing the aid obtained by the enemy, and fearing that

the victory which had seemed so certain during the earlier part of the

campaign, was slipping out of his hands, sent messengers to Coxcoxtli,

king of Culhuacan,[X-16] imploring his aid, and expatiating on the

strongest terms on the harm wrought by the Tlascaltecs. Coxcoxtli was

much puzzled how to act; he was on friendly terms with both parties,

and perhaps, as Camargo says, he was afraid of the Tlascaltecs. At

length, after carefully considering the matter, he adopted a very

cautious policy. He instructed the Huexotzinca envoys to tell their

master that he would send an army as required, but no sooner had they

departed than he sent a message to the Tlascaltec chief, greeting him

in the most friendly terms, and informing him of the application he

had received and the promise he had given. This promise, he said, he

was bound to keep, but only as a matter of form; his troops should take

no active part against the Tlascaltecs, who, he begged, in their turn,

would take care not to injure his soldiers.

[Sidenote: WAR BETWEEN TLASCALA AND HUEXOTZINCO.]

Flattered by this proof of friendship, Quanez returned his thanks to

Coxcoxtli with assurances that the latter's troops should suffer no

harm at his hands. The Tlascaltecs then prepared to meet the expected

attack, and all the people attended an elaborate ceremony for the

purpose of beseeching the protection and aid of their god Camaxtli.

The answer of the god was favorable; he exhorted them to take courage

and fear nothing, for they should surely be triumphant, and directed

them to seek for a virgin having one breast larger than the other, and

sacrifice her in his honor, which was done.

On the third day, when the last of the propitiatory ceremonies had been

completed, the Tlascaltecs turned their attention towards the enemy;

and, behold, the hills and plains, far and near, were swarming with

hostile troops. Coxcoxtli's auxiliaries had arrived and were posted

as a reserve on a neighboring mountain, where they remained inactive

during the combat that ensued. At this sight the hearts of the valiant

Tlascaltecs sank within them, and they sought and obtained renewed

assurances of divine favor. Scarcely had they done so when the battle

commenced. At the first shock the Tlascaltecs captured a warrior, who

was hurried to Camaxtli's altar, and sacrificed in their horrible

manner. The battle soon raged furiously, the air was black with

stones, arrows, and javelins, the rocks resounded with the war-cries

of the combatants, blood flowed in torrents. Cheered on by their

high-priest, and strong in their faith in the oracles that had promised

them victory, the Tlascaltecs were irresistible, and soon drove the

enemy before them. Before long the rout became general, and a terrible

carnage ensued, the like of which could be found only, say the annals,

upon the bloody plain of Poyauhtlan. In the meantime Coxcoxtli's troops

descended from the hill from which they had witnessed the whole battle,

and quietly retreated to Anáhuac, without in any way succoring the

defeated army.

This great victory made the Tlascaltecs much respected, and all the

neighboring nations hastened to congratulate Quanez upon his success

and proffer him their alliance, while the conquered people humbly

confessed that they had been in the wrong and prevailed upon the elated

victor to pardon their presumptuous conduct. Thus Tlascala became the

most powerful state on the plateau, a position which it enjoyed for

some time in peace.[X-17]

[Sidenote: EASTERN ALLIANCE.]

It was about this time, or shortly afterward, that disturbances

occurred in Cholula, of which there is more than one account. Brasseur

relates that the ancient inhabitants of the city, who had groaned for

a number of years under the Teo-Chichimec yoke, and whose principal

men had long been in exile, resolved at length to make an effort to

recover their freedom. They applied to Coxcoxtli of Culhuacan for aid,

and as a sure inducement appealed to his piety, by reminding him that

Cholula was in a spiritual sense the daughter of Quetzalcoatl, while

in a temporal sense she was the vassal of the kings of Culhuacan, whom

she had never ceased to venerate as sovereigns. Coxcoxtli granted

their petition and at once sent a force to their assistance. The

Teo-Chichimecs who were in power at Cholula, had leagued themselves

with the Huexotzincas, against Tlascala, but since their humiliation,

for some reason or other, they had concentrated at Quauhquelchula,

where they continued to oppress the followers of Ceacatl. The lineal

descendants of the high-priests of Quetzalcoatl were Iztantzin and

Nacazpipilolxochi; they managed to interest in their favor the prince

of Tlascala, by referring to the great things he had done to the

honor of Camaxtli, and reminding him that this god was the father of

Quetzalcoatl; was it not the duty of the Tlascaltecs, they added, to do

all in their power to restore the ancient worship of the prophet and

deliver his ministers from their banishment. This crafty argument had

the desired effect. An alliance was concluded between the Cholultecs

and the neighboring states of Tlascala, Huexotzinco, Totomihuacan,

Tepeaca, Quauhtecan, and Quauhtinchan, and the exiled ministers of

Quetzalcoatl were solemnly conducted back to the sacred city. The

towns of the territory of Cholula were then subjected to the Toltec

authority, as of old, and the Teo-Chichimecs of Quauhquelchula,

Cuetlaxcoapan, and Ayotzinco, hitherto leagued together against

Iztantzin, were forced to recognize him as their suzerain. These

events occurred between the years 1280 and 1299.[X-18] Veytia's story

of this disturbance in Cholula is that Quauhquelchula, Cuetlaxcoapan,

Ayotzinco, and some other places in the province rose in rebellion

against the high-priest Iztamantzin,[X-19] who called upon Xiuhtemoc,

king of Culhuacan, for assistance. The force furnished by this

monarch was divided into two parts, one led by himself, the other by

Nacazpipilolxochi. With this army the insurgents were finally humbled,

though not without considerable bloodshed, and after the campaign

had lasted nearly a year.[X-20] After the return of its priests Cholula

quickly regained its ancient prosperity. The old laws were enforced

and the executive authority was entrusted to a military chief, who

was assisted in his duties by a council of six nobles, and this form

of government was preserved until the time of the Conquest. From this

time the city was rarely troubled with wars, but was respected and held

in veneration as a sacred place of pilgrimage by all the surrounding

peoples.[X-21]

The peace which followed the victory over the Huexotzincas and their

allies gave the Tlascaltecs an opportunity to turn their attention

to more peaceful pursuits. Their position as leading nation on the

plateau was now assured, and for a time they devoted themselves to the

furtherance of culture and commerce, fixing boundaries and granting

lands to those who had deserved them by their conduct in the late wars.

After remaining under one head for several years the government took

the form of a sort of aristocratic republic. It was about this time

that Tlascala was divided into four wards, or districts. Quanez had a

brother named Teyohualminqui, to whom, in his old age, he made over the

district of Ocotelulco,[X-22] giving him at the same time a part of the

relics of Camaxtli, which were so highly venerated as to constitute in

themselves a gift no less princely than the lands.

[Sidenote: REIGN OF QUANEZ.]

This prince so distinguished himself and enlarged his domain by his

bravery and conquests that he eventually came to be regarded as chief

of the whole nation. Another district, called Quiahuiztlan,[X-23] was

granted by Quanez to a chief named Mizquitl, who, according to Camargo,

had been one of the leaders of the Chichimecs who went north after the

battle of Poyauhtlan instead of crossing the eastern range. He had

led his band northwards to Tepetlaoztoc, whence he had subsequently

come to Tlascala, arriving there in time to assist Quanez against

the Huexotzincas. It was for this service that the district was

awarded him. These were three of the four wards, for the part that

Quanez reserved for himself formed one, probably the largest at that

time, and was called Tepeticpac. The history of the events which led

to the foundation of the fourth district is much confused. Camargo

relates that Acatentehua, grandson of Teyohualminqui, and third lord

of Ocotelulco, after reigning mildly for some time, suddenly became

tyrannical. Tlacomihua, one of his nobles, raised a revolt, killed

him, and succeeded to the throne of Ocotelulco. These events led to

the disaffection of one Tzompane, who went with his followers to a

part of Tepeticpac, and there established a separate government. He was

succeeded by his son Xayacamachan, otherwise called Tepolohua, who was

afterwards massacred, together with all his relations. The next rulers

were Aztoguihua Aquiyahuacatl and Zococ Aztahua Tlacaztalli, the latter

of whom went with his followers to the heights of Tianazatlan, where he

founded Tcatlaiz. His grandson, Xicotencatl, was reigning at the time

of Cortes' arrival.[X-24] According to Brasseur, who follows Torquemada

principally, a number of the inhabitants of the two oldest quarters,

Tepeticpac and Ocotelulco, finding themselves too crowded, descended

into the neighboring valley of Teotlalpan, where they constituted a

separate government under a chief named Tepolohua.[X-25] The number of

people that deserted the higher districts for the pleasant valley,

excited the jealousy of the other chiefs. They united their forces,

descended upon the young settlement, and killed Tepolohua. The

followers of the late chief then departed to Tizatlan where they

founded a seigniory which continued to thrive in peace up to the reign

of Xicotencatl, who was ruling when the Spaniards came. At Tepeticpac

the descendants of Quanez continued to reign, and were regarded as

ranking first in the state. It was at this epoch that the united

districts of Tlascala adopted the peculiar form of government described

in a former volume,[X-26] and that Nezahualcoyotl paid his first visit to

the republic, in 1420.

The history of the plateau grows very dim and disconnected from this

time on, and has light thrown upon it only here and there, as it

happens to be connected with the more important affairs of the Aztec

empire, which seems to have engrossed the attention of the historians.

[Sidenote: MISCELLANEOUS EVENTS.]

Almost all that is known of the events that remain to be recorded has

already been told. We have seen that in 1428 Nezahualcoyotl, fleeing

for his life from Maxtla, took refuge for a second time in Huexotzinco

and Cholula, and was aided by the people of these and other places on

the plateau to recover his father's throne at Tezcuco.[X-27] In 1451-6

came the great famine, when the terrible compact was made between

the people of the plateau and those of Anáhuac for the provision of

human sacrifices.[X-28] Then followed the war between the Miztecs and

the allied powers, in which the Tlascaltecs and Huexotzincas espoused

the cause of the former.[X-29] We next find the restless Tlascaltecs

stirring up a war between the Mexicans and the Olmecs of Cuetlachtlan,

allying themselves with the latter and sharing in their defeat.[X-30]

Shortly before the year 1460 several important cities upon the

southern part of the plateau, at the instigation of the Tlascaltecs and

Huexotzincas, killed some Mexican merchants, were instantly attacked

by the powers of the valley, reduced to the rank of Mexican provinces,

and appended to Montezuma's empire.[X-31] About the year 1469 Axayacatl,

the Mexican monarch, having some cause of complaint against the people

of Huexotzinco and Atlixco, invaded their country, and in the battle

that ensued the Mexicans, encouraged by the miraculous appearance

of Tezcatlipoca, routed their enemies.[X-32] During the reign of

Nezahualpilli, Huexotzinco was again troubled, the reason for the war

this time being, as we have seen, the predictions of the astrologers

that Huehuetzin was fated to vanquish the Tezcucan monarch--predictions

which Nezahualpilli falsified, in their literal meaning at least,

by a stratagem.[X-33] Ahuitzotl of Mexico is said by Camargo to have

invaded the plateau and conquered Huexotzinco and Cholula,[X-34] and

it would appear that this fierce king did not leave the country empty

handed, for of the eighty thousand human victims immolated by him at

the dedication of the temple of Huitzilopochtli in 1487, we read that

sixteen thousand were Huexotzincas.[X-35] His own nephew was afterwards

taken captive in one of the numerous battles or skirmishes which seem

to have been constantly occurring on the borders of the plateau,

principally at Atlixco, and offered as a sacrifice on the altar of

Camaxtli.[X-36] In 1498, an altercation arose between the lords of

Cholula and Tepeaca, which led to a series of combats between those

states. The Cholultecs sought and obtained the aid of Ahuitzotl, and

we are left to suppose that they then triumphed over their enemies. But

the Mexican emperor received a severe check soon afterwards at Atlixco.

The close proximity of that town to the valley made it desirable for

annexation to the empire. Ahuitzotl accordingly entered its territory

suddenly with a considerable force. The Atlixcas gathered what troops

they could to oppose the Mexicans, and at once dispatched messengers to

their allies at Huexotzinco for aid. One of the Huexotzinca captains,

named Tultecatl, who was playing at ball when the news arrived, hurried

off with a few followers to the scene of combat without even taking

time to arm himself. Without hesitation he plunged into the thick of

the fight, slew a warrior with his hands, seized his arms, and threw

himself with such fury upon the Mexicans that they were soon routed

and forced to abandon the field. For this valorous conduct Tultecatl

was made ruler of a Huexotzinca town. But in little more than a year

events occurred which obliged him to retire from his post. For some

time past the priests of his town had been indulging all manner of

excesses with impunity; entering and pillaging houses with the greatest

effrontery; taking away the women's clothes while they were bathing;

insulting the men; and, in short, taking advantage of their sacred

character to commit every conceivable species of outrage. Tultecatl

attempted to put a stop to this disorder, and punish its authors. For

this purpose he armed a number of the most respectable citizens. But

the priests also took up arms, and excited the populace in their favor.

It is said that Camaxtli aided his servants by various enchantments,

which so frightened the citizens that they retreated in dismay. A great

number of the nobles with their followers, then betook themselves to

Itzcohuatl, lord of a neighboring province, to whom they related the

cause of their leaving Huexotzinco. But Itzcohuatl was a creature of

Ahuitzotl, at whose hands he had received the lordship he now enjoyed;

he betrayed the refugees to his master, by whom they were all put to

death.[X-37]

[Sidenote: ADVENTURES OF TULTECATL.]

Immediately after the accession of Montezuma II., Atlixco became once

more the seat of war. This unfortunate city seems to have been regarded

by the kings of the valley as the proper place to attack whenever they

required human victims for sacrifice. It was customary for the kings

of Anáhuac before they were formally crowned to make a raid upon some

neighboring nation for the purpose of obtaining captives that their

blood might grace the coronation ceremonies. This was the cause of

Montezuma's expedition against Atlixco on the occasion above referred

to. He accomplished his end and returned with a great number of

prisoners, though the victory seems to have been dearly gained. But the

armies of the haughty Montezuma were not always triumphant when they

encountered the stronger nations of the plateau, and a short time after

the victory at Atlixco they received a serious check at the hands of

the Tlascaltecs.

[Sidenote: WAR BETWEEN TLASCALA AND MEXICO.]

For a long time Tlascala had been regarded with much jealousy by the

Huexotzincas, Cholultecs, and other nations of the plateau, both

because of its great commercial prosperity, and of its successful

resistance to the conquering kings of the valley. The Tlascaltecs seem

at this period to have given up all hopes of gaining the sovereignty

of the entire region--so long the object of their ambition--and to

have confined their resources to strengthening their own position,

and fortifying their frontiers. Almost all the neighboring states

appear at this time to have been either allied to or conquered by the

powers in the valley, and consequently the defensive measures adopted

by the republic for the preservation of its independence fanned their

smouldering envy into flame, so that they took every opportunity to

provoke a quarrel between Tlascala and the kings of Anáhuac. They

represented that the Tlascaltecs designed to possess themselves of the

eastern maritime provinces; that they hindered the merchants of the

other nations from trading in those regions, by making secret treaties

with the inhabitants. Only too glad of an excuse to humble his ancient

enemies, the Mexican monarch was easily prevailed upon to break up

the Tlascaltec trade in the east, and this he did so effectually that

for a number of years the people of the republic were deprived of the

luxuries and even some of the necessaries they had previously enjoyed.

At length, weary of these privations, yet not strong enough to better

their condition by force, they dispatched an embassy to the Mexican

king to inquire the cause of an enmity which they had done nothing to

provoke. For answer, they were told contemptuously that the monarch

of Mexico was lord of the entire world, and they must pay tribute to

him or be prepared to take the consequences. To this they returned a

haughty reply, saying that their nation had never payed tribute to any

earthly king, and that before submitting to do so now they would shed

more blood than their ancestors had shed at Poyauhtlan. They then once

more turned all their attention to strengthening their position, and

it was probably at this period, says Clavigero, that they built the

six-mile wall on the east side of the city. They received considerable

assistance from the numerous Zacatec, Chalca, and Otomí refugees, of

whom the garrisons on the frontier were chiefly composed. But the

privations which they suffered by reason of the stoppage of their

intercourse with the surrounding peoples, constantly increased, and

for over sixty years, says Torquemada, salt and other staples were

unknown to the poorer classes, at least, though the nobles may have

fared somewhat better.[X-38] The date of these events is not certain, but

they probably occurred during the reign of Axayacatl. From the time

of the defiance recorded above until the accession of Montezuma II.,

there appear to have been no important hostilities between the Mexicans

and Tlascaltecs, but no sooner had Montezuma ascended the throne of

Mexico than he determined to make a grand effort to humble the stout

little republic, and forthwith issued a proclamation commanding all

his subjects and allies to assist in a general attack. At this time the

four lords of Tlascala were Maxixcatzin, who ruled in the district of

Ocotelulco; Xicotencatl, in Tizatlan; Teohuayacatzin, in Quiahuiztlan;

and Tlehuexolotl, in Tepeticpac. Fifteen years afterwards these four

princes received Cortés and his companions within their walls. The

Huexotzincas and Cholultecs were the first to begin the war, which

may be said to have lasted until the coming of the Spaniards. Failing

to bribe the Otomí garrison of Hueyotlipan, on the Tezcucan frontier,

to betray their trust, they invaded the Tlascaltec territory under

the command of Tecayahuatzin of Huexotzinco, and advanced as far as

Xiloxuchitla, within a league of the capital. Here they were met by

Tizatlacatzin, a noble chief of Ocotelulco, who with a mere handful

of warriors succeeded in checking their farther advance, though at the

price of his own life.[X-39] The Tlascaltecs hastened to avenge the death

of their brave leader by laying waste the province of Huexotzinco.

Shortly afterwards they again encountered the Huexotzincas on the

heights of Matlalcueje, and pressed them so hard that Tecayahuatzin

sent off in haste to Montezuma for re-inforcements. The Mexican

monarch at once responded with a large force under the command of

Tlacahuepantzin, his eldest son.[X-40] After receiving re-inforcements

at Quauhquelchula Tlacahuepantzin proceeded by way of Atlixco valley

to effect a union with the Huexotzincas, but the Tlascaltecs, seeing

that this must be prevented at all hazards, bore down upon him before

he could join his allies with such fury that his army was scattered

in all directions. In this battle Tlacahuepantzin was slain and a

great spoil fell into the hands of the victors, who probably suffered

severely also, as they now returned to their capital to recuperate. But

it seems[X-41] that they still managed to keep the Huexotzincas penned

up on the heights of Matlalcueje, where they again attacked them with

fresh forces the following year. But the delay had also given the

Huexotzincas time to recuperate, and to strengthen their naturally

advantageous position, so that the worst the Tlascaltecs could do was

to ravage the country, and this they did with such effect that many

of the Huexotzincas were eventually compelled to migrate to Mexico

in quest of food. Tezozomoc makes this a more serious affair. When

the Huexotzincas, he says, were hard pressed by the Tlascaltecs, the

children and aged of the former people were invited to take refuge

in Mexico while the Mexicans with their allies set out to assist the

Huexotzincas. For twenty days Tlahuicol, the Tlascaltec general, fought

bravely, retreating at the same time before the superior number of the

enemy. Finally he was captured in a marsh, his army scattered, and the

land restored to the Huexotzincas.[X-42]

[Sidenote: ADVENTURES OF TLAHUICOL.]

When Montezuma heard of the defeat of his troops by the Tlascaltecs and

the death of his son he was furious, and in a public speech declared

that he had hitherto permitted the republic to exist as a supply of

captives for sacrifice and for the exercise of his armies[X-43] but

that now he was determined to utterly annihilate the presumptuous and

obstinate little state now and forever. The people surrounding Tlascala

were ordered to renew the attack on all sides in conjunction with

the Aztec troops. But the Tlascaltecs were, as usual, well prepared,

and with the aid of the Otomí frontier population, they gained a

glorious victory, and rich spoils. At the festivities which ensued

in Tlascala, the leaders of the Otomí auxiliaries were rewarded with

the title of tecuhtli, while the defeated Mexican captains were, by

Montezuma's orders, deprived of their rank and privileges.[X-44] Thus

the brave Tlascaltecs preserved their independence in spite of the

united efforts of their enemies until the coming of Cortés, when it was

their assistance and implacable animosity to the Mexicans that made it

possible for a handful of adventurers to conquer a world.

[Sidenote: WAR BETWEEN TEZCUCO AND TLASCALA.]

The above-recorded events occurred about 1505. During the same year,

the Huexotzincas and Cholultecs fell out. In an engagement which ensued

the former put their enemies to flight and pursued them into Cholula,

where they killed a few citizens and did some trifling damage to the

temples. Anxious to carry this version of the quarrel to Montezuma

before the Cholultecs could tell him another story, they at once

despatched an embassy to the emperor. But the messengers mistook their

rôle, and in their anxiety to extol the valor of their countrymen

they lead Montezuma to believe that the Cholultecs had been utterly

annihilated and their city destroyed. The emperor was much disturbed at

this news, because he had always been accustomed to regard it as a holy

city, secure from destruction. Upon inquiry, however, he learned the

true facts, and at once sent a powerful army to punish the Huexotzincas

for the deception they had practiced upon him. The Huexotzincas

marched out to meet the imperial troops, but an explanation ensued,

and the lying ambassadors having been properly punished, Montezuma was

pacified.[X-45] In 1507 the Huexotzincas, as we have seen,[X-46] became

embroiled with the Mexicans once more, on account of their burning

the lighthouse at Acachinanco--an offense for which they were severely

chastised by Montezuma's troops.

A war between Tezcuco and Tlascala, which took place a very few years

before the conquest, is the latest recorded event in which the people

of the plateau were concerned, prior to the coming of the Spaniards.

On this occasion Nezahualpilli was urged by Montezuma to join him

in making war upon the Tlascaltecs, for the purpose of obtaining

victims for sacrifice. It seems that the Mexican monarch was jealous

of the greatness of his Tezcucan rival, and planned this war for his

destruction.[X-47] Nezahualpilli, however, suspecting no harm from his

colleague, set out with his army towards Tlascala, and camped in the

ravine of Tlalpepexic. Montezuma had in the meantime sent word to

the Tlascaltecs of the threatened invasion, informing them at the

same time that though he was bound, as a matter of form, to accompany

Nezahualpilli, his troops would not aid him but rather favor the

Tlascaltecs. The latter accordingly formed an ambuscade in the ravine

of Tlalpepexic, and in the morning, just as the Tezcucans, warned

by certain evil omens of the impending danger, were breaking camp in

great haste, they fell upon them furiously, and routed them with great

slaughter.

From the eastern plateau we turn now to the kingdom of Michoacan, which

lay to the west of Anáhuac. The boundaries of this flourishing state,

as they existed at the time of the Conquest, may be easily defined. On

the north and north-east the rivers Tololotlan, Pantla, and Coahuayana

separated Michoacan from Tonala and Colima; on the west the shores

of the Pacific stretched south to Zacatollan; the winding course of

the river Mexcala marked the southern frontier; and on the east lay

the Mexican provinces of Cohuixco and Matlaltzinco. The face of the

country enclosed within these limits presents a series of undulating

plains, intersected by numerous mountain chains of varying height. The

climate is temperate, the land fertile, well wooded and watered, and

was celebrated, even in pre-Spanish times, for its mines of gold and

silver.

[Sidenote: EARLY TARASCO ANNALS.]

It is a singular fact that the Tarascos, the representative people

of Michoacan, though they were certainly equal, if not superior, to

their Aztec neighbors in civilization, wealth, and power, have left

no record of their history anterior to the thirteenth century, while

even the little that is known of their later history is told chiefly

by Aztec chroniclers. The origin of the Tarascos[X-48] is consequently

an unsolved problem. Their civilization seems to have been of the

Nahua type, though their language was totally distinct from the Aztec,

the representative Nahua tongue.[X-49] It is a prevalent opinion that

Michoacan formed part of the Toltec empire, and that though from

its position it was the first to suffer from the invading tribes,

yet it was not affected by the causes which overthrew the empire

to such an extent as the valley of Anáhuac; thus this theory would

make the Tarascos the very best representatives of the oldest Nahua

culture.[X-50] Orozco mentions the Tecos as being among the earliest

inhabitants of Michoacan; the subsequent possessors, he says, took

the country from this people about the time that the Toltecs settled

in Tollan.[X-51] Tello speaks of the Culhuas coming from Aztlan, the

home of the Nahuatlacas, and settling in Sonora, Jalisco, and as

far south as Etzatlan and Tonala. Gil, commenting on this, expresses

a belief that there was a succession of early migrations into this

western and north-western region. Thus the Culhuas came from the west

and extended along the coast to Zacatollan. They were followed by the

Coras, who settled in Acaponeta Valley and as far as Zentipac. Then

came the Thorames, who conquered the previous settlers and drove them

to Nayarit. Afterwards various Aztec tribes arrived from the north. The

first immigrants appear to have been the most civilized, and occupied

Tuitlan Valley, founding the city of that name. The next comers erected

the Teul temple. Last of all came a ruder people, who destroyed the

young culture in places.[X-52] But these accounts of the earliest

occupation of Michoacan are very meagre and unsatisfactory. The

authorities nearly all tell the story of the Aztecs in their migration

from the Seven Caves to the valley of Anáhuac, passing through this

region and encamping on the shores of Lake Patzcuaro, where they

quarrel, in the manner already related,[X-53] and separate, one portion

proceeding to Anáhuac, and the other, bearing the name Tarascos,

remaining and settling the country.[X-54] As I have already remarked,

however, no faith can be placed in this story. The total dissimilarity

in language shows the Tarascos to have been a people entirely distinct

from the Mexicans. It must not, however, be thought from this that

there was any relationship between the Toltec and Tarasco languages. We

have already seen that many nations adopted Nahua institutions, who did

not speak Nahua dialects.

Herrera states that Michoacan was occupied, during its later years,

by four peoples, each having a different origin and language, namely,

Chichimecs, Mexicans, Otomís, and Tarascos.[X-55] Of these, says

Brasseur, the Chichimecs were savage tribes who lived on the north-east

frontier. Though they would not conform to the rules of civilized life,

yet they recognized the sovereignty of the Tarasco princes, and lent

them their aid in time of war. Their language was the Pame, which is

spoken at the present day by the tribes living in the mountains of

Tzichu, north-east of Guanajuato. The Mexican population was composed

of those Nahuas who had separated from their companions on the march,

or who had from various causes been forced to flee from Anáhuac. The

Otomís were the primitive nations who dwelt in the valleys west of

Anáhuac, including the Mazahuas on the north, and the Matlaltzincas on

the south-west.[X-56]

An anonymous manuscript written for Don Antonio de Mendoza, viceroy

of New Spain, formerly belonging to the Peter Force collection, in

Washington, and quoted by Brasseur de Bourbourg, contains nearly all

that is known of the early history of Michoacan.

[Sidenote: CHICHIMEC OCCUPATION.]

At the period when the Chichimecs first made their appearance in

Anáhuac and the surrounding regions, Michoacan was settled and its

people were civilized. At that time the country was divided into a

great number of little states, and the people of the principal of these

called themselves Betamas and Ezcomachas. The most powerful of all

the chiefs was the king of the isles of Patzcuaro, who bore the title

of El Henditare, 'lord above all,' and had subjected a number of the

surrounding peoples, including some Chichimec tribes, to his authority.

A little to the north of the lake was the independent town and

territory of Naranjan, which was governed by a chief named Ziranziran

Camaro. It is in the neighborhood of this town that we first meet with

the wild Chichimec Wanacaces,[X-57] led by their chief Iri Ticatame, who

bore by virtue of his office the image of their god Curicaneri. All we

know of the original home of this people is that, according to their

own account, they came from a distant land called Bayameo. They were

a wandering race of daring hunters, and seem to have had no particular

object in coming to Michoacan other than to find good hunting-grounds.

Upon arriving at the borders of the forest of Wiriu Quarampejo, within

sight of the city of Naranjan, they halted and built a great altar to

their gods as a token that they had found the kind of country they

wanted and intended to settle there. The presence of the strangers

created a great deal of alarm among the original inhabitants, and this

was increased when Iri Ticatame sent word to Ziranziran Camaro that

his people must bring fuel to the altar of Curicaneri. Such an insolent

demand showed unmistakably that their intentions were not peaceful; and

the priests, who in Michoacan had the greatest influence in secular

as well as ecclesiastical affairs, at once began to propitiate the

gods with sacrifice and prayer, without seeming to think for a moment

of the expediency of even parleying with the invaders. But Ziranziran

Camaro was more prudent, and calling his hot-headed ministers before

him he pointed out to them the hopelessness and folly of engaging in

a war with the Wanacaces. The invaders, he argued, would never have

dared to make such a demand unless they had been confident of their

power to enforce it; it was better to conciliate them than to risk

the consequences of an open rupture; finally he proposed that a noble

lady, one of his own relations, should be given as a wife to Iri

Ticatame. His advice was taken; the people of Naranjan hastened to

carry provisions and clothing to the strangers; the lady was conducted

to the wild chief's hut; and the barbarians were appeased.

Of this marriage was born a son named Sicuiracha, who was destined

to play an important part in the history of his country. When he was

old enough to leave his mother he was entrusted to the care of the

priests, to be instructed in all those things which it was necessary

for a youth of his country to know. One of his principal duties was to

kill game in the forests and bring it to the altars for sacrifice. It

happened one day when he was hunting to supply a special feast with

offerings, that the quarry escaped to the fields of Quierecuaro, but

being mortally wounded it died there, and was found by some women who

were gathering maize for the same festival. Now, it seems that to wound

game without killing it instantly was thought to forebode evil to the

hunter, so that when the news of the discovery was carried to the lord

of Naranjan, he at once foresaw the downfall of the Wanacaces, and

lost no time before taking council with his priests and nobles upon

the subject. It was not long before these things reached the ear of

Iri Ticatame, and he appears to have shared in the superstition, for he

resolved to change his place of abode without delay. Having announced

his intention to his tribe, he departed with his family and the image

of Curicaneri to a place named Quereqto, which does not seem to have

been far distant; his wife also took her god, Wasoricuare, wrapped up

in a rich cloth, to her new home.[X-58] Soon afterwards he moved again

to Zichajucuero, three leagues from the city of Tzintzuntzan, where he

erected a temple and altars.

In the meantime Sicuiracha had grown up and had become a brave warrior

and skillful hunter; but his father was now old, while his followers

had lost their ancient fierceness and energy by long repose. The people

of Naranjan had never forgotten the humiliation they had suffered when

the Wanacaces first arrived. Now the time seemed ripe for vengeance.

[Sidenote: IRI TICATAME AND ORESTA.]

At that time a very powerful prince named Oresta was reigning at

Cumachen. An embassy, laden with costly presents, was sent to him from

Naranjan, requesting his assistance to drive the Wanacaces out of the

country. Oresta had as much reason as any to fear the interlopers,

and he readily entered into the scheme. The united forces then marched

rapidly and secretly against the place where Iri Ticatame was dwelling,

intending to surprise him before he could call upon his warriors.

On the borders of the lake they met his wife, who, comprehending the

situation at a glance, attempted to run and warn her husband. But they

caught her and reproached her with wishing to betray her own people,

and prevent them from taking a just vengeance on their enemies. She

was a better wife than patriot, however; and eluding the grasp of those

who detained her, she fled to warn Iri Ticatame. She arrived too late;

the allied troops reached the town before her, and at once began the

assault. The venerable chief of the Wanacaces, attacked and surrounded

in his own house, defended himself valiantly for some time, but at last

overpowered by numbers, he fell dead upon a heap of slain. His wife

came up just at this moment, and in spite of all that could be done to

prevent her, the devoted woman cast herself upon the body of the fierce

old chief and refused to be removed or comforted. The victors then set

fire to the place and retired, carrying with them the idol Curicaneri.

Ignorant of the misfortune which had fallen upon his house, Sicuiracha

was hunting in a forest at some distance from the doomed town when the

news was brought to him. He at once hastened to the spot, but arrived

only to find his mother weeping upon the body of his father, amid the

blazing buildings. Filled with rage at the sight, and thirsting for

vengeance, he wasted no time in useless mourning, but calling together

the few warriors who had escaped the massacre, he started in pursuit of

the enemy. His force was so small that this seemed an act of madness;

but fortune favors the brave. Elated with their victory, or as the

old chronicle has it, prompted by the god they had stolen, the allied

troops had given themselves up to drunkenness, and in this state the

avengers found them. The idol stood neglected at the foot of an oak;

seizing this, the Wanacaces rushed furiously upon their fallen foes.

A great number were massacred, and the rest were carried in triumph

to Wayameo, where Sicuiracha dwelt. For some time they were kept in

the condition of slaves, but eventually they were released upon the

understanding that their chiefs should recognize the supremacy of

Sicuiracha, who now formally took the title of king. The new monarch

rapidly increased his territory by conquering and annexing the numerous

petty states that lay around it; he built several temples, notably

one to Curicaneri, whom he regarded as the author of his greatness;

increased the number of priests, and erected dwellings for them about

the temples; enforced religious observances; and established his

capital at Wayameo, where, after a long and glorious reign, he died,

leaving the kingdom to his two sons, Pawacume and Wapeani.

[Sidenote: THE TARASCOS ON LAKE PATZCUARO.]

Shortly after the accession of these princes, events occurred in the

flourishing region lying north of Wayameo, on the southern shore of

Lake Patzcuaro, which affected the condition of the entire country,

and eventually added greatly to the power of the Wanacace kings.

The capital of this region was Tzintzuntzan. The chronicle I have

hitherto followed gives no account of the origin of this city; but

other authors, who in their turn make no mention of the events above

recorded, furnish a story of its foundation, which I will relate here,

before continuing the more consecutive narrative.

After the separation of the Tarascos from their Aztec brethren, says

Beaumont, the former, resolving to settle, began at once to till the

ground and sow the seeds that they had brought with them. They then

proceeded to elect a king from among their bravest warriors. So highly

was this quality of courage esteemed by them that even the later kings,

who succeeded to the throne by inheritance, were not allowed to wear

certain jewels and ornaments until they had earned the right to do

so by capturing a prisoner in battle with their own hands. Under the

administration of such energetic men the people progressed rapidly,

both in wealth and power; commerce was encouraged and the arts and

sciences flourished. But they especially excelled in feather-work,

for which the splendid plumage of the birds of the country furnished

abundant material.[X-59] This curious art is said to have been suggested

by the phenomenon which led to the founding of their capital. When

the Tarascos first halted on the southern shore of Lake Patzcuaro,

they placed their principal idol in a pleasant spot that the god

might repose, when, behold, a multitude of birds of gorgeous plumage

congregated in the air and formed a brilliant shade or canopy above

the sacred image. This was at once hailed as a divine indication that

they should found their city here, and at the same time it suggested

the feather mosaics for which they afterwards became so famous. In

commemoration of this miraculous manifestation of the divine will the

city was named Tzintzuntzan, 'place of celestial birds.'[X-60]

Little or nothing is known of the history of Tzintzuntzan from this

time until it is again brought into notice by the events to which

I have alluded as occurring shortly after Sicuiracha was succeeded

by his sons on the throne at Wayameo. Granados, it is true, states

that nineteen kings ruled over the Tarascos from the time of their

settlement down to the conquest, but he gives no account of any of

them, while Beaumont complains that he is able to find records of three

only, namely, Characu, 'the boy king,' Zwanga,[X-61] and the son of the

latter, Tangaxoan,[X-62] better known by the name of Caltzontzin, 'he

who is always shod,' to distinguish him from those other rulers who,

being vassals of the Aztec monarch, appeared bare-footed before their

suzerain.[X-63] At what period the boy king lived it is impossible to

tell, but as the other two certainly reigned at a later date than our

story has yet reached, they may all be referred to hereafter.

[Sidenote: THE GODDESS XARATANGA.]

Let us now return to the anonymous narrative. At the time of

Sicuiracha's death at Wayameo, three brothers named Tarigaran,

Pacimwane, and Sucurawe were reigning in the region of which

Tzintzuntzan was the capital. On a hill overlooking the lake stood the

temple of their chief divinity, the goddess Xaratanga, whose son was

named Manowapa. Now, the priests of this goddess obtained the wood

which they burned in the temple from the forest of Atamataho, close

to Wayameo, and they frequently took advantage of their proximity

to the temple of Curicaneri to carry wood there, a courtesy which

the Wanacace priests returned by occasionally bearing fuel to the

sanctuary of Xaratanga. It happened one day, when the feast of the

goddess was approaching, that Tarigaran and his two brothers, with

their attendants, went to the temple to assist the priests to decorate

the idol. But the princes had been drinking deeply, and the goddess,

perceiving this, punished them for their irreverence by making them

very drunk. Then the brothers became alarmed, and sent their women to

the lake to procure fish, by eating which they hoped to dissipate the

fumes of the liquor. But the outraged goddess had hidden the fish,

and the women succeeded only in catching a large serpent, which they

carried to the priests, who cooked it and ate of it together with the

princes, at sunset. But no sooner had the strange food passed their

lips than, to their horror, they all found themselves turned into

serpents. Filled with terror and dismay they plunged into the lake and

swam towards the mountain of Tiriacuri, amid the recesses of which they

disappeared upon landing.

The territory of Tzintzuntzan being now bereft of its chief priests

and princes offered an easy prey to its Wanacace neighbors, and

several chiefs, probably vassals of the kings of Wayameo, soon began

to encroach upon its borders. Tarapecha Chanhori took possession of

Curincuaro Achurin and established himself there, while Ipinchuari did

the same at Pechetaro. The royal brothers of Wayameo also took up arms

and possessed themselves first of Capacureo, and then of Patamagua

Nacaraho. At the latter place they seem to have separated, each to make

conquests on his own behalf.[X-64]

The Tarasco population was now thoroughly alarmed and with one

accord the various states began to prepare for war. The kings of

Wayameo, however, assured Cuyupuri, who had succeeded to the office

of high-priest of Xaratanga at Tzintzuntzan, that he should receive

no injury, and at their invitation he removed to the spot where

his metamorphosed predecessors had disappeared. Later he removed to

Sipico, on the borders of the lake, where he erected a temple and other

buildings; after that he went to several other places, but finally

established himself on Mount Haracotin, where Wapeani had taken up his

abode.

The two brothers now continued their conquests in every direction,

and before long they had gained possession of most of the places on

the south shore of the lake Patzcuaro, including the fertile region

of Tzintzuntzan. Now it came to pass one day, when Wapeani had climbed

Mount Atupen, and was gazing longingly at the beautiful islands which

dotted its surface, that his attention was attracted to a pyramidal

structure which rose in the centre of one of the fairest of them.

Perceiving a fisherman casting his nets at some distance, he called him

to him. In answer to his inquiries, the fisherman informed the prince

that the island upon which the temple stood was called Xaracuero,

and was, together with the island of Pacandan, ruled by a king named

Curicaten, who bore the title of El Henditare. He told Wapeani,

moreover, that there were Chichimecs on these islands, though they did

not speak the same language as the Wanacaces. Wapeani was astonished at

this, as he had believed that his people were the only Chichimecs in

the country. The warriors of his suite then asked the fisherman what

his name was, and if he had any daughters. He answered that his name

was Curipajan, and that he had no children. They insisted, however,

that he had daughters, assuring him at the same time that they intended

no harm, but merely wanted to obtain wives from the islands. At length,

after repeated denials, he confessed that he had one, who was little

and ugly, and quite unworthy of their consideration. It matters not,

they answered, say nothing to anybody, but bring her here to-morrow.

[Sidenote: THE KING OF THE ISLES.]

What induced the fisherman to act against his inclinations after he

had once got free, the chronicle does not relate, but on the next day

he returned at the appointed time with his daughter. Wapeani arrived

at the rendezvous somewhat later, and finding the girl to his taste he

took her away with him, instructing her father to return home, and if

questioned concerning the absence of his daughter, to say that she had

been carried off and enslaved by the Wanacaces. Wapeani afterwards gave

the woman to his brother, Pawacume, who married her, and got by her a

son named Tariacuri, who subsequently became king and was the founder

of the kingdom of Michoacan.

When the king of the isles learned what had been done by Wapeani,

he was greatly enraged, and the neighboring lords having been called

together a council was held to consider what action should be taken in

the matter. But the lords were in favor of peace, and it was finally

arranged that the brother kings should be invited to come and settle

among them, when the office of grand sacrificer should be conferred

upon Pawacume and that of priest of the god Cuangari Changatun upon

Wapeani. Messengers were accordingly sent to make these proposals to

the brothers. Flattered by such brilliant offers and dazzled by the

costly presents which the envoys brought with them, the princes readily

consented to the arrangement, and at once embarked for the islands,

where they were received with great state, and immediately invested

with the promised dignities. But it seems that the brothers' followers

had not been made acquainted with the details of this arrangement, for

after impatiently waiting some time for the return of the princes, they

also set out for the islands to discover the cause of their detention.

Upon learning the true state of the case they were furious, and

demanded with many threats that Pawacume and Wapeani, who, they said,

had been appointed by Curicaneri as their guardians, should instantly

be sent back to their own people. Curicaten thought it prudent to

yield, and the brothers reluctantly returned with their followers to

the mainland.

[Sidenote: CITY OF PATZCUARO.]

But during their brief sojourn in the islands they had seen much that

was new to them, and having observed the benefit to be derived from

civilization, they resolved to improve the condition of their country.

Knowing, however, that their influence alone would not suffice to

make the people suddenly change their nomadic habits, they called to

their aid the voice of the gods. One day they announced that the god

of Hades had appeared to them in a dream, commanding them to erect

temples in honor of all the Chichimec divinities. The people, whose

religious fervor seems to have been unbounded, were at once anxious

to begin the pious work. It only remained to choose a suitable site.

Under the guidance of the brothers, they repaired to a densely wooded

hill near Tarimi Chundido, where there was a beautiful stream of water,

known henceforth by the name of Cuirizcatero. Here they set to work

in earnest; hewing down the trees and clearing the ground for the

foundations of the temples. One after another the stately edifices

rose, and when they were finished the chiefs began to vie with each

other in building fine dwelling-houses, so that in an incredibly

short space of time the sides of the hill were covered with buildings.

Such was the origin of the city of Patzcuaro,[X-65] for a long time the

capital, and afterwards one of the principal cities of Michoacan.

Now, at that time the kingdom of Curincuaro, which comprised part

of the lake islands, was one of the most powerful states in all that

region, and in common with its Tarasco neighbors, it regarded the rapid

progress of the Wanacaces with feelings of jealousy and apprehension,

which soon resulted in actual hostilities. An ambassador was sent to

Patzcuaro to formally demand that its inhabitants should bring fuel

to the altars at Curincuaro. The Wanacaces knew by experience what

this meant, and at once prepared for war. All being ready they marched

to meet the enemy. A terrible engagement took place near the town of

Ataquaro, in which Pawacume and his brother were seriously wounded, and

finally forced to retreat with their troops to Patzcuaro.

Soon after this the great feast of the goddess Curincuaro, the

principal divinity of the kingdom that bore her name, was celebrated.

It appears that it was arranged that all hostilities should cease

during this solemn period, that the Wanacaces might join with

their late enemies in the ceremonies. The lords of Curincuaro were

particularly anxious that the brothers of Patzcuaro should appear at

the feast, and to ensure their presence they employed an old woman,

who had access to them, to expatiate on the grandeur of the coming

festivities, and the number of sacrifices to be offered. She played

her part so well that the princes promised to be present; afterwards,

being assured by certain of their priests that treachery was designed,

they renounced their intention of going; but emissaries from Curincuaro

again found means to persuade them, and when the day of the feast

arrived they set out to participate in it. On the way they fell into an

ambuscade, and Wapeani was killed on the spot. His brother escaped and

fled to Patzcuaro, but he was pursued by his enemies and slain in the

city, which was deserted on account of all the people having gone to

the feast. The bodies of the unfortunate princes were ransomed by their

sorrowing subjects, and after being formally burned were buried with

much ceremony in a grave dug at the foot of the steps leading up to the

temple of Curicaneri.

Curatame, Wapeani's eldest son, now ascended the throne at Patzcuaro.

He had two brothers named Xetaco and Aramen. Pawacume, as we have

already remarked, had also a son named Tariacuri, by the fisherman's

daughter. This prince was sent to the island of Xaracuero, to be

educated by the Tarasco priests in the arts of civilized life. On

his return to Patzcuaro, Tariacuri showed himself to be a youth of an

excellent disposition, very pious and industrious, and withal highly

accomplished in matters both of war and of peace. As soon as he arrived

at a suitable age he was crowned king of the Wanacaces; whether his

cousin Curatame continued to reign as his colleague, or what became of

him, is not stated.

Tariacuri soon began to extend his empire by conquest in every

direction. He carried his arms farther than any of his predecessors had

done, and his hostile expeditions were invariably attended by success.

Again the Tarasco princes were alarmed, and uniting their forces they

marched upon Patzcuaro. But Tariacuri was irresistible; he surprised

and vanquished the allies at Ataro and Tupuxanchuen, conquered the

kingdom of Zirumbo, and finally blockaded the lake islands. Meanwhile,

his cousins, jealous of his glory, conspired with his enemies to

betray him. But he escaped their plots, and having possessed himself

of the islands he became king of the whole of Michoacan. This king

may be identical with Characu, the 'boy king,' to whom I have already

referred. My reason for thinking so is that the events above recorded,

or those immediately succeeding them, are said to have happened in the

time of Montezuma I., while the founding of a city named Charo, in the

reign of Characu, is also said by Beaumont to have taken place during

the life of the same Mexican monarch. The founding of Charo was in this

wise, according to one account.

[Sidenote: CHARACU, THE BOY KING.]

During the reign of 'the boy king' the Aztecs made an inroad, aided by

the Tecos and other unruly tribes. Being hard pressed, the king applied

to the Matlaltzincas of Toluca for aid. Six captains started with their

troops, and the Mexicans were defeated. In reward for this timely aid,

the Matlaltzincas were granted their choice of lands within the kingdom

of Michoacan, and selected the region around Tiripito, where the lower

class founded Undameo, and the nobles, Charo, so named in honor of the

king. This settlement being in the center of Michoacan, says Pimentel,

the people came to be known as the Pirindas, 'those in the middle.'[X-66]

In another place Beaumont gives Padre Larrea's version of the

founding of Charo. In the time of Montezuma I. the Aztecs appeared

in conjunction with the Tecos and Matlaltzincas to attack Michoacan.

The Tarascos who were only one-third as strong as their enemies,

had recourse to strategy. Large supplies of food and drink were

spread in the camp, and when the Aztec forces attacked, the Tarascos

fled, abandoning the camp. The hungry Aztecs at once commenced to

gorge themselves, and when filled with meat and drink the Tarascos

returned upon them making a great slaughter, and capturing a goodly

number of Tecos and Matlaltzincas, who were given lands in Michoacan;

the Tecos as the more turbulent in Patzcuaro and the capital, and

the Matlaltzincas in Charo, which was founded by them.[X-67] The

Matlaltzincas who remained in Toluca were conquered by Axayacatl, as

has been already related.[X-68]

Before his death, Tariacuri divided the kingdom, and generously

provided for the children of the cousins who had attempted his

destruction. To Hicipan he left Coyucan, a very important city; to

Hicucaxe, Patzcuaro and its dependencies, and to his son, Tangaxoan, he

gave the territory of Tzintzuntzan, which comprised the lake islands.

These events, says Brasseur, to which the anonymous historian assigns

no date, occurred, in all probability, during the first part of the

fifteenth century, Tangaxoan having been a contemporary of Montezuma

I., of Mexico.

Michoacan did not remain long divided. Hicucaxe had a great number

of sons, all of whom he put to death because they were disorderly

and oppressed the people. Another son which was born to him later was

killed by lightning, and apotheosized on that account. Thus the king

of Patzcuaro died without leaving heirs, and his division was added

to Tangaxoan's territory. The kingdom of Coyucan, upon the death of

Hicipan, was also annexed to Tzintzuntzan, where Tangaxoan's son Ziziz

Pandacuare, was then reigning. Michoacan became thus re-united under

one head. Ziziz Pandacuare used his great power for the advancement

and benefit of his country. He embellished the city of Tzintzuntzan,

and made it his capital. His reign was a long and glorious one, and

it was chiefly to his able administration that Michoacan owed its

greatness.[X-69]

[Sidenote: REIGN OF ZWANGA.]

Ziziz Pandacuare was succeeded by his son Zwanga.[X-70] It was during the

reign of this prince that the valiant Tlascaltec general, Tlahuicol,

invaded Michoacan at the head of a Mexican army, and took Tangimaroa,

or Tlaximaloyan, and other towns, together with great spoils.[X-71]

Zwanga was still on the throne at Tzintzuntzan when Cortés took Mexico.

He was appealed to for aid by Cuitlahuatl, who was elected monarch

after the death of Montezuma II. After some hesitation he promised his

assistance. Ambassadors were sent to Mexico, who, when they arrived,

found Cuitlahuatl dead, and the small-pox raging in the city. They

hastened back to Tzintzuntzan, but bore with them the germs of the

disease, which rapidly spread through the capital, and carried off the

king and a great number of his subjects.

Zwanga left several sons, and the eldest of these, Tangaxoan II.,

seized the sceptre.[X-72] He appears to have been a weak prince, and

totally unfit to fill the throne at such a critical period. One of

his first acts was to cause his brothers to be put to death, on the

pretense that they had conspired against his life, but really because

he was jealous of their power.[X-73] This cruel murder caused serious

disturbance in the capital, and the fratricide brought great odium

upon himself. It was said that such a terrible deed portended evil

to the country--a prediction which was verified strongly afterwards,

by the appearance of a Spanish soldier who had been sent by Cortés to

reconnoitre the country.

The Tarascos, like most of the other Nahua nations, were warned

by omens of their future subjection to a foreign power. Beaumont,

who makes Tangaxoan II. a contemporary of Montezuma II., relates

that the former was at first persuaded to assist the latter against

the Spaniards, but was cautioned by the spirit of his dead sister,

who, to prove that her utterances were not meaningless, pointed out

certain signs in the heavens; namely, the figure of a young man with a

glittering hand, and a sword, fashioned like those of the Spaniards,

which appeared in the east on the day of the great festival. In the

council convened to consider this warning it was decided not to resist

the strangers.[X-74] It is related, moreover, that in Zwanga's time there

lived a high-priest, named Surites, who foretold the introduction of a

new religion, and in anticipation of it instituted two Christian-like

festivals.[X-75]

* * * * *

[Sidenote: THE MIZTECS AND ZAPOTECS.]

Among the earliest peoples of Mexico were the Miztecs and Zapotecs,

whose country may be roughly described as comprising the modern state

of Oajaca. The Miztecs occupied the western portion of this region, and

their territory was divided into upper and lower Miztecapan,[X-76] the

latter reaching to the coast, and the former embracing the mountainous

region farther north, which is sometimes called Cohuaixtlahuacan.

Zapotecapan, the country of the Zapotecs, lay to the east of

Miztecapan, and extended, at the time when we first hear of this people

in history, to Tehuantepec.[X-77]

The records of these nations are silent as to their history before they

settled here; everything previous to this rests upon traditions of the

vaguest character, one of which represents their ancestors as birds,

beasts, and trees--to indicate their extreme antiquity, courage, and

stubbornness, naively adds Burgoa, the historian of Oajaca.[X-78] But

though their own annals do not reach back to the pre-Toltec period,

they are stated by some authorities to have inhabited at that time

the region of Puebla, together with the Olmecs and Xicalancas.[X-79]

Most of the old writers connect them with the Nahua stock, although

their language was distinct from the Nahua. Thus Torquemada derives

the Miztecs from Mixtecatl, the fifth son of Iztac Mixcohuatl, of the

Seven Caves; while Sahagun states that they were of Toltec descent,

and adds that some go so far as to regard them as descendants of

Quetzalcoatl, because of the richness and beauty of their country, in

which the famous Tlalocan, the 'terrestrial paradise,' was said to be

situated.[X-80] At the time when civilization was introduced into Yucatan

and Chiapas, says Brasseur, the mountains of Miztecapan were inhabited

by savage tribes without any particular name, but who were afterwards

known as Miztecs, or Wild Cats.[X-81] Civilization is said by tradition

to have first appeared in the mountains of Apoala. At the entrance of

a gorge in this region where, says García, the gods lived before man

came on earth, stood two majestic trees, from which sprung two youths,

the founders of the Miztec monarchy.[X-82] The braver of the two went to

Tilantongo, and there had a contest with the Sun for the possession of

the country. After a desperate combat, which lasted a whole day, the

Sun was forced to go down behind the hills, thus leaving the youth the

victor.[X-83]

Other traditions relate that certain of the warlike tribes from the

north, that invaded Anáhuac from the eighth to the eleventh century,

passed from the Aztec plateau into Miztecapan, coming down from the

mountains of Apoala to the beautiful and naturally fortified valley of

Yanguitlan, 'new land,' where they determined to settle. The Miztecs

resisted the invaders for a long time, and their final subjection was

effected more by religious teachings than by force of arms. On this

plateau the immigrants from Anáhuac founded Tilantongo, and built a

temple called Achiuhtla.[X-84] The date of this event seems to coincide,

says Brasseur, with the sending out of missionaries from Cholula,

though whether the followers of Quetzalcoatl or the tribes from Anáhuac

arrived first is not known. But it appears certain that from the union

of the priests of Achiuhtla and the Olmecs who fled from Cholula at

the time of Huemac's invasion, sprung the power which civilized these

regions.[X-85]

It is in Zapotecapan, however, that the disciples of Quetzalcoatl

appear most prominently. There they are said to have founded Mitla,

or Yopaa, and to have diffused their arts and religious teachings

throughout the whole country, as far as Tehuantepec.[X-86]

The mysterious apostle Wixipecocha, of whom a full account has

already been given,[X-87] is said to have appeared in these regions.

The tradition, which is very vague, relates that he came from the

south seas, and landed, bearing a cross, at Tehuantepec. He taught

morality, abstinence from women, confession, and penance. He was

generally respected but was sometimes persecuted, especially in the

Mije country, whither he went after passing through the Zapotec valley.

The people there tried to kill him, and pursued him to the foot of

Mount Cempoaltepec, where he miraculously disappeared, but re-appeared

shortly afterwards on the summit of the mountain. His pursuers

followed him, but he again vanished, and was seen no more in that

country, though he afterward showed himself on the enchanted island of

Monapostiac, near Tehuantepec.

[Sidenote: THE PRIESTS OF ACHIUHTLA.]

As I have already remarked, nothing definite is known of the early

history of the Miztecs and Zapotecs. All that has been preserved is

some account of their spiritual rulers. Thus we are told that the

kingdom of Tilantongo, which comprised upper Mizteca, was spiritually

governed by the high-priest of Achiuhtla, who bore the title of

Taysacaa, and whose power equaled, if it did not surpass, that of the

king; while in Zapotecapan the Wiyatao, or sovereign pontiff, united in

his person the supreme sacerdotal and secular power. The origin of the

city of Yopaa, or Mitla, where the Wiyatao held his court, is doubtful,

though, as we have seen, it has been attributed to the disciples of

Quetzalcoatl, who came from Cholula.

It is a singular fact that we hear nothing of the early Miztec and

Zapotec kings, save that there were such, until we find the latter

subjecting the Huaves to their authority. These Huaves are said to

have come originally from the south, from Nicaragua or Peru say some

authors. The causes that led to their migration are unknown; but the

story goes that after coasting northward, and attempting to disembark

at several places, they finally effected a landing at Tehuantepec.

Here they found the Mijes, the original possessors of the country; but

these they drove out, or, as some say, mingled with them, and soon

made themselves masters of the soil. They founded their first city

at Arrianjianbaj, or Arriangui Umbah, but afterwards extended their

possessions to the city of Jalapa, which they are said to have founded

also.[X-88]

But the easy life they led in this beautiful and fertile region

soon destroyed their ancient energy, and they subsequently fell an

unresisting prey to the Zapotec kings.[X-89] Of the Mijes very little

is known. They are believed to have been the most ancient people of

the Oajaca region, and Burgoa affirms that they possessed of old

the greater part of Tehuantepec, Soconusco, and Zapotecapan. The

Beni-Xonos, who lived between the Mijes and Zapotecs, are said to

have once belonged to the former people, but their character seems

to disprove this. They are described as a tribe of rich, shrewd

traders, very miserly, great liars, "incorrigible and inveterate

evil-doers"--the Jews of Oajaca, Brasseur calls them. They were among

the first to submit to the Zapotec kings, in the hope of being allowed

to retain their wealth.[X-90]

[Sidenote: THE ZAPOTEC KINGS.]

It was to one of these Zapotec princes that the fortified city of

Zaachilla Yoho, or Teotzapotlan, as it was called by the Mexicans, owed

its origin. At the time when history first sheds its light on these

regions, Teotzapotlan was the capital of Zapotecapan,[X-91] and rivaled

in power and extent of territory the Miztec kingdoms of Tututepec and

Tilantongo. It seems that during the war with the Mexicans these three

powers united against the common enemy, though at other times they

appear to have quarreled considerably among themselves, by reason of

the ambitious designs of the Zapotec monarchs, who, it is said, aimed

at universal sovereignty.[X-92]

Of the kingdom of Tututepec, which stretched for sixty leagues along

the shore of the Pacific, nothing is known, except that its princes

were among the richest in all Mexico, that its kings had many powerful

vassals, and that its principal city, which was also called Tututepec,

was very populous.[X-93]

One of the earliest conquests of the Zapotec kings was that of the

Mountain of the Sun, near the town of Macuilxuchil. There dwelt on

this mountain a tribe of very fierce and blood-thirsty barbarians,

who lived by plundering the surrounding nations. At length their

depredations became so frequent, and were attended with such cruelty

that it became evident that the country about the mountain would soon

be abandoned by its inhabitants unless the robbers were annihilated.

Accordingly, a large force of picked troops was sent against them

under the command of two renowned warriors named Baali and Baaloo. The

expedition was successful. After a desperate resistance the robbers

were overpowered and slaughtered to a man. A fortress and temple

were then erected on the summit of the mountain, and the charge of

them given to Baali and Baaloo, as a reward for their valor. After

their death these heroes received divine honors, and were buried at

the foot of the mountain they had conquered. The veneration in which

their memory was held increased with time; their tombs were visited by

multitudes of pilgrims, and a city called Zeetopaa, which eventually

became the principal seat of learning and religion, and the nucleus of

civilization in these parts, soon rose upon the spot.[X-94]

[Sidenote: DEATH OF CONDOY.]

The first Zapotec king of whom we have any definite information is

Ozomatli, who, it is said in the _Codex Chimalpopoca_,[X-95] reigned in

1351. The next king, whose name or deeds are recorded, is Zaachilla,

who, being master of all Zapotecapan, coveted the region lying east of

the river Nexapa, and inhabited by the Chontales, Mijes, and Huaves.

The Chontales were the most powerful of these nations, and against

them Zaachilla proceeded first. He took from them the city of Nexapa,

which he fortified and garrisoned with his own soldiers. To strengthen

his position in the conquered territory he also built the fortresses

of Quiechapa and Quiyecolani.[X-96] He next entered the country of the

Mijes, took the town of Zoquitlan, and drove the inhabitants into

the mountains. The Mijes were now confined between the Maya tribes of

Chiapas and the Zapotecs. But, though in this difficult position, with

a territory so small that it contained only one city of importance,

namely Xaltepec, and numbering, says Herrera, only two thousand men,

women, and children, the brave little nation seems to have gallantly

maintained its independence for a number of years.[X-97] It was destined

to be subjected at last, however, and in the hour of its greatest

glory. Condoy, the last king of the Mijes, who is said to have made

his first appearance from a cavern in the mountains, was a very brave

and energetic prince. He waged war with the surrounding nations, and

succeeded by his valor in increasing the extent of his dominions. The

Zapotec and Miztec kings, jealous of these encroachments, formed an

alliance against the Mije prince, while the tribes of Chiapas, from

the same motives, attacked him at the same time on the other side of

his dominions. In spite of all that the brave Condoy could do, his

capital was taken and burned to the ground, and he and his followers,

hotly pursued by the enemy, were forced to take refuge in the recesses

of the mountains. Shortly after this Condoy disappeared and was seen

no more. The Zapotecs claimed that their king slew him with his own

hand, but the subjects of the Mije prince insisted that, tired of war

and bloodshed, he had entered the cavern from which he had originally

issued, and, attended by some of his warriors, had gone to far distant

provinces.[X-98]

About the year 1456 occurred the war between Dzawindanda, king of

Cohuaixtlahuacan or upper Miztecapan, with his allies the Tlascaltecs

and Huexotzincas, and Montezuma I., with his allies of the valley of

Anáhuac. The details of this war having been already given,[X-99] it

remains only to repeat Burgoa's account of the supernatural powers

of Dzawindanda. This prince, says the fable, when he wished to make

war upon some neighboring nation, caused himself to be miraculously

transported to the summit of a mountain inaccessible to ordinary

mortals. Arrived there he prostrated himself upon a knoll, and besought

the gods to favor his designs. Then he shook a bag which was suspended

from his girdle, and immediately there issued from it a multitude

of warriors, fully armed and equipped, who having formed in military

order descended from the mountain in silence and marched at once to

conquer the coveted territory.[X-100] Dzawindanda's magical powers must

have deserted him on the occasion above referred to, however, for, as

we have seen, his armies were terribly defeated, his kingdom was made

tributary to the domain of the victors, he himself was assassinated,

and his widowed queen was carried captive to Mexico to gratify a

passion which Montezuma had conceived for her.

In 1469 Axayacatl of Mexico swooped suddenly upon the cities of

Tehuantepec and Guatulco, and took them; according to Brasseur he

even carried his victorious arms into Soconusco.[X-101] At this time

Zaachilla III. was king of Zapotecapan. He was a warlike and ambitious

prince, and succeeded in adding Jalapa and the valley of Nexapa to his

kingdom, driving the Huave population into the less desirable region on

the frontiers of Chiapas and Soconusco. During the later years of his

reign Zaachilla, with the assistance of the Miztec king of Tilantongo,

succeeded in regaining possession of Tehuantepec and the other places

in that region which Axayacatl had garrisoned with Mexican troops.

But this brought the Mexican king, Ahuitzotl, down upon him like a

thunderbolt, and being deserted by his Miztec allies, Zaachilla's

armies were quickly routed; he was forced to flee for his life to the

mountains, and Tehuantepec once more became a Mexican possession.[X-102]

Cociyoeza, who succeeded Zaachilla III. on the throne of Zapotecapan,

was no less anxious than his predecessor to rid his kingdom of the

Aztec garrisons, but being a very prudent, though brave, prince, he

acted with greater deliberation and caution. Before proceeding to open

hostilities he contracted a firm alliance with the neighboring nations;

he then chose a favorable opportunity, when the prestige of the Mexican

arms had been damaged by reverses, to declare war, massacre the Mexican

merchants, and retake Tehuantepec and most of the other places occupied

by Ahuitzotl's troops. The reader has been made acquainted with the

details of this war, in the course of which the sacred city of Mitla,

or Yopaa, was taken, and of the final treaty by which it was arranged

that the Mexicans should keep Soconusco, and that Cociyoeza should wed

a Mexican princess and remain in possession of Tehuantepec.[X-103]

[Sidenote: MONTEZUMA INVADES MIZTECAPAN.]

In 1506, Miztecapan was invaded by Montezuma's armies, and the cities

of Tilantongo, Achiuhtla, and Tlachquiauhco were taken. In the same

year the Miztecs made a determined effort to regain their independence,

but, as has been seen, only succeeded in making their burdens heavier

than before.[X-104] From this time until the coming of the Spaniards

Miztecapan may be regarded as virtually subject to the Mexican empire.

By his marriage with the faithful Pelaxilla, Cociyoeza had a son

named Cociyopu. It is related that during the feasts with which the

birth of this prince was celebrated, fiery rays of light were seen to

dart across the sky. Such ominous phenomena did not escape the notice

of the soothsayers, and the downfall of the kingdom was predicted.

When Cociyopu had reached the age of twenty-four years, his father

conferred upon him the crown of Tehuantepec.[X-105] It was at this

time, says Brasseur, that the news of the conquests of the Spaniards

reached Cociyoeza's court at Teotzapotlan.[X-106] Upon this the nobles

of Tehuantepec besought Cociyopu to inquire of the gods what the

meaning of these things was, and if the ancient prophecies concerning

the introduction of a new religion and the conquest of the country by

a race of white men, were about to be fulfilled. Cociyopu did as they

desired, and was told by the oracle that the time had come for the

fulfillment of the prophecies. Then an embassy was sent to Coyuhuacan,

where Cortés then was, with instructions to announce to the Spanish

chief that according to the directions of their oracles the people of

Zapotecapan and Tehuantepec acknowledged his right of sovereignty.[X-107]

* * * * *

[Sidenote: THE PUEBLOS OF NEW MEXICO.]

In the subdivision of my present subject, given in an early chapter

of this volume,[X-108] I named as one of its divisions the Historical

Traditions of the Wild Tribes of the North, to which topic I intended

to devote a short chapter. On further research, however, I find that

there is absolutely no material for such a chapter. Some of the wild

tribes had vague traditions of how the world was created and peopled,

generally by the agency of a bird or beast; others told wonderful

tales of supernatural adventures of their fathers many moons ago; a

few named the direction, north, south, east, or west, whence their

fathers came. Such traditions have been given in those portions of this

work relating to the subjects of Mythology and Origin. There is great

confusion among the different versions of these traditions, and even if

we knew in each case which was the authentic version, they would shed

not a ray of light on general aboriginal history; the very most that

could be hoped from them would be slight information respecting modern

tribal history. All the speculations of modern travelers and writers

on primitive history in the north have been founded, so far as they

have had any foundation at all, on the material relics of antiquity,

fully described in volume IV. of this work; on the traces of the Aztec

tongue in the north, a subject fully disposed of in volume III.; and

on the theory of the Spanish writers respecting a general migration

from the north, duly considered in the present volume. Consequently all

that could be said on the history of the northern tribes here would

be but a repetition of what has already been said; a collection of a

few valueless speculations resting on foundations already proven to be

unsound; and a renewed argument against the theory of a migration from

the north, a theory that has already received more attention than it

deserves. It may be thought that the reported Montezuma-tradition of

the Pueblos in New Mexico deserves some investigation; but besides the

fact that all the force of evidence and probability indicates that the

myth was an invention of white men, it is also true that if the worship

of Montezuma and the hope of his coming from the east, were actually

found among the Pueblos, this would only prove what is not at all

improbable, that the fame of Montezuma I. and of the great Aztec power

had reached this northern region. It has been seen that the Nahuas a

few centuries after the beginning of our era were driven northward and

established themselves in Anáhuac and the region immediately north-west

of that valley, but that their possessions never extended farther

north than Zacatecas. Yet it is altogether probable that they came

more or less into contact with tribes further north, and it is best to

attribute to this contact at this period the Nahua linguistic traces

that have been pointed out in the north. The Pueblos, who in ancient

times occupied the country as far south as northern Chihuahua, were

not Aztecs, as is clearly proven by their language, their monuments,

and their institutions. The very slight Nahua analogies that have

been pointed out in their manners and customs, do not necessarily

imply any connection whatever with the civilized peoples of the

south; yet I regard it as not improbable that the Pueblo tribes were

slightly influenced by Nahua contact at the period referred to; and

not altogether impossible that the Nahua seed sown at this time fell

into good ground in some wild people of the north, and thus originated

Pueblo agriculture and later culture. In favor of any closer connection

between these peoples, there is absolutely no evidence.

[Sidenote: THE MOUND-BUILDERS.]

When we come to the Mound-Builders of the Mississippi Valley, the

matter presents far greater difficulties. We know nothing of their

language or manners and customs, since they have become locally

extinct; but their material monuments, and their religious rites as

indicated by those monuments, bear a very striking resemblance to

those of the civilized nations of the south. I have already expressed

an opinion that the Mound-Builders were in some way connected with

the civilized nations; the nature of the connection is involved in

difficulties, from which there is no escape save by conjecture. We have

seen that the Aztec traces in the New Mexican region, and possibly

the Pueblo culture, may be attributed to the migrating Nahua tribes

after their overthrow in Central America; but there is little or no

reason to attribute the establishment of the Mound-Builders of the

eastern states to the same influence and the same epoch. The few Nahuas

that were scattered in the north are not likely to have exerted so

slight an influence in the Pueblo region, and so powerful a one on

the Mississippi; besides, the Mississippi monuments bear marks of a

much greater antiquity than can be attributed to the Pueblo buildings.

Yet we have seen that it is much more reasonable to believe that the

culture of the Mound-Builders was introduced by a colony or by teachers

from the south, than to regard the Mississippi Valley as the original

birth-place of American civilization. The Natchez of the gulf states

are said to have been superior at the coming of Europeans to other

aboriginal tribes of the eastern states, and presented some slight

analogies in their institutions to what the Mound-Builders may be

supposed to have been. It is also the opinion of several authorities

entitled to considerable credit, that their language shows a very

strong resemblance to those of the Maya family. Without attaching

very great importance to the last argument, I am inclined to believe

that the most plausible conjecture respecting the origin of the

Mound-Builders, is that which makes them a colony of the ancient Mayas,

who settled in the north during the continuance of the great Maya

empire of Xibalba in Central America, several centuries before Christ.

We have seen that the ancient Mayas, under the name of Quinames,

probably occupied eastern Mexico at that epoch, and in later times we

find the Huastecs in southern Tamaulipas speaking a Maya dialect. It

is not at all unlikely that a colony of these people passed northward

along the coast by land or water, and introduced their institutions

in the Mississippi Valley, building up a power which became very

flourishing as the centuries passed, but was at last forced to yield

to the presence of environing barbarism. I offer this not as a theory

which can be fully substantiated by facts, but simply as the most

plausible conjecture on the matter which has occurred to me.

FOOTNOTES:

[X-1] _Historia Tulteca, Peintures et Annales, en langue nahutl, coll.

Aubin._

[X-2] See _Brasseur_, _Hist._, tom. ii., pp. 361-3.

[X-3] Camargo, in _Nouvelles Annales_, tom. xcviii., p. 150, vaguely

mentions an expedition said to have been made to Cholula under chiefs

bearing similar names to the above, but he gives no details or dates.

[X-4] _Brasseur_, _Hist._, tom. ii., pp. 363-70.

[X-5] _Camargo_, in _Nouvelles Annales_, tom. xcviii., pp. 138-9,

145-6.

[X-6] _Veytia_, tom. ii., pp. 108-9.

[X-7] _Camargo_, in _Nouvelles Annales_, tom. xcviii., pp. 142-7;

_Torquemada_, tom. i., pp. 260-1; _Clavigero_, tom. i., p. 154;

_Brasseur_, _Hist._, tom. ii., pp. 357-60.

[X-8] Spelled Tetliyucatl by Camargo. Torquemada, tom. i., p. 262,

says that a separation took place previously at Tepapayecan. Camargo,

in _Nouvelles Annales_, tom. xcviii., p. 150, may possibly imply the

same, but he is very confused at this point.

[X-9] _Torquemada_, tom. i., p. 262. Camargo says that Coatepec was

founded in the province of Quauhquelchula by the three last named

chiefs; this is, however, probably a mistake of the French translator.

Brasseur says Coatepec 'se soumettait à Quetzalxiuhtli.' _Hist._, tom.

ii., p. 372.

[X-10] Brasseur, _Hist._, tom. ii., p. 373, calls this chief

Quauhtliztac.

[X-11] _Camargo_, in _Nouvelles Annales_, tom. xcviii., pp. 151-2.

These chiefs were named Totolohuizil and Quetzaltehuyacixcotl, and are

the same as those mentioned by Camargo on p. 150, as having arrived at

Cholula in the year 1 Acatl. They are also identical with the

Chichimec-Toltec chiefs who, according to Brasseur's account, already

recorded, conquered Cholula by a stratagem soon after the Toltec fall.

See ante, pp. 485-6. Speaking of their visit to the Teo-Chichimecs at

Necapahuazcan, Brasseur, _Hist._, tom. ii., p. 372, calls them the

"nouveaux seigneurs de Cholula." But it is evident from the context

that Camargo does not regard them as such, notwithstanding what he has

said about their arrival in 1 Acatl.

[X-12] Called 'Colhua-Teuctli-Quanez, le vainqueur de Poyauhtlan,' and

Culhua-Teuctli, by Brasseur; and Culhuatecuhtli and Aculhua Tecuhtli

by Camargo.

[X-13] _Camargo_, in _Nouvelles Annales_, tom. xcviii., pp. 136,

152-4, 164; _Veytia_, tom. ii., p. 175; _Herrera_, dec. ii., lib. vi.,

cap. xii; _Torquemada_, tom. i., p. 263.

[X-14] _Camargo_, in _Nouvelles Annales_, tom. xcviii., p. 154.

[X-15] Brasseur writes Xicochimalco.

[X-16] 'Coxcoxtli, roi de Culhuacan, qui gouvernait alors, avec ses

propres états, les Mexicains établis dans le voisinage de sa capitale,

et les Tépanèques d'Azcapotzalco, est le seul prince à qui se puisse

rapporter l'événement dont il s'agit ici, Tezozomoc n'ayant régné que

beaucoup plus tard.' _Brasseur_, _Hist._, tom. ii., p. 409; see also

note on p. 410 of same work. Camargo says that Xiuhtlehui sent for aid

to 'Matlatlihuitzin, qui régnait alors à Mexico.' _Nouvelles Annales_,

tom. xcviii., p. 156. Veytia, tom. ii., pp. 197-201, states that he

sent to Acamapichtli II, Matlatlihuitzin being probably a surname

borne by that prince. Torquemada, tom. i., pp. 264-5, and Clavigero,

tom. i., p. 155, agree with Camargo in the name, but speak of the

prince as being Tepanec.

[X-17] _Camargo_, in _Nouvelles Annales_, tom. cxviii., pp. 154-63;

_Torquemada_, tom. i., pp. 264-8; _Clavigero_, tom. i., pp. 154-5;

_Veytia_, tom. ii., pp. 200-12; _Brasseur_, _Hist._, tom. ii., pp.

405-18.

[X-18] _Brasseur_, _Hist._, tom. ii., pp. 418-19.

[X-19] Ixtlilxochitl, in _Kingsborough_, vol. ix., p. 349, writes

Iztamatzin, and on p. 216, Yztacima.

[X-20] _Veytia_, tom. ii., pp. 154-5; _Ixtlilxochitl_, in

_Kingsborough_, vol. ix., pp. 216, 349.

[X-21] _Brasseur_, _Hist._, tom. ii., pp. 419-20.

[X-22] _Camargo_, in _Nouvelles Annales_, tom. xcviii., p. 164.

Veytia, tom. ii., p. 213, considers this account wrong. Culhua

Tecuhtli Quanez, he says, who is Xiuhquetzaltzin, the younger brother

of Quinantzin of Tezcuco, had no brother by that name, or, none who

would have joined him in Tlascala--he disregards the fact, as related

by himself, that Xiuhquetzaltzin must have ruled over a hundred years

already. It is therefore much more probable, as related by other

writers, he continues, that Quanez left his own district of Tepeticpac

or Texcalticpac to his eldest son, as will be seen, and Ocotelulco to

his second son, Cuicuetzcatl, 'swallow;' he ruled jointly with his

brother, and left the succession to his son Papalotl, 'butterfly,' who

was followed by his brother Teyohualminqui, the above-named personage.

He thinks the above two rulers have been omitted because of their

brief rule. Others, he continues, relate that Mitl divided the rule

with his brother. Ixtlilxochitl, p. 344, says that the Tlascaltec

rulers descended from Xiuhguzaltzin. Brasseur, _Hist._, tom. iii., p.

143, though he cites Camargo as his authority, states that Quanez

associated his brother with himself on the throne, and divided the

town and territory of Tlascala with him. Teyohualminqui then chose

Ocotelulco as his place of residence.

[X-23] Called also Tlapitzahuacan.

[X-24] _Camargo_, in _Nouvelles Annales_, tom. xcviii., pp. 165-72.

[X-25] Brasseur, _Hist._, tom. ii., pp. 143-4, makes Tzompane,

Xayacamachan, and Tepolohua, one and the same person. Camargo, as we

have seen, speaks of them as father and son. Torquemada, tom. i., p.

275, combines two of the names, Xayacamachantzompane.

[X-26] See vol. ii. of this work, p. 141.

[X-27] See pp. 387-8, of this volume.

[X-28] Id., p. 414.

[X-29] Id., p. 416.

[X-30] Id., p. 417.

[X-31] _Brasseur_, _Hist._, tom. iii., p. 269.

[X-32] See this vol., p. 426.

[X-33] Id., pp. 437-8.

[X-34] _Camargo_, in _Nouvelles Annales_, tom. xcviii., p. 178.

[X-35] _Brasseur_, _Hist._, tom. iii., p. 341.

[X-36] See this vol., p. 443.

[X-37] _Torquemada_, tom. i., p. 191; _Vetancvrt_, _Teatro_, pt ii.,

p. 38; _Clavigero_, tom. i., pp. 259-60; _Brasseur_, _Hist._, tom.

iii., pp. 375-7; _Veytia_, tom. iii., pp. 297-9.

[X-38] _Camargo_, in _Nouvelles Annales_, tom. xcviii., pp. 178-80;

_Torquemada_, tom. i., pp. 197-9; _Clavigero_, tom. i., pp. 275-8;

_Brasseur_, _Hist._, tom. iii., pp. 402-5.

[X-39] _Torquemada_, tom. i., pp. 200-1; _Vetancvrt_, _Teatro_, pt

ii., p. 40. According to Camargo, in _Nouvelles Annales_, tom.

xcviii., pp. 182-3, and Clavigero, tom. i., p. 278, the Tlascaltecs

were beaten on this occasion.

[X-40] _Camargo_, in _Nouvelles Annales_, tom. xcviii., p. 183;

_Clavigero_, tom. i., p. 279; _Torquemada_, tom. i., p. 200;

_Vetancvrt_, _Teatro_, pt ii., p. 40; _Brasseur_, _Hist._, tom. iii.,

p. 406. These authorities say that the Mexican general was Montezuma's

eldest son. But Ixtlilxochitl, in _Kingsborough_, vol. ix., p. 271;

and Duran, MS., tom. ii., cap. lvii., Tezozomoc, in _Id._, p. 160;

say that he was Montezuma's brother.

[X-41] _Clavigero_, tom. i., pp. 278-80; _Torquemada_, tom. i., pp.

201-2; _Vetancvrt_, _Teatro_, pt ii., p. 40; _Camargo_, in _Nouvelles

Annales_, tom. xcviii., p. 183; _Veytia_, tom. iii., pp. 324-5.

Tlacahuepantzin is regarded by Clavigero as a man appointed to the

generalship on account of his birth, and not because he possessed any

military ability. Duran, MS., tom. ii., cap. lvii., who makes this a

war between Huexotzinco and Mexico, states that he performed wonders

on the battlefield, killing over fifty men, but was captured and

killed on the field, in accordance with his own request; the body was

preserved as the relic of a hero. Other brothers of Montezuma were

also killed, and many captives carried to Huexotzinco. Tezozomoc, in

_Kingsborough_, vol. ix., pp. 160-1, adds that the Aztecs were only

one to twenty in number, and that 40,000 warriors fell in the fight.

Shortly after, continues Tezozomoc, Ixtlilcuechahuac of Tollan, aided

by Aztec troops under three of Montezuma's cousins attacked the

Huexotzincas again; the three cousins were killed, with most of their

troops, and the lord of Tollan, who was conspicuous in his fine dress,

was also slain; but the Chalcas coming up, the victory turned and the

Huexotzincas were compelled to retreat. _Id._, pp. 165-6; _Duran_,

MS., tom. ii., cap. lviii. After this, the Cholultecs, who had never

yet had a war with the Mexicans, says Duran, challenged that people to

fight a battle, 'to give pleasure to the god of battle and to the

sun.' The Mexicans and their allies who, according to Tezozomoc, were

opposed by six times the number of Cholultecs, aided by Huexotzincas

and Atlixcas, lost 8,200 men; whereupon the fight was discontinued,

and the Aztecs went home to mourn. _Tezozomoc_, pp. 169-70; _Duran_,

MS., tom. ii., cap. lix. Ixtlilxochitl, p. 278, seems to refer to this

battle when he says that Montezuma II. agreed with the Atlixcas to

leave Macuilmalinatzin, the true heir to the Mexican throne, in the

lurch. He accordingly perished with 2,800 of his warriors.

Nezahualpilli composed a scathing poem, denouncing this act as a base

assassination.

[X-42] _Tezozomoc_, in _Kingsborough_, vol. ix., pp. 172-4; _Duran_,

MS., tom. ii., cap. lx.; _Clavigero_, tom. i., p. 280; _Veytia_, tom.

iii., pp. 325-6.

[X-43] The truth of this bombastic assertion the Tlascaltec historian,

Camargo, denies, and doubtless with reason; as it would be absurd to

suppose that the Aztecs would have permitted the existence of such a

formidable enemy at their very doors if they could have helped it.

Besides, we have seen how often they did their best to subdue Tlascala

and failed.

[X-44] _Torquemada_, tom. i., pp. 202-3; _Veytia_, tom. iii., pp.

326-7; _Brasseur_, _Hist._, tom. iii., pp. 407-9; _Vetancvrt_,

_Teatro_, pt ii., p. 41; _Duran_, MS., tom. ii., cap. lxi;

_Tezozomoc_, in _Kingsborough_, vol. ix., pp. 176-8; _Clavigero_, tom.

i., p. 280; _Oviedo_, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii., p. 497; _Camargo_, in

_Nouvelles Annales_, tom. xcviii., pp. 184-6.

[X-45] _Torquemada_, tom. i., pp. 209-10; _Clavigero_, tom. i., pp.

284-5; _Brasseur_, _Hist._, tom. iii., pp. 418-20; _Veytia_, tom.

iii., pp. 338-40.

[X-46] See this vol., p. 464.

[X-47] Ixtlilxochitl, pp. 280-1, the Tezcucan historian, is the only

authority for this account, and it is probable enough that he has

exaggerated Montezuma's treachery.

[X-48] For etymology of this name, see vol. ii., p. 130.

[X-49] Several names of places in the country were, however, of Aztec

origin, and even the name Michoacan, 'place of fish,' is derived from

the Aztec words _michin_ and _can_. Beaumont, _Crón. Mechoacan_, MS.,

p. 47, says that the original name of the country was Tzintzuntzan,

but he translates this, 'town of green birds.' Brasseur, _Hist._, tom.

iii., p. 52, says Michoacan was 'le nom que les Mexicains donnaient à

la région des Tarasques.'

[X-50] Ixtlilxochitl, in _Kingsborough_, vol. ix., p. 214, mentions a

Toltec party that emigrated to the Michoacan region, and dwelt there

for a long time. Sahagun, tom. iii., lib. x., pp. 145-6, refers to a

Toltec migration as an issue from the same region. Veytia, tom. ii.,

pp. 39-40, speaks of Toltecs who founded colonies all along the

Pacific coast, and gradually changed their language and customs.

[X-51] _Orozco y Berra_, _Geografía_, pp. 120, 141.

[X-52] _Gil_, in _Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin_, tom. viii., pp. 500-1.

[X-53] See this vol. p. 328.

[X-54] See also Tello's version of Aztec settlement given by Gil, in

_Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin_, tom. viii., p. 501.

[X-55] _Hist. Gen._, dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. ix.

[X-56] _Hist._, tom. iii., pp. 55-6.

[X-57] Called Chichimecas vanáceos by Carbajal Espinosa, _Hist. Mex._,

tom. i., p. 266.

[X-58] 'Chaque tribu, chaque famille, souvent chaque personne avait

son dieu ou ses génies particuliers à peu près comme les teraphim de

Laban qu'enlevait à l'insu sa fille Rachel.' _Brasseur_, _Hist._, tom.

iii., p. 61.

[X-59] _Beaumont_, _Crón. Mechoacan_, MS., pp. 48, 63.

[X-60] _Beltrami_, _Mexique_, tom. ii., p. 54. The first name given to

the town was Guayangareo, says Granados y Galvez, _Tardes Amer._, p.

184. Padre Larrea translates Tzintzuntzan, 'town of green birds,' and

the town was so called, he says, from the form of the idol. Beaumont

calls it also Chincila and Huitzitzilaque. _Crón. Mechoacan_, MS., pp.

43, 46-7.

[X-61] Also known as Chiguangua, Chiguacua, and Tzihuanga.

[X-62] Also, Sintzicha Tangajuan, 'he of the fine teeth.'

[X-63] _Beaumont_, _Crón. Mechoacan_, MS., pp. 44-5, 68-9, 75.

Herrera, dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. viii., translates Cazonzin by 'old

sandals,' saying that the name was bestowed upon the king as a

nick-name because of the shabby dress in which he appeared before

Cortés. According to Alegre, _Hist. Comp. de Jesus_, tom. i., p. 91,

Caltzontzin was the name given to Zintzicha by the Spaniards.

Beltrami, _Mexique_, tom. ii., p. 44, writes the name Sinzincha.

Torquemada, tom. i., p. 338, calls him Caczoltzin. Granados y Galvez,

_Tardes Amer._, pp. 184-6, writes Caltzontzin or Cinzica. 'Les

relations et les histoires relatives au Michoacan donnent toutes au

roi des Tarasques le titre ou le nom de Cazontzin. Était-ce un titre?

c'est incertain. Torquemada ne sait ce qu'il doit en penser.'

_Brasseur_, _Hist._, tom. iii., p. 78. Cazonzi 'paraît être une

corruption tarasque du mot nahuatl Caltzontzin, Chef ou tête de la

maison.' _Id._, tom. iv., p. 363.

[X-64] Brasseur, _Hist._, tom. iii., pp. 66-7, renders this passage

very ambiguously. 'Ce fut en ce lieu (Patamagua Nacaraho) que les

dieux, frères de Curicaneri, se séparèrent; chacun des chefs

chichimèques, prenant le sien, alla se fixer au lieu que la victoire

lui donna. Pour lui, continuant le cours de ses conquêtes, il chassa

tour à tour le gibier sur les terres voisines, passant d'une montagne

à l'autre, et jetant la terreur dans les populations d'alentour.'

[X-65] '_Patzcuaro_ veut évidemment dire le lieu de temples; _cu_ ou

_cua_, dans la langue tarasque, comme dans la langue yucatèque.'

_Brasseur_, _Hist._, tom. iii., p. 72.

[X-66] _Pimentel_, _Cuadro_, tom. i., p. 499; _Beaumont_, _Crón.

Mechoacan_, MS., pp. 61-2, quoting _Basalenque_, _Hist. Mech._, lib.

i., cap. xv.

[X-67] _Beaumont_, _Crón. Mechoacan_, MS., pp. 60-61. Granados, p.

185, refers to a seven years' struggle, which may be the same as the

above. The records indicate two great battles at Tajimaroa and Zichu.

[X-68] _Clavigero_, tom. i., p. 150; _Alcedo_, _Dicc._, tom. iii., p.

461; _Pimentel_, _Cuadro_, tom. i., p. 499. See also this vol., pp.

432-5. _Sahagun_, tom. iii., lib. x., p. 129.

[X-69] _Brasseur_, _Hist._, tom. iii., pp. 51-78; _Carbajal Espinosa_,

_Hist. Mex._, tom. i., pp. 264-85.

[X-70] Also spelled Tzihuanga, see note 62.

[X-71] See this vol., pp. 477-8. Beaumont says that Tlahuicol gained

nothing during his six months' campaign except some booty, and he

doubts whether that was much, as along the frontier there was little

to be had. _Crón. Mechoacan_, MS., pp. 59-60.

[X-72] He bore the title of Caltzontzin. See note 63. Brasseur says he

was also called Gwangwa Pagua, _Hist._, tom. iii., p. 78.

[X-73] _Beaumont_, _Crón. Mechoacan_, MS., p. 68.

[X-74] _Crón. Mechoacan_, MS., pp. 71-3.

[X-75] See vol. iii. of this work, p. 446.

[X-76] For boundaries of Miztecapan, see ante, vol. i., p. 678.

[X-77] See vol. i., p. 679, for boundaries.

[X-78] _Burgoa_, _Geog. Descrip. Oajaca_, tom. ii., pt i., pp. 195-6;

_Murguia_, _Estadist. Guajaca_, in _Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin_, tom.

vii., p. 167.

[X-79] _Orozco y Berra_, _Geografía_, p. 133; _Veytia_, tom. i., p.

150.

[X-80] _Torquemada_, tom. i., p. 32; _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 299;

_Motolinia_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., p. 8;

_Burgoa_, _Geog. Descrip. Oajaca_, tom. ii., pt i., p. 175; _Sahagun_,

tom. iii., lib. x., p. 136; _Orozco y Berra_, _Geografía_, p. 120.

[X-81] _Hist._, tom. iii., p. 5.

[X-82] Brasseur, citing _Burgoa_, _Geog. Descrip. Oajaca_, tom. ii.,

pt i., fol. 128-9, says they were male and female, and from them

descended the race that subsequently governed the country. _Hist._,

tom. iii., p. 6; _García_, _Orígen de los Ind._, pp. 327-8.

[X-83] _Burgoa_, _Geog. Descrip. Oajaca_, tom. ii., pt i., pp. 128,

175-6; _Orozco y Berra_, _Geografía_, p. 80, says this story is merely

invented to show the great age of the Miztecs. See also ante, vol.

iii., p. 73.

[X-84] _Burgoa_, _Geog. Descrip. Oajaca_, tom. ii., pt i., fol. 128-9.

Orozco y Berra, _Geografía_, p. 126, says the Zapotecs took their

region by force of arms from the Huatiquimanes, or Guanitiquimanes.

[X-85] _Hist._, tom. iii., pp. 8-9.

[X-86] _Torquemada_, tom. i., p. 255; _Herrera_, dec. iii., lib. ii.,

cap. xi.; _Veytia_, tom. i., p. 164; _Burgoa_, _Geog. Descrip.

Oajaca_, tom. ii., pt ii., fol. 297-8, 343-5.

[X-87] See vol. ii. of this work, pp. 209-11.

[X-88] 'De allà de la Costa del Sur, mas cerca de la Eclyptica

vezindad del Perù, y segun las circunstancias de su lengua, y trato de

la Provincia ò Reyno de Nicarahua.' _Burgoa_, _Geog. Descrip. Oajaca_,

tom. ii., pt ii., fol. 396; _Murguia_, _Estadist. Guajaca_, in _Soc.

Mex. Geog., Boletin_, tom. vii., p. 183; _Orozco y Berra_,

_Geografía_, pp. 173-4. See also _Mühlenpfordt_, _Mejico_, tom. ii.,

pt i., p. 176. Guillemot relates that some Peruvian families fled

northward along the Cordilleras. On the banks of the Sarrabia they

resorted to the fire test to find out whether the gods wished them to

settle there. A brand was placed in a hole, but as it was extinct in

the morning, they knew they must go further. Four emissaries went in

search of another place. Beneath a coapinol-tree, where now stands

Huixicovi, the brand-proof answered the test, and so they settled

there. The coapinol is still venerated. _Fossey_, _Mexique_, pp. 50-1;

see also p. 467.

[X-89] _Burgoa_, _Geog. Descrip. Oajaca_, tom. ii., pt i., fol. 196.

[X-90] _Burgoa_, _Geog. Descrip. Oajaca_, tom. ii., pt ii., fol. 312,

367-76.

[X-91] _Burgoa_, _Geog. Descrip. Oajaca_, tom. ii., pt i., fol. 197.

[X-92] _Brasseur_, _Hist._, tom. iii., p. 39.

[X-93] _Id._; _Burgoa_, _Geog. Descrip. Oajaca_, tom. ii., pt i., fol.

181, 188.

[X-94] _Burgoa_, _Geog. Descrip. Oajaca_, tom. ii., pt ii., fol. 230,

245.

[X-95] _Brasseur_, _Hist._, tom. iii., p. 45.

[X-96] _Burgoa_, _Geog. Descrip. Oajaca_, tom. ii., pt ii., fol. 330;

_Murguia_, _Estadist. Guajaca_, in _Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin_, tom.

vii., pp. 167, 201.

[X-97] _Herrera_, dec. iv., lib. ix., cap. vii.; _Murguia_, _Estadist.

Guajaca_, in _Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin_, tom. vii., p. 183; _Burgoa_,

_Geog. Descrip. Oajaca_, tom. ii., pt ii., fol. 280.

[X-98] _Burgoa_, _Geog. Descrip. Oajaca_, tom. ii., pt ii., fol.

302-3; _Brasseur_, _Hist._, tom. iii., pp. 48-50.

[X-99] See this volume, pp. 415-17.

[X-100] _Burgoa_, _Geog. Descrip. Oajaca_, tom. ii., pt i., fol. 150.

[X-101] See this volume, p. 425.

[X-102] _Brasseur_, _Hist._, tom. iii., pp. 284-5, 338-40.

[X-103] See this volume pp. 443-7.

[X-104] _Id._, pp. 461-2.

[X-105] _Murguia_, _Estadist. Guajaca_, in _Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin_,

tom. vii., p. 187.

[X-106] _Hist._, tom. iv., p. 539.

[X-107] _Burgoa_, _Geog. Descrip. Oajaca_, tom. ii., pt ii., fol.

367-76.

[X-108] See p. 158.