THE AZTEC PERIOD--CONCLUDED.
Reign of Tizoc -- Nezahualpilli defeats the Huexotzincas
-- Ahuitzotl, King of Mexico -- Campaigns for Captives --
Dedication of Huitzilopochtli's Temple -- Seventy Thousand
Victims -- Totoquihuatzin II., King of Tlacopan -- Mexican
Conquests -- Conquest of Totonacapan -- Aztec Reverses
-- Successful Revolt of Tehuantepec and Zapotecapan --
Conquest of Zacatollan -- Anecdotes of Nezahualpilli -- New
Aqueduct, and Inundation of Mexico -- Montezuma II. on the
Throne -- Condition of the Empire -- Montezuma's Policy --
Unsuccessful Invasion of Tlascala -- Famine -- Conquest of
Miztecapan -- Tying-up of the Cycle in 1507 -- Omens of
coming Disaster -- The Spaniards on the Coast of Central
America -- Trouble between Mexico and Tezcuco -- Retirement
and Death of Nezahualpilli -- Cacama, King of Acolhuacan --
Revolt of Ixtlilxochitl -- Final Campaigns of the Aztecs --
The Spaniards on the Gulf Coast -- Arrival of Hernan Cortés.
[Sidenote: REIGN OF TIZOC.]
Tizoc's coronation was preceded by a campaign in the north-east, where
the provinces stretching from Meztitlan to the gulf had taken advantage
of the Tlatelulca and Matlaltzinca wars to shake off the yoke of their
conquerors. Tezozomoc and Duran represent this campaign as having
been undertaken by Tizoc, after most extensive preparations, for the
purpose of obtaining captives, but attended with little success, only
about forty prisoners having been secured. The former author tells us
that this war took place during Nezahualcoyotl's reign. Acosta implies
that the failure resulted from Tizoc's cowardice or bad generalship.
Ixtlilxochitl, followed by Brasseur, makes Nezahualpilli the leader
in this his first war, accompanied by both his colleagues. He seems
to have felt, notwithstanding his extreme youth, much shame at not
having performed any glorious deed of arms, ruling as he did over so
valorous a people as the Acolhuas, and even to have been ridiculed
on the subject by his elder brothers; but in this war he made for
himself a lasting reputation worthy of his ancestors and his rank.
The war is represented by these authors as a succession of victories
by which Cuextlan and the surrounding provinces were brought back
to their allegiance. No reverses are alluded to. The captives taken
were sacrificed at Tizoc's coronation, the new king attempting to
surpass his predecessors by giving a series of magnificent festivals
which continued for forty days.[IX-1] An expedition against Tlacotepec,
mentioned by Torquemada without details, seems to be the only other war
in which Tizoc engaged during his reign.[IX-2] He either lacked the valor
and skill in war which distinguished his predecessors, or like the
Tezcucan monarchs believed he could best promote his nation's welfare
by attention to peaceful arts. Very little is recorded of this king;
his reign was very short, and was marked by no very important events.
During this period, however, occurred a war between Nezahualpilli and
Huehuetzin, the lord of Huexotzinco. This war seems to have been caused
by the plots of Nezahualpilli's brothers who had obtained the aid of
Huexotzinco. According to Brasseur the Acolhua king and Huehuetzin
were born in the same day and hour, and the astrologers had predicted
that the former would one day be conquered by the latter, whose defeat
would, however, be celebrated by the Acolhuas. Huehuetzin ascertained
from the malcontent Acolhua princes a statement of the forces that were
to march against him, with a description of Nezahualpilli's armor,
and directed all his men to make it their chief object to kill the
king. But Nezahualpilli learned the intention of his opponent, clad a
captain with his armor, placed him at the head of one division of his
army, while he himself in disguise took command of the other division.
So furious was the attack upon the mock king that he was killed,
his soldiers driven back, and the Huexotzincas elated with victory;
but in the meantime the main body of the Tezcucan army came up and
attacked the foe as they were chanting their song of victory. The real
Nezahualpilli killed Huehuetzin in personal combat, after receiving
a serious wound in the foot; the Huexotzincas were utterly routed
and their city was sacked, the Acolhua king returning to his capital
laden with honors and spoils. At his return to Tezcuco Nezahualpilli
enclosed an area of land equal to the space that had separated him from
his army during the battle, or, as some say, equal to that occupied
by the Huexotzinca army, erecting within the enclosure a grand palace
with magnificent gardens and immense granaries. He also completed the
temple of Huitzilopochtli commenced by his father, and sacrificed at
its dedication the captives brought from the last war; for although
he is said to have inherited to some extent his father's repugnance
to human sacrifice, he certainly consented to such sacrifices on
several occasions. Tizoc also completed in 1483 the grand temple of
Huitzilopochtli at Mexico, on which his predecessors had expended so
much labor.[IX-3] The Mexican king, however, died in 1486, after a reign
of six years. His death is reported to have occurred from the effects
of poison, or, as the records have it, of magic spells, administered
by certain sorceresses at the command of Techotl, lord of Iztapalapan,
with the connivance of Maxtla, lord of Tlachco, probably from motives
of personal spite. Some authors, as Duran, Acosta, and Herrera, assert
that he was poisoned by his own subjects, who were disgusted with
his cowardice and inferiority to his predecessors; but his former
position as commander of the Mexican armies is opposed to the charge
of cowardice, as is the indignation of the people at his murder and the
summary execution of all connected with the crime.[IX-4]
[Sidenote: ACCESSION OF AHUITZOTL.]
Ahuitzotl, the last of the three brothers, was now called to the
throne, the famous Tlacaeleltzin still refusing the crown, if we may
credit Duran and Tezozomoc. During the first year of the new king's
reign successful campaigns are vaguely recorded against the Mazahua
region adjoining the city of Xiquipilco, against the towns of the
Tziuhcoacas and Tochpanecas, subject to the kingdom of Jalisco, against
the south-eastern provinces of the Miztecs and Zapotecs, and even
against the Chiapanec frontiers, while Nezahualpilli in the meantime
conquered Nauhtlan on the gulf coast. No details of these campaigns are
given save that the fortress of Huaxyacac, in Oajaca, since known as
Monte Alban,[IX-5] was built and garrisoned by the Aztecs; but the object
of these wars was to procure captives for the coronation of Ahuitzotl
and for the dedication of the grand temple of Huitzilopochtli, which
took place in 1486 or 1487.[IX-6] This dedication was witnessed by
millions of visitors, including representatives from all parts of
the country, from hostile as well as friendly provinces, the former
being given the best positions to view the festivities, and being
loaded with rich presents at their departure. The chief feature of the
exercises was the sacrifice of captives, of whom from seventy to eighty
thousand perished on the altar. The victims were arranged in two lines,
stretching from the temple far out on the causeways; the kings began
the bloody work with their own hands, and the priests followed, each
continuing the slaughter until exhausted, when another took his place.
This was the most extensive sacrifice that ever took place in Anáhuac,
and it was followed by others on a somewhat smaller scale in the lesser
cities, among which one at Xalatlauhco in the Matlaltzinca region is
particularly mentioned.[IX-7]
[Sidenote: AHUITZOTL'S CONQUESTS.]
The campaign against the frontiers of Chiapas, during which some
strongholds were taken by the Mexicans, as Chinantla and Cinacantlan,
but which was altogether unsuccessful in the conquest of the
Chiapanecs, is placed by Brasseur in 1488, the year after the
dedication of the temple.[IX-8] In 1489 Chimalpopoca, king of Tlacopan,
made a brilliant campaign against Cuextlan, although leaving many
slain on the battle-field of Huexotla; but he died soon after his
return, and was succeeded by his son Totoquihuatzin II. Earthquakes
and the appearance of phantoms in the air had indicated approaching
disasters. Sahagun also mentions an eclipse about this time.[IX-9] In
the same year the allied troops conquered the southern provinces of
Cozcaquauhtenanco, Quapilollan, Quauhpanco, and Quetzalcuitlapillan
according to the Spanish authors, although Brasseur makes that place
retain its independence down to the coming of the Spaniards. In 1490
Quauhtla, one of the strongest towns of Cuextlan on the gulf coast, was
taken, giving Montezuma, afterwards king, an opportunity to display his
valor and form a reputation, which he sustained in an engagement with
the Huexotzincas a little later. A battle at Xonacatepec also against
the Huexotzincas, aided by the forces of Totolpanco, is attributed to
the same year. The captives obtained in these battles were sacrificed
at the dedication of the temple of Tlacatecco, and during the
ceremonies another temple in the ward called Tlillan was discovered to
be on fire, and burned to the ground. The conflagration was popularly
regarded as a visitation from the gods, and excited much superstitious
fear.[IX-10]
Next in the catalogue of Aztec expeditions against revolting provinces
was that in 1491, against the Huastecs of the north-east, who were
this time assisted by the Totonacs. Something has been said of this
ancient people in a preceding chapter on the pre-Toltec period. Of
their history since they left, as their traditions claim, the central
plateaux for the region of Zacatlan, and afterward for the gulf coast,
nothing is recorded save some troubles with the Teo-Chichimecs on the
first appearance of that people, a subsequent alliance with them, and
a list of eight Totonac kings given by Torquemada. Their home was now
the coast region of central and northern Vera Cruz, where, divided
into thirty seigniories tributary to their monarch, and allied with the
Tlascaltecs, they had thus far escaped the power, if not the attention,
of the Aztecs. But in an evil hour they consented to help the revolting
Huastecs on their northern frontier. Glad of an excuse to annex to
his empire the fertile lands and flourishing towns of the Totonac
coast, Ahuitzotl marched through Cuextlan, easily reducing the rebel
chiefs to submission, and then directed his course southward, taking
town after town until the whole province in terror gave up all hope of
resistance and became subjects of the Aztec monarchs, paying tribute
regularly down to the coming of the Spaniards, who landed and began
their march towards Mexico in Totonac territory.[IX-11] On his return
from the north-east, the south-western provinces demanded the warlike
king's attention. The usual murder of traders had taken place, and the
lords, as one author tells us, had refused to attend the dedication of
Huitzilopochtli's temple at the capital. Oztoman was the centre of the
revolting district, and with the neighboring cities of Teloloapan and
Alahuiztlan was taken by assault. The inhabitants of the three towns,
except the captives taken for sacrifice and the thousands massacred in
the assault, were mostly brought to the valley and distributed among
the towns about the lake; while the conquered districts were given
to Aztec colonies, composed of poor families selected from Mexico,
Tlacopan, and Tezcuco, under the command of the warriors who had
distinguished themselves in the war.[IX-12]
[Sidenote: REVERSES TO AZTEC ARMS.]
A series of reverses to Aztec arms has next to be recorded. In 1494,
as Ixtlilxochitl states, in a battle at Atlixco, Tlacahuepatzin, a
son of the former king Axayacatl, was taken prisoner and sacrificed
to Camaxtli the war god of the eastern plateau. The following year
the Acolhua army was defeated in a battle at Tliltepec.[IX-13] But the
most important events of these and the following years were the
campaigns in Miztecapan, Zapotecapan, and Tehuantepec. Under the
Zapotec king Cociyoeza a general revolt of all these provinces took
place, accompanied by a suspension of tribute and a general plunder and
murder of Aztec merchants throughout the whole country. At this time
probably took place the exploit of the Tlatelulca merchants recorded
by Sahagun.[IX-14] Traveling in a large company through the southern
regions, they were at Quauhtenanco in Miztecapan when the persecution
against their class began. As the only means of saving their lives
and property, by a bold move they took possession of the town, which
had unusual facilities for defence, seizing the lord and prominent men
of the city, and holding them as hostages for the good conduct of the
inhabitants. Here they maintained their position against all attacks
during a period of four years, and even were able by occasional sorties
to capture many officers and soldiers from the armies sent against
them, whom they kept and fattened for the altars of their god at
home. Their valor won great honors for themselves and for their class
after their return to Mexico. Meanwhile all the territory and towns
previously conquered by the Aztecs in Tehuantepec were retaken; most
of the Mexican garrisons in the country of the Zapotecs and Miztecs
farther north were forced to surrender; and besides the merchant
garrison of Quauhtenanco, and the strong fortresses of Huaxyacac and
Teotitlan near where the capital city of Oajaca now stands, the Aztec
power was completely overthrown. Other wars nearer home, which have
been alluded to above, at the time that they heard of these events,
claimed the attention of the allied monarchs to such an extent that
they could not direct their united force against the rebellious
provinces; but soon an army of sixty thousand men, under the command
of an able officer, was dispatched southward to quell the revolt and
to capture Cociyoeza dead or alive. This army seems to have carried
all before it in its march through the upper Zapotec regions; but
no details are recorded, except that they took the sacred city of
Mitla in their course, and sent her priests to die on the altars of
Huitzilopochtli.[IX-15]
[Sidenote: DEFEAT IN TEHUANTEPEC.]
The march of the Aztec general was directed towards Tehuantepec, and
near that city on a series of ravine-guarded plateaux the Zapotec king
and his allies had fortified an immense area supposed to be sufficient
to support his army by cultivation, and awaited the approach of the
invaders. The ruins of Guiengola[IX-16] are supposed to be the remains
of this extensive system of defensive works. Burgoa even claims that
the king went so far as to form artificial ponds and to stock them
with fish as a further provision against future want. The wily monarch
seems to have purposely refrained from making any effort to defeat the
Aztecs on their march through the upper country, simply giving orders
to such chieftains as remained to guard their homes, to harass the
enemy continually, and reduce their numbers as much as possible without
bringing on a general engagement. As soon as the invaders, wearied with
their long march and constant skirmishing, had entered the labyrinth
of ravines through which lay their road to Tehuantepec, the brave
defenders rushed down from their mountain forts, and in a series of
bloody battles almost annihilated the invading force. The Aztecs could
neither retreat nor advance, and day by day the leader saw his army
melting away, by death and capture, prisoners being put to death by
torture, except a few that were sent back to tell their comrades of the
strength and ferocity of their foes. When the situation became known in
Mexico, Ahuitzotl is said to have sent a second army larger than the
first to relieve the blockaded force; and this re-inforcing movement
was repeated three times within a year, but the Aztecs could not force
the passage of Guiengola, or if allowed to pass could only comfort
their brothers in arms by dying with them. The allied Aztec monarchs
were at last fairly defeated, and sent an embassy with propositions of
peace and alliance, professing great admiration for Cociyoeza's valor
and genius.[IX-17]
Such is the version given by Burgoa. Nothing is known of the
negotiations which ensued, but Brasseur deduces from subsequent
events that by the terms of the treaty formed, the Zapotec king was
to retain possession of Tehuantepec; Soconusco was to be given up to
Mexico; free passage was to be accorded to Mexican travelers, and the
fortress of Huaxyacac was to remain in the hands of the Aztecs. It is
also stated by Burgoa that Cociyoeza was to marry a Mexican princess.
These conditions would indicate that the condition of affairs was not
after all so desperate for the Aztecs in the south as the preceding
account implies. Nothing is said of the fate of the Miztec provinces
according to the terms of the treaty;[IX-18] but we know that after the
ratification of the alliance, the merchant garrison of Quauhtenanco was
relieved from its state of siege, and with the aid of re-inforcements,
conquered the whole adjoining province of Ayotlan on the South Sea, and
then returned to their homes, where they were received with the highest
honors at the hands of the monarchs and of the people, who greeted them
with festivities, the details of which are given by Sahagun.[IX-19]
[Sidenote: MARRIAGE OF PELAXILLA.]
It seems not to have been stipulated which one of the Mexican
princesses should be given to the Zapotec king; and a strange version
is given of the manner in which this matter was settled. Cociyoeza was
bathing one evening in one of the miniature lakes connected with his
royal gardens. After he had removed his clothing, a beautiful female
form appeared by his side in the moonlight, and announced herself as
the sister of Montezuma of Mexico, who had heard of his valor, and
had caused herself to be miraculously transported to his side by the
magic arts of the Aztec enchanters. She assisted him in his bath, left
with him the bathing utensils of her brother which she had brought,
showed a peculiar mark on the palm of her hand, by which she might be
identified, and disappeared as mysteriously as she had come. Cociyoeza
had before looked forward to his marriage with some misgivings, but
now, violently enamored with the charms of his nocturnal visitor, he
made haste to send an embassy with the richest gifts his kingdom could
afford to bring back his Aztec bride. A grand display was made in
Mexico at the reception of this embassy, doubtless intended to impress
upon its members an idea of Mexican power and wealth. The Zapotec
nobles were brought into the presence of the assembled court beauties,
and noticed that one princess had frequent occasion to arrange her
tresses in such a manner as to show her palm and its peculiar mark.
They were thus enabled at once to select the fair sister of Montezuma,
Pelaxilla, or Cotton-Flake, who was borne in a litter on the shoulders
of noblemen with great pomp to the court of Teotzapotlan the Zapotec
capital, where a succession of brilliant fêtes were given in her honor;
and soon after the nuptial ceremonies were performed at Tehuantepec
amid great popular rejoicings.[IX-20]
It was, perhaps, not without hidden motives of future treachery that
Ahuitzotl had insisted on a matrimonial alliance between the Aztecs
and Zapotecs; at any rate, he is reported to have made an attempt some
years later to assassinate Cociyoeza through the assistance of his
wife. Ambassadors were sent to communicate with her on this matter, but
Pelaxilla revealed the plot to her husband, who immediately sent back
the embassy laden with gifts, and prepared his forts and his armies
for war. The Aztecs, however, knowing that their plot was discovered,
made no attack; they demanded permission to send troops through Zapotec
territory for the conquest of Amaxtlan and Xuchiltepec, south of the
isthmus, which was granted; but Cociyoeza, suspecting treachery, took
the precaution to furnish a large army to attend the Aztecs through
his territory, both coming and going, under pretense of furnishing an
escort. Ahuitzotl's forces seem to have been successful, although no
particulars are recorded.[IX-21]
The events related bring the history of the Aztec empire down to
the year 1497, and about the same time the province of Zacatollan
on the Pacific, south-west of Michoacan, was annexed to the domain
of Tezcuco--a fact which does not seem to agree with any version of
the terms of the tri-partite alliance--by the exploit of an Acolhuan
officer named Teuhchimaltzin. It seems that some efforts had already
been made by Nezahualpilli's orders for the conquest of this province,
but without success, when Teuhchimaltzin, stimulated perhaps by the
achievements of the Tlatelulca merchants at Quauhtenanco, obtained
permission to enter the country disguised as a merchant, with a few
companions, promising to subdue the province by taking the king,
dead or alive. He was, however, soon recognized and captured, and
the day was appointed for his sacrifice; but while the king Yopicatl
Atonal with his nobles was drinking and dancing on the night before
the sacrificial festivities, Teuhchimaltzin escaped from his prison,
joined the dancers, and at last, when all were overcome with frequent
libations, cut off the king's head and escaped with it to the frontier
where an army seems to have been in waiting. When the nobles awoke and
found what had taken place, they forthwith dispatched an embassy after
the escaped prisoner, and for some reason that Ixtlilxochitl does not
make very clear, offered to surrender the province to the Tezcucan
monarch. Thus Zacatollan was added to Nezahualpilli's possessions,
Teuhchimaltzin was honored as a hero, and an addition was made to the
stock of tales by which sober Tezcucans were wont to illustrate the
evils of intemperance.[IX-22]
[Sidenote: PUNISHMENT OF CHALCHIUHNENETZIN.]
In 1498 took place in Tezcuco the public execution of one of
Nezahualpilli's wives. This monarch had a great many wives and
concubines--more than two thousand, if we may believe Ixtlilxochitl,
his descendant. Among the former were three nieces of Tizoc, one
of them a daughter of Axayacatl, and a sister of Montezuma II., and
very likely all three sisters, although there is great confusion on
this point. Axayacatl's daughter was named Chalchiuhnenetzin; she
was very young, and was assigned a secluded palace while awaiting the
consummation of the marriage. She soon showed an extraordinary fondness
for decorating her apartments with richly decked statues, the king
noticing new ones at each visit; she said they were her gods, and her
future husband was willing to humor her tastes, strange though they
appeared. But one day he noticed a noble of the court wearing a ring
that he had seen in the hands of Chalchiuhnenetzin, and the following
night went to visit her. The maids in waiting said she had retired
and was sleeping, but he insisted on seeing her, and found her couch
occupied by a sort of puppet counterfeit of herself. His suspicions
now fully roused, he ordered all the attendants arrested, pushed his
search farther, and at last found his virgin bride dancing in very
primitive costume with three noble lovers, one of whom was he who wore
the tell-tale ring. Further investigation revealed that this Aztec
Messalina had been in the habit of giving herself up to every young man
that struck her fancy, and when weary of her lovers had caused them to
be put to death, and represented in her apartments by the statues above
referred to. After the parties had been tried and found guilty by the
proper courts, the king sent to all the cities round about Anáhuac and
summoned all the people to witness the punishment of his false wife.
With her three surviving lovers and about two thousand persons who had
in some way abetted the deception of the king, the amorous queen was
publicly strangled. All acknowledged the justice of the act, but the
Mexican royal family, it is said, never forgave the public execution of
the sentence.[IX-23]
[Sidenote: ANECDOTES OF NEZAHUALPILLI.]
Nezahualpilli is said to have inherited all the good qualities of his
father. Like Nezahualcoyotl he was a patron of the arts and sciences,
but is reported to have given his chief attention to astrology,
passing many nights in reading the stars from a lofty observatory
erected for the purpose in the grounds of his palace. Sorcerers and
magicians were always welcome at his court, whither they were often
summoned both to advise the monarch on affairs of state and to impart
to him a knowledge of their arts. Like his father he was famed for his
inflexibility in the administration of justice and his kindness toward
the poor and unfortunate. A small window in one part of his palace
overlooked the market-place, and at this window the king was wont to
sit frequently, watching the actions of the crowd below, noting cases
of injustice for future punishment, and of distress and poverty that
they might be relieved. How he condemned to death a judge for deciding
unjustly against a poor man and in favor of a noble, and how he had his
favorite son Huexotzincatzin executed for having publicly addressed
his concubine, the lady of Tollan, has been related in a preceding
volume.[IX-24] Many other anecdotes are told to illustrate the king's
love of what he deemed justice. One of his sons began the construction
of a palace somewhere in the Tezcucan domains without having either
consulted his father or complied with the law requiring some brilliant
deed in battle before a prince was entitled to a palace of his own.
The guilty son was put to death. Members of the royal family seem to
have had the greatest faith in the king's judgment and to have accepted
his decisions without complaint. There was great rivalry between his
two brothers Acapipioltzin and Xochiquetzal respecting the credit of
a certain victory in the province of Cuextlan. Each had a band of
partisans who were accustomed on public occasions to celebrate the
deeds of their favorite by songs and dances. So far did the rivalry
proceed that a resort to arms was imminent, when Nezahualpilli appeared
on the scene on the occasion of some festivity and joining the dance
on the side of his oldest brother Acapipioltzin, decided the dispute
in his favor without complaint on the part of the younger brother.
The condemnation of two men, a musician and a soldier, for adultery,
was on one occasion brought to the king for his approval. He ordered
the musician to be executed, but the soldier to be sent for life to do
duty in the frontier garrisons, declaring that such thereafter should
be a soldier's punishment for the fault in question. Nezahualpilli
could also on occasion be most indulgent towards his children; for
instance, his son Ixtlilxochitl early displayed an extraordinary
fondness for having his own way. At the age of three years he expressed
his emphatic disapproval of his nurse's views and conduct by pushing
that lady into a deep well, and then amused himself by throwing stones
upon her. When seven years old he raised a company of boy soldiers
and skirmished about the city much to the terror of peaceful citizens.
Hearing that two members of the royal council had advised his father to
kill so unmanageable a child, he proceeded one night with a selected
detachment of his juvenile veterans to the house of the counselors
and assassinated them both. Nezahualpilli seems to have looked with
much leniency upon these youthful irregularities of his son, who
at fourteen distinguished himself in battle and at seventeen was a
captain. We shall hear of him again in the last years of Aztec history.
The king on another occasion demanded from a brother a very excellent
teponaztli in his possession and his daughter for a royal concubine;
on his refusal the teponaztli was taken by force, and his disobedient
brother's house was razed as the property of a rebel. Two sons were
strangled for having appropriated captives actually taken by their
soldiers; a daughter for having spoken to the son of a lord; and two
concubines for drinking pulque. A judge was hung for hearing a case in
his own house instead of in the appointed hall of justice; and another
for unduly prolonging a trial was condemned to have the front door of
his residence walled up. This king is accredited with having abrogated
the law which condemned the children of slaves to the condition of
their parents, and with many other reforms calculated to ameliorate
the condition of his people. The possession of supernatural powers was
popularly attributed to him, and often in infancy he astonished his
nurses by appearing before them in the form of a bird or beast.[IX-25]
* * * * *
In the years 1498 and 1499 it is recorded that Ahuitzotl attacked
Atlixco without warning, and was defeated by the Huexotzincas who,
under a famous general Tultecatl sent re-inforcements to aid the armies
of Atlixco; and also that, by aiding Cholula in a quarrel with Tepeaca,
the same king greatly increased his power on the eastern plateau. The
following year Tultecatl, before whose valor the Aztecs had been forced
to retreat, was driven from his own country in consequence of certain
religious dissensions, and applied at one of the Mexican towns for
protection. He was put to death, however, with all his companions, by
Ahuitzotl's order, and the dead bodies were forwarded to Huexotzinco to
show the rebellious inhabitants of that city with what relentless zeal
the Aztec ruler pursued his foes.[IX-26]
[Sidenote: INUNDATION OF MEXICO.]
Ahuitzotl, finding the water supplied by the Chapultepec aqueduct
insufficient for the use of the city, and moreover desirous of
accomplishing during his reign some great work of practical utility,
determined to conduct to his capital the waters of a spring called
Acuecuexatl, near Huitzilopochco, in the province of Coyuhuacan.
Tzotzomatzin, the lord of the province, was unwilling that the spring
should be thus used, but his opposition was effectually overcome by
strangling him. Many tales are told by different writers about his
opposition to the scheme, and his death. Some say that he wished the
water for the supply of his own cities; others, that he told Ahuitzotl
the spring was liable at any time to overflow and flood the city,
and was killed by the latter in a fit of passion at his persistence
in that opinion; and still others represent him as a great magician,
who frightened away the Mexican king's ambassadors who were sent to
negotiate with him in the matter, by appearing before them in the
form of a ferocious beast, or serpent. Tezozomoc says he put the cord
round his own neck to save his people from the wrath of the Aztecs;
and Duran, that he did not die, but simply left Coyuhuacan at this
time. Difficulties being thus removed, the aqueduct was constructed of
stone and mortar, in a very short time, owing to the number of workmen
employed, and its completion was celebrated with the proper ceremonies
and sacrifices. But soon--some say in the midst of the ceremonies--so
great was the volume of water introduced, that the city was inundated
by the rising of the lake, and immense damage resulted to public and
private buildings. It is, of course, impossible that the waters of any
spring in Anáhuac could have caused this effect; indeed, Torquemada
says the catastrophe was preceded by heavy rains for a year, and Ortega
also tells us that the rains came down in torrents at the completion
of the aqueduct; it is, therefore, altogether probable that the flood
was not caused by the waters of the canal, but was simply attributed
to that cause from superstitious motives, perhaps resulting from the
predictions of Tzotzomatzin, and his death. So rapid was the rise
of the waters, that king Ahuitzotl, who was in the lower part of his
palace, had great difficulty in escaping, and in his haste struck his
head against a door-post, receiving a wound which, a few years later,
proved fatal. The engineering skill of Nezahualpilli, with the laboring
force of the whole empire, was at once called into requisition to
stop the flood and repair damages. The old dike that had before saved
the city was strengthened and raised; the city was repaired and paved
with _tetzontli_, or porous amygdaloid, the use of which is said to
date from this period; but to stop the waters of the unruly spring
human efforts were unavailing, and the aid of the gods was invoked
with magic rites. First the priests, whose bodies were painted blue in
honor of the Tlalocs, stood round the fountain and uttered prayers,
burned incense, and scattered perfumes; then the divers plunged into
the waters, each with a young child whose heart was torn out, and
whose blood stained the waters; and finally the priests entered the
water, and, as some say, Nezahualpilli with them. Half an hour after
their emergence the waters became so quiet that the laborers were able
to wall up the spring and stop the overflow. Other cities about the
lake had suffered as much, or even more, than Mexico, particularly
Cuitlahuac, which is said to have been uninhabitable for two years.
Much damage was also done to the crops in the valley, and the next year
was one almost of famine. The flood occurred in 1500, and at least two
years passed before Anáhuac had recovered from its effects.[IX-27]
[Sidenote: ACCESSION OF MONTEZUMA II.]
Campaigns against Cuextlan, Tlacuilollan, and Xaltepec, are vaguely
reported during the last two years of Ahuitzotl's life, and may be
distinct from any of the wars that have been mentioned, but no details
are given, save that from Tlacuilollan twelve hundred captives were
brought back to Mexico.[IX-28] The king died in 1503,[IX-29] as is
generally supposed from the effects of the blow mentioned above;
although Tezozomoc attributes his death to chagrin and remorse at the
misfortune of the flood, and Duran hints that he was poisoned. His
likeness is said to have been sculptured with those of his
predecessors on the cliff at Chapultepec. Ahuitzotl's leading passion
was his love of war, so strong as to amount almost to a hatred of
peace. He was also passionately fond of music, of display, and of
women. He was cruel, vindictive, and superstitious; and the quality of
generosity attributed to him was probably closely connected with his
reputed love of display and flattery. Immediately after his death
Montezuma II., son of Axayacatl, was called to the throne; although,
according to Ixtlilxochitl, his elder brother Macuilmalinatzin was the
first choice of the electors, but was rejected by the advice of
Nezahualpilli, who doubted his possession of the requisite qualities
for the ruler of a great nation. Montezuma had already distinguished
himself on many occasions in battle, and was at the time of his
election high-priest of Huitzilopochtli. When the news of his election
reached him he is said to have been employed in sweeping the temple,
from a spirit of real or feigned humility. The usual campaign for
captives was successfully directed against Atlixco, and foreign nobles
from hostile as well as friendly provinces came in crowds by
invitation to witness the coronation ceremonies.[IX-30]
[Sidenote: POLICY OF MONTEZUMA.]
Ahuitzotl left the Aztec empire in the height of its power and glory,
yet even before his death the seeds of future disaster may be said
to have been sown or even to have taken root, since the hitherto
unparalleled sacrifice of human victims on the altars of the capital
had filled the whole country with terror and added much to the hatred
of which the Aztecs had been the objects from the date of their first
appearance in the valley; the rapid increase of the Mexican power
and their well-known greed of conquest had added to the hatred of the
conquered the jealous fears of such nations as still retained their
independence; and finally the reverses suffered in Tehuantepec, in
Michoacan, and in several battles against the eastern nations, had
taught the peoples of North America that the allied armies of the
central plateaux were not altogether invincible. The dangers that thus
began to threaten the empire, however, were all external, and might
perhaps have been averted or long deferred by a series of successful
wars under brave but wise kings. Under the preceding kings, the common
interests of all classes in the success of the government, had been a
prominent element of national glory. Commercial enterprise had done as
much as valor in war to promote the conquests of kings and to build
up the capitals; the common soldier might by bravery and brilliant
achievements in battle hope to reach the highest military rank; the
menial service of the royal palace with many posts of honor had been
entrusted largely to plebeian hands; and in fact Aztec policy had
been strikingly analogous to that which distinguished the French
nation under the first Napoleon. The granting of titles and honors
to the merchants had naturally excited much opposition among those
who derived their titles of nobility from a long line of Chichimec or
Toltec ancestors; and what made the matter even more galling to their
pride, was the fact that these parvenu nobles by reason of their wealth
were able to completely outshine their confrères of purer blood but
slender purses, in all public displays as well as in their palaces and
style of living. Montezuma II. from the first days of his reign openly
espoused the cause of the ancient nobility against the merchants and
plebeians. What is known of his character renders it probable that he
was prompted to this course chiefly by his own extremely aristocratic
tastes; but it is not impossible that he gained his election by
committing himself to such a policy. He began by dismissing all
plebeians employed about the royal palaces and appointing youths of
noble blood in their places. He was warned that such a course would
separate the interests of the common people from those of royalty and
prove dangerous in the future; but he replied that he wished nothing
in common with plebeians, who must be taught to keep their place and
give up their absurd aspirations. His policy toward the merchants
and the army was more cautious but equally decided. Advantage was
taken of every opportunity to humble and oppress the hated class, by
constantly clogging with new restrictions the wheels of trade, and by
the promotion whenever practicable of noble officers. Montezuma was,
however, a valiant and skillful warrior, and sacrificed oftener his
inclinations to his interests in the treatment of his armies than in
other cases. His policy of course gradually alienated the classes on
which the prosperity of the empire chiefly rested, and ensured the fall
of the Aztec power whenever disaffection should have an opportunity to
ally itself with foreign foes. The bursting of the storm was averted
for some fifteen years by the strength of the Acolhua and Tepanec
alliance, and by the strength of the Mexican army. Montezuma's reign
was a succession of campaigns against revolting provinces, interspersed
with the erection of magnificent temples, frequent and extensive
immolations of human victims, and omens of disaster sent by the gods
to trouble the mind of the superstitious monarch. When at last the day
drew near when Mexico must struggle single-handed for the retention
of her supremacy against a combination of all the Nahua powers, the
last chance for success in such an unequal contest disappeared with
the re-inforcement of the enemy by Spanish valor, Spanish armor, and
Spanish horses; and Montezuma personally had not even the melancholy
satisfaction of seeing his foes fall before the same wave of foreign
invasion which had destroyed forever his own power.[IX-31]
[Sidenote: WAR AGAINST TLASCALA.]
Tlascala had thus far never been the object of an invasion by the
united forces of the allies, although, as we have seen, frequent
battles had been fought on the frontier, and the Tlascaltec armies
as allies of other nations had been several times defeated. During
the reigns of Montezuma I. and Axayacatl, however, the Tlascaltec
territory had become completely surrounded by Aztec possessions,
through the conquest of Cuetlachtlan, Cuextlan, and Totonacapan. Their
communication with the coast having thus been cut off, the Tlascaltec
commerce had been almost entirely destroyed, and for a period extending
down to the Conquest, this brave people were obliged to do without
many luxuries, and even necessities of life. Their lack of salt
is particularly recorded; a small supply was occasionally smuggled
into the state by the nobles, but the common people are said to have
abstained entirely from its use, and to have completely lost their
relish for this article. The other cities of the eastern plateau had
in the meantime become either the subjects or allies of the Mexicans.
Immediately after his accession to the throne, Montezuma II. determined
to direct his armies against this last unsubdued territory in the
east. The excuse was an embassy sent by the Tlascaltecs, probably to
Axayacatl, complaining of the oppression to which their merchants
were subjected on the coast, the claims of the embassy having been
received with insulting indifference, and threats having been freely
uttered on both sides. Huexotzinco and Cholula seem both to have allied
themselves with Mexico in this affair; but, on the other hand, Tlascala
had received constant additions to her population and armies in the
refugees from all parts of Anáhuac, who were continually applying
for protection to the only nation beyond the power of the Aztecs.
The war was begun by the Huexotzincas and Cholultecs, who invaded
Tlascala, killed in battle one of their chief leaders, Tizatlacatzin,
and penetrated to within one league of the capital; but they were
driven back, and the Huexotzinca towns were in turn ravaged by the
Tlascaltecs, sending couriers to Montezuma to hasten the march of
his forces. The Tlascaltecs, hearing of the approach of the Aztecs,
fell upon them before they could effect a junction with their allies,
and defeated them, inflicting heavy losses, and killing among others
Tlacahuepantzin, the son of the Mexican king.[IX-32] After the funeral
ceremonies in honor of his son, Montezuma made another attempt to
subdue the Tlascaltecs, sending against them the whole available force
of the empire; but after a hard-fought battle the invaders were again
driven back, and although skirmishes, and even battles, took place
afterwards between the two nations, yet the Aztec allies never repeated
their attempt to crush Tlascala, and the brave little republic retained
her independence until by the aid of Cortés she was able to take her
revenge on the tyrannical Mexicans and treacherous Cholultecs.[IX-33]
In 1505 the crops were destroyed by the excessive heat, and although
the public granaries were generously opened to the public by
Nezahualpilli and Montezuma--for the latter, notwithstanding his
aristocratic tendencies, was generous towards his people so long as
they claimed nothing more than a right to exist--many perished of
starvation or sold themselves and children as slaves. Totonacapan
was again apparently the only province unaffected by the famine.
Another plague in the form of rats which over-ran the country in
immense numbers is recorded at about the same time; but the volcano
of Popocatepetl ceased for twenty days to emit smoke, a good omen,
as the wise men said and as it proved, for the next year was one of
great plenty.[IX-34] During the year of the famine a campaign against
Guatemala, or as some authors say Quauhnelhuatlan, which may have been
a Guatemalan province, is recorded as having yielded many captives
for the inauguration of the temple of Centeotl, built in recognition
of her services in staying the drought and sending a year of plenty.
The festivities on the completion of certain repairs to the causeway
and aqueduct of Chapultepec at about the same time were marred by
the burning of a temple in Mexico. It is related that the Tlatelulcas
seeing the flames, thought the city was invaded by an enemy and rushed
in to help protect it, but that Montezuma chose to regard this as an
act of rebellion and temporarily removed all Tlatelulcas from their
positions at court.[IX-35]
[Sidenote: REVOLT OF THE MIZTECS.]
Before the end of 1506, two campaigns were made against the Miztecs
by the last of which the whole province was permanently subdued.
The pretext of the first was the refusal of Malinalli, lord of
Tlachquiauhco, to give Montezuma for his royal gardens a very rare
plant in his possession. An army was dispatched to bring the plant
and punish the people; Tilantongo, Achiuhtla, and Tlachquiauhco fell
before the Mexican soldiers; and the rare _tlapalizquixochitl_, or
'red flower,' was transplanted to Mexico, although the Oajacan records
insist, according to Burgoa, that it died on the way. The Miztecs next
determined upon a final effort to shake off the Mexican yoke, which
well nigh succeeded. Cetecpatl, king of Cohuaixtlahuacan, invited the
garrison of the impregnable Huaxyacac and other Aztec fortresses to a
grand banquet, and on their return they were set upon by the ambushed
troops of Nahuixochitl, lord of Tzotzolan, and all put to death, save
one that escaped to tell the news. The Miztecs, now thoroughly aroused,
adopted the tactics that had proved so effective in Tehuantepec,
fortified their positions in the mountains near Tzotzolan, and awaited
the attack. The first army sent by Montezuma was defeated and driven
back with great loss. A second army representing the whole strength of
the Aztec allies now marched southward under Cuitlahuatzin, Montezuma's
brother; but the Miztec forces could not be dislodged from their
strong position until Cozcaquauhtli, lord of Huauhtlan and a brother
of Cetecpatl, betraying his people, or faithful to his ruler Montezuma
as the Mexican writers put it, opened his city to the enemy, revealed
all Cetecpatl's plans, and led Cuitlahuatzin by secret paths to a
commanding position whence the attack was made and the Miztecs routed.
Nahuixochitl soon came up with a fresh army from Tututepec, but was in
his turn defeated. The whole province, including Tututepec and other
cities on the shores of the Pacific, was then over-run and permanently
subjected to Mexican authority. The captives included the leaders,
and were brought back to Mexico in time to grace with their blood
the festival of _tlacaxipehualiztli_, or 'flaying of men,' although
according to some authorities the leaders, Cetecpatl and Nahuixochitl,
were reserved for a later occasion.[IX-36]
[Sidenote: TYING-UP OF THE LAST CYCLE.]
Also in 1506 the Huexotzincas and Cholultecs had a quarrel, in which
the former had the advantage and by a raid burned a few houses in
the city of the latter. Knowing that Montezuma had great veneration
for the city of Quetzalcoatl, the Huexotzincas thought it best to
send ambassadors to explain the matter. The envoys for some reason
not made clear greatly exaggerated the matter, representing Cholula
as having been utterly destroyed and the inhabitants driven to the
mountains. Greatly enraged the allied kings sent an army to chastise
the perpetrators of such an outrage on the holy city; but the
Huexotzincas escaped their punishment by stating the truth of the
matter and delivering up for sacrifice the envoys with their ears and
noses cut off. An expedition at the same time against Itztitlan and
Itzcuintepec, and another according to Ortega and Torquemada against
Atlixco, together with a war in Tecuhtepec, furnished a large number
of captives, some of whom were sacrificed at the dedication of the
Tzompantli[IX-37] or 'place of skulls,' while the rest were reserved for
the tying-up of the cycle and lighting of the new fire which took
place the following year, accompanied by ceremonies that have been
described in a preceding volume. This was the last ceremony of the
kind the Mexicans ever had the opportunity to perform; before another
cycle had elapsed, the native gods had lost their power, their rites
had been abolished, and replaced by others that did not include human
sacrifices. The rites of the Inquisition were as cruel as those they
replaced, but the number of victims in America was comparatively
small.[IX-38]
The year 1507 was marked by the occurrence of an eclipse and an
earthquake, by the drowning of eighteen hundred soldiers in the Miztec
country, and according to Ixtlilxochitl, by the execution of Tezozomoc,
lord of Azcapuzalco and father-in-law of Montezuma, for adultery.
In his trial it is related that the Mexican judges voted for his
banishment, the Tepanec added that the end of his nose should be cut
off, but Nezahualpilli, who had the final decision, ordered him to be
strangled, much to the displeasure of Montezuma. During the same year
the allies sent an expedition to the region of Mitla, which plundered a
few towns and captured a small number of prisoners. The provocation of
this war is not recorded. Immediately after its return an army was sent
under Cuitlahuatzin against Quauhquelchula in the Huexotzinca region.
The result was a victory with a goodly array of captives, but obtained
only after a serious loss, including five Mexican leaders. The captives
served for the inauguration of the temple previously burned, as has
been noted, but now rebuilt, and also for the festival of the 'flaying
of men.' According to Tezozomoc and Duran the provocation of this war
was the burning of the temple of the goddess Toci in Mexico, or as
Tezozomoc understands it, the _tociquahuitl_, a wooden signal tower
on the hill of Tocitlan. Duran also informs us that a representation
of Mexican nobles attended by invitation the festivals in honor of
Camaxtli, at which were sacrificed the Aztec captives taken during
the war. A renewal of hostilities with Huexotzinco is mentioned in the
eighth year of Montezuma's reign.[IX-39]
[Sidenote: OMENS OF DISASTER.]
With the new cycle began a period, during which, down to the appearance
of the Spaniards at Vera Cruz, almost every event was invested with
a mysterious significance, every unusual phenomenon of nature, every
accident, every illness, every defeat in battle, failure of crops,
excessive heat or cold, rain or snow, thunder and lightning, shooting
star or comet, earthquake or eclipse,--each and all portended evil
to the Aztec empire, evil which some seem even at the time to have
connected with the olden predictions of Quetzalcoatl respecting
the coming of a foreign race to take possession of the country. The
superstitious monarchs, priests, and nobles were in a constant state of
terror. There are but two ways of accounting for this state of affairs;
first by supposing that the supernatural element in the various events
referred to, the terror which they caused in the minds of the natives,
and many of the events themselves, were pure inventions of the native
historians formed after the coming of the Spaniards to support the
claims of their sages to a foreknowledge of events, or simply for
the sake of telling a marvelous tale; and second by supposing that
the terror of Montezuma and his companions, and their disposition to
carefully note and construe into omens of evil each unusual occurrence,
was caused by a knowledge more or less vague that the Spaniards were
already on the American coasts. While there is every reason to believe
that there are both inventions and exaggerations in the records written
after the coming of foreigners, I am disposed to attribute the effects
referred to above chiefly to the actual presence of Europeans. For
about fifteen years the Antilles had been more or less completely in
the possession of the Spaniards; five years before the opening of the
new cycle Columbus had coasted Central America and even established
a colony in Veragua. It is altogether improbable that no knowledge of
the white men and their wonderful winged vessels had reached Mexico,
however vague and exaggerated that knowledge may have been. The Aztec
traders were not now such indefatigable and trustworthy spies as in
former times, but they would hardly have failed to bring to Mexico
exaggerated rumors of approaching disaster. It is also quite possible
that various articles of European manufacture, or even human remains
of white men, had been washed on the Totonac or Xicalanca shores.
That Montezuma and his companions attached considerable weight to the
traditional predictions of Quetzalcoatl and Hueman there is no reason
to doubt. The predictions referred to may have been the threats of some
exiled chieftain of ancient times, or the vain imaginings of a fanatic
priest uttered to maintain his reputation among his followers; possibly
the result of some native cosmographer's theorizing respecting other
lands across the ocean; not quite impossibly the remnant of an ancient
knowledge of trans-oceanic peoples; and of course not the result of
any prophetic foreknowledge; but like all other pretended prophecies
they became at once most valid and authentic on the occurrence of
circumstances which might be interpreted as their fulfillment.
[Sidenote: MONTEZUMA AND NEZAHUALPILLI.]
The signs and omens that followed those already mentioned I shall
briefly relate without paying much attention to their chronologic
order; very little else than these omens and the means adopted to
avert their consequences is recorded from 1508 to 1512. An army sent
to the province of Amatlan perished with cold and by falling trees
and rocks; and a comet with three heads, perhaps the one already
mentioned, hung over Anáhuac.[IX-40] Then a wonderful pyramidal light
appeared in the east, reaching from the earth to the sky, visible for
forty days, or, as some say, for a whole year, in all parts of the
country, from midnight till morning, very similar, according to the
description, to the Aurora Borealis. Nezahualpilli was so affected
by these signs that he gave orders to discontinue all hostilities.
An interview was held between him and Montezuma, although for some
time they had not been on speaking terms. Nezahualpilli saw clearly
in the strange omens the approaching end of the empire and his own
death, but was resigned to the decrees of fate; Montezuma, on the
contrary, instead of resignation felt only anger, and is even said by
Tezozomoc and Duran to have strangled many of his sorcerers for their
unfavorable interpretation of the signs, and their failure to avert
evil omens. At last a game of _tlachtli_ was agreed upon between the
two monarchs to decide whose interpretation should be accepted; and
to show how little importance he attached to his wealth and power,
Nezahualpilli is said to have wagered on the result his kingdom of
Acolhuacan against three turkey cocks. He won the game, but still
Montezuma was not disposed to yield to the fates, and still persecuted
his magicians in the hope to elicit a more favorable prognostication,
but in vain; the magicians all agreed with the Tezcucan monarch. About
the same time the towers of Huitzilopochtli's temple took fire in a
clear night without apparent cause, and were reduced to ashes in spite
of all efforts to extinguish the flames; and another temple was set
on fire by lightning. This was the temple of the god of fire, and was
now burned for the second time.[IX-41] In this period, in the reign of
the second Montezuma, Brasseur puts the story of a mysterious aerial
journey of the two kings to the ancient home of the Aztecs, referring
perhaps to that already taken from Duran and applied to the time of
Montezuma I.[IX-42] Torquemada, Clavigero, and Vetancvrt, tell us of the
resurrection of Papantzin, a sister of Montezuma, who brought back
from the land of the dead to her royal brother an account of the new
people who were to occupy the land, and of the new religion they would
bring. This lady is said to have been the first Mexican to receive the
rites of Christian baptism, and the priests took pains to send a duly
authenticated account of her miraculous resurrection to Spain. The
intimate connection of this tale with the religious prejudices of the
invaders, renders it unnecessary to seek even a foundation in truth for
the report. Sahagun also speaks of a resurrected woman who predicted
the fall of the empire, living twenty-one years thereafter and bearing
a son. Boturini attributes this return from the dead to a sister of
the king of Michoacan at a much later date, while the Spaniards were
besieging Mexico.[IX-43] In 1509, as several authors say,[IX-44] the waters
of the lake became violently agitated, without wind, earthquake, or
other natural cause, and in consequence the city was inundated. The
fishermen of the lake caught a large bird like a crane, wearing a round
transparent crown, through which Montezuma saw the stars, though it
was in the daytime, and also many people that approached in squadrons,
attired like warriors, and seeming half men, half deer. The bird
disappeared before the sorcerers could satisfactorily interpret this
strange thing. Double-bodied and double-headed men also were seen, and
on being brought before the king suddenly disappeared; and the same
happened with men who had no fingers and toes. In 1511 armed men were
seen fighting in the air; and a bird appeared whose head seemed human;
and a large stone pillar fell near the temple of Huitzilopochtli, no
one knowing whence it came. An earthquake and a deluge at Tusapan,
are reported; at Tecualoia a most ferocious and horrible beast was
captured; a female voice was several times heard bewailing the fate of
her children. At Tlascala a bright light and a cloud of dust arising
from the summit of Mount Matlalcueje to the very heavens, caused
the people to fear the end of the world was coming. The sorcerers of
Cuetlachtlan also saw many wonderful visions; but among the peoples
outside of Anáhuac the fearful phenomena and the predicted coming of a
foreign people were less terrible than to the Aztecs, for with their
terror was mingled hope of relief from the Aztec yoke. A wild hare
invaded Nezahualpilli's garden, but the king would not allow the animal
to be killed, for in the same manner, he said, would a strange people
presently invade his country. Tezozomoc and Duran give a long and
detailed account of Montezuma's sufferings. It seems that he was not
content with his own dreams and omens, but instructed his subjects to
report to him all their visions; at last he was so distracted that he
determined to hide himself from impending calamities in a cave, but was
prevented from such a course by a series of supernatural events more
absurd, if possible, than those that have been narrated. Herrera tells
us that Montezuma had in his possession a box washed on the eastern
shore containing wearing-apparel and a sword of a style unknown to the
natives.[IX-45]
* * * * *
[Sidenote: VISIONS AND OMENS.]
In the meantime military operations had not been suspended, for the
anger of the gods could only be averted by sacrifice, and victims could
only be obtained by war; but the details of these campaigns and their
order are nowhere definitely recorded. It is stated, however, that in
1511, the Cuetlachtecas, encouraged by the visions of their magicians,
and by the troubles that had fallen upon Anáhuac, refused openly to
pay their tributes, and yet remained unpunished.[IX-46] In the same or
following year, the Cakchiquel records note the arrival of a numerous
embassy of the Yaqui, or Mexicans, at their court. Nothing whatever
is said of the object of this mission, or its results; but the Abbé
Brasseur has no doubt that the object sought was information respecting
the actions of the Spaniards on the coast of Central America.[IX-47]
Although Nezahualpilli seems to have lost most of his interest in
political affairs, and to have contented himself with simply awaiting
future developments, no superstitious terror in Montezuma's breast
could overcome his ruling passion, ambition; and according to the
authorities he was inclined to take advantage of his colleague's
listlessness for his own aggrandizement. Ixtlilxochitl relates an
act of treachery against the Tezcucan monarch, which, in view of the
author's well-known prejudice against Montezuma, may be received with
much doubt; according to this author, the Mexican king represented
to Nezahualpilli that the anger of the gods was caused to some extent
by the failure to offer captives from Tlascala, and the substitution
of victims from distant provinces obtained not in holy battle but
in a mere attempt to extend the imperial domain. He proposed a joint
campaign against Tlascala; Nezahualpilli consented, saying that his
inaction had not been the result of cowardice, but he had ceased to
fight simply because the year of 1 Acatl was near at hand when the
empire must fall. He sent an army under his two sons, but Montezuma had
secretly notified the Tlascaltecs that the Acolhua's motive was not the
capture of victims, but the conquest of the republic, promising to take
no part himself in the battle. The Tlascaltecs were very angry and the
Aztec army stood calmly by and saw the Acolhua forces led into ambush
and massacred. The whole march of Nezahualpilli's army had been marked
by the occurrence of many omens of evil. Immediately on his return
Montezuma openly proclaimed his opposition to his colleague and ordered
a suspension of all Tezcucan tributes from the cities about the lake.
While there are reasons to doubt this act of treachery and the openness
of his opposition to Nezahualpilli, it is evident that the two kings
regarded each other from this time as enemies.[IX-48]
[Sidenote: MONTEZUMA, AZTEC EMPEROR.]
In 1512, with great festivities and the sacrifice of twelve thousand
captives--taken it is said in a war against the revolting Miztec
province of Tlachquiauhco--was dedicated a new sacrificial stone.
It was only after a long search that a suitable stone was found near
Coyuhuacan, and after it was formed and sculptured with the fitting
devices, notwithstanding the honors paid it on the way to the capital,
it broke through one of the causeways and carried with itself to the
bottom of the lake the high-priest and many of his attendants. It was
afterwards recovered and placed in its appointed place. Tezozomoc and
others tell many marvelous tales of this stone, how it spoke frequently
on the way, and how after sinking it found its way back to its original
location. Tezozomoc also states that in connection with the ceremonies
at this time Montezuma publicly proclaimed himself Zemanahuaca
Tlatoani, equivalent to 'emperor of the world.'[IX-49]
[Sidenote: LIMITS OF THE AZTEC EMPIRE.]
During the next few years Montezuma seems to have determined by
brilliant exploits in battle to defy the predictions of his magicians
and to shake off his own superstitious fears. In 1512, according to
Torquemada, the Xuchitepecs and Icpactepecs were subjugated; in 1513,
the Yopitzincas, who had attempted the destruction of the Mexican
garrison at Tlacotepec, were defeated; in 1514, the city of Quetzalapan
in Cuextlan was taken with many captives, although at the cost of
several Aztec leaders of high rank; and in 1515 took place the conquest
of Cihuapohualoyan and Cuexcomaixtlahuacan, including the siege of the
strongholds of Quetzaltepec, Totoltepec and Iztactlalocan, narrated at
considerable length by Duran, who represents this war as having been
caused by the refusal of the inhabitants to furnish a peculiar kind of
sand needed by the Mexican lapidaries in polishing precious stones.[IX-50]
Torquemada and Ortega relate that an expedition was at about this time
sent southward to Honduras, Vera Paz, and Nicaragua, all of which were
subjected to the Mexican power, the two former without much opposition,
the latter only after a hard battle, a defeat, and subsequent treachery
on the part of the Aztecs.[IX-51] There is every reason to believe that
this report is unfounded, and that the countries south of the isthmus,
save perhaps Soconusco, were never conquered by the Mexicans. I need
not enter into any discussion here respecting the limits of the Aztec
empire; since the annals recorded in the preceding pages, with a résumé
of the subject in a preceding volume,[IX-52] are sufficient. In general
terms the empire extended from the valley of Mexico westward only
to the adjoining province of Matlaltzinco, Michoacan having always
retained her independence; north-westward only a few leagues beyond
the limits of the valley; in the north-east, east, and south-east it
embraced the whole country to the gulf coast from the Rio Pánuco in the
north to the Rio Alvarado in the south, excepting the small territory
of Tlascala; in the south-west and south it reached the Pacific coast,
along which it extended from Zacatollan to Tututepec; and it also
included some towns and garrisons in Soconusco, and on the frontiers
of Chiapas. Or, according to modern political geography, the empire
embraced the states of Mexico, Puebla, Vera Cruz, Guerrero, and western
Oajaca, with small portions of Tamaulipas, San Luis Potosí, Querétaro,
and Chiapas. The whole of Oajaca, including Tehuantepec, was at one
time subjected, but the Zapotecs regained their independence, as we
have seen, before Montezuma's reign. Beyond these limits doubtless
many raids were made, and towns, with small sections of territory, were
reduced momentarily to Mexican provinces; hence the varying statements
of different authors on this subject.[IX-53]
* * * * *
The appearance of the Spaniards on the distant American coasts, the
predictions of disaster which all the soothsayers agreed in deriving
from constantly recurring omens, the approaching subjugation of
his people to a race of foreigners in which Nezahualpilli firmly
believed, and above all the haughty and treacherous manner and deeds
of Montezuma, who now made no secret of his intention to make himself
supreme monarch of the empire, had a most depressing effect on the
Tezcucan king. He retired with his favorite wife and a few attendants
to the palace of Tezcocingo, announcing his intention of spending
his remaining days in retirement, but six months later he returned
to Tezcuco, retired to his most private apartments, and refused to
see visitors. Some time afterwards, when his family insisted on being
admitted to his presence, his death was announced to them, having been
concealed for some time by the attendants acting under his orders.
The peculiar circumstances of his decease caused the invention of the
popular tale, according to which he had not died but had gone to the
ancient Amaquemecan, the home of his Chichimec ancestors. His death
occurred in 1515.[IX-54]
[Sidenote: REVOLT OF IXTLILXOCHITL.]
For some unknown reason Nezahualpilli had not named his successor
on the throne, and the choice thus devolved upon the royal council
in conjunction with the kings of Mexico and Tlacopan. So far as can
be determined from conflicting accounts the sons of the deceased
monarch and heirs to the throne were as follows in the order of their
age:--Tetlahuehuetquizitzin, Cacama, Cohuanacoch, and Ixtlilxochitl.
The eldest son was deemed incompetent to rule the kingdom, Cacama was
chosen by the council, and the choice warmly approved by Montezuma,
who was Cacama's uncle. When the decision was announced to the other
brothers, Cohuanacoch approved it, but Ixtlilxochitl protested against
the choice of Cacama, insisting that his oldest brother should be
proclaimed king. Something has already been said about this prince's
fiery temper in early years,[IX-55] and age seems to have had no effect
in calming his violent character. But on this occasion he seems to
have been actuated not only by his own ambition to reign or to control
the reigning monarch, but by patriotic motives and a desire for his
country's freedom. He denounced, probably not without reason, the
council as acting wholly in the interests of the treacherous Montezuma,
who had insulted his father, and aspired to the imperial power; and
he regarded Cacama as a mere man of wax to be molded at will by the
crafty monarch of the Mexicans. The details of the quarrel are given
at considerable length by the authorities, but are hardly worth
reproducing here; the trouble seems to have lasted, if the chronology
of the records may be credited, two years, much of which time was
passed by Cacama at Mexico with his uncle. At last, however, finding
his efforts unavailing, Ixtlilxochitl left Tezcuco with his partisans
and went to the province of Meztitlan with the intention of exciting a
revolt in his own behalf, while Cacama in 1517 proceeded to his capital
to receive the crown of his father.[IX-56]
Ixtlilxochitl was in a high degree successful in the northern
provinces, whose inhabitants were almost unanimous in their approval
of his opposition to Montezuma, and gladly ranged themselves under his
banners. Marching southward from Meztitlan at the head of a hundred
thousand men, he was received as king in Tepepulco and other towns
until he reached Otompan, where he met considerable resistance, but at
last entered the city and made it thereafter his capital. He also took
possession of all the northern towns, such as Acolman, Chiuhnauhtlan,
Zumpango, and Huehuetoca. The news of his proceedings in the north
reached Tezcuco just after the coronation ceremonies of Cacama, or,
as some say, during their continuance. Montezuma seems to have made
one effort to quell this northern revolt and to have sent one of his
bravest generals against Ixtlilxochitl, but this general, Xochitl, was
defeated, captured, and burned alive by the fiery Chichimec prince;
no farther attack was made by the Mexican king. During the course of
this year, 1517, the Totonacs secretly gave in their allegiance to
Ixtlilxochitl, and of course Tlascala, the inveterate foe of Mexico,
supported his cause. Montezuma's failure to renew his efforts against
the rebel, and the increasing spirit of revolt among the Aztec
provinces are in great measure accounted for, when it is remembered
that at this time the Spaniards, under Hernandez de Córdova, again
appeared on the coast of Yucatan and Tabasco,[IX-57] and the exaggerated
reports of their appearance and deeds served to cause a renewal of
the old terror in Mexico, and a corresponding hope, not altogether
unmingled with fear, in the oppressed provinces. Cacama, either
influenced by the same fears, or more probably encouraged to yield to
his own kindly feelings towards his brother by Montezuma's failure
to proceed against Ixtlilxochitl, sent an embassy to his brother,
who, from his new headquarters at Otompan, had shown no intention of
marching against Tezcuco, proposing an amicable settlement of their
difficulties. Ixtlilxochitl replied that he had none but the kindest
feelings towards his brother and the kingdom of Acolhuacan, but renewed
his denunciations of Montezuma, and his warnings against that monarch's
ambitious designs. A division of the kingdom was finally decided upon,
Ixtlilxochitl retaining the sovereign power in the northern provinces,
Cacama retaining his throne at Tezcuco and his place in the Aztec
alliance, and Cohuanacoch receiving a large amount of revenue for his
constant support of the king. Ixtlilxochitl faithfully observed the
terms of the treaty, but retained all his enmity against the Mexicans;
he had an opportunity to strike a decisive blow against the hated power
a little later as an ally of the Spaniards.[IX-58]
[Sidenote: FINAL WARS OF MONTEZUMA.]
Yet wars were still waged by the allied kings as before, for the only
hope of averting impending disaster was by drenching with human blood
the altars of the gods. Several campaigns are recorded as having
yielded captives in considerable numbers, but no details are given.
Battles against the Tlascaltecs were continued down to the very last;
the Mexicans fighting generally as allies of the Huexotzincas. In one
of these battles the Huexotzinca chief Tlachpanquizqui by a valiant
feat of arms obtained pardon for serious crimes which he had committed,
and great rewards besides. He captured the famous Tlascaltec warrior
Tlalhuicol and brought him to Mexico. But the honor of his capture was
all that Montezuma desired; for he immediately offered Tlalhuicol his
freedom, which was refused. The Tlascaltec was then put in command
of a Mexican army and sent against the Tarascos, whom he defeated,
taking their stronghold of Tangimaroa, or Tlaximaloyan, and subduing
many towns on his way. He returned laden with spoils to Mexico, was
entreated to accept the permanent position of Commander-in-chief of
the Aztec armies, or at least to accept his release and return to his
country; but the brave Tlalhuicol deemed it a dishonor to return or
even to live after his capture, and earnestly entreated the privilege
of dying like other prisoners of rank on the gladiatorial stone. His
request was sorrowfully granted, eight of Anáhuac's best warriors fell
before him in the conflict, but by the ninth he was subdued, and his
heart was offered as a pleasing sacrifice to the god of war.[IX-59]
In the same year, 1517, it is related that Montezuma in his zeal to
appease the irate deities, ordered the grand temple of Huitzilopochtli
to be covered from top to bottom with gold, precious stones, and rare
feathers. His Minister of Finance, ordered to supply the cost of this
extravagant act of piety by imposing a new tax on the people, objected
and warned the tyrant that his subjects would endure no increase of
taxation. His objections were removed by putting him to death, but we
hear nothing farther of the golden covering.[IX-60] The following year, or
1518, took place at Mexico the last of the long series of sacrificial
immolations on a large scale, at the dedication of the temple of
Coatlan, on which occasion were sacrificed the captives that the last
campaigns had yielded.[IX-61] But almost before the groans of the dying
victims had died away there came to the ears of the Aztec sovereign
the startling tidings that the eastern strangers had again made their
appearance, this time on the Totonac coasts of his own empire. Juan de
Grijalva and his companions had followed the gulf coast northward, and
reached the spot where now stands the city of Vera Cruz.[IX-62]
[Sidenote: ARRIVAL OF JUAN DE GRIJALVA.]
All Aztec officials in the coast provinces had strict orders to keep
a constant look-out for the eastern strangers, and in case of their
arrival to treat them kindly, but by pretence of traffic and by every
possible means to ascertain who they were, whence they came, and the
nature of their designs. In accordance with these orders Pinotl the
Aztec governor of Cuetlachtlan and his Mexican subordinates were
foremost among the visitors to the wonderful ships of Grijalva;
paintings were quickly but carefully prepared of the strangers,
their ships, their weapons, and of every strange thing observed, and
with the startling news and the pictured records the royal officials
hastened to Mexico and communicated their information to Montezuma. The
king, concealing as well as possible his anxiety and forbidding the
messengers to make the news public, immediately assembled his royal
colleagues and his council of state, laid the matter before them and
asked their advice. The opinion was unanimous that the strangers were
the children of Quetzalcoatl, returning in fulfillment of the ancient
prophecies, and that they should be kindly received, as the only means
of conciliating the good will of the numerous followers of the ancient
prophet. An embassy was sent with rich presents to the coast, but they
were too late; the Spaniards had departed, with a promise, however, of
returning at an early date.
The events that followed down to the fulfillment of that promise by the
arrival of Hernan Cortés in 1519 are not very definitely recorded, but
these months formed a period of the greatest anxiety on the part of the
Aztec rulers and of mingled dread and hope for their numerous enemies.
Interest in the one absorbing topic caused all else to be forgotten;
there was no thought of conquest, of revolt, of tributes; even the
bloody rites of Huitzilopochtli were much neglected and the star of
the peaceful Quetzalcoatl and his sect was in the ascendant. Prophets
and old men throughout the country were closely questioned respecting
their knowledge of the old traditions; old paintings and records were
taken from every archive and carefully compared with those relating to
the new-comers; the loss of the precious documents burned by Itzcoatl
was now seriously felt; the glass beads and other trinkets obtained
from the Spaniards, and even carefully treasured fragments of ship
biscuit, were formally deposited with all the old Toltec ceremonies in
the temple of Quetzalcoatl. Many fictitious paintings were palmed off
on the credulous Montezuma as ancient records in which the children of
Quetzalcoatl were pictured in an amusing variety of absurd forms, but
some of the documents agreed very closely with the late paintings of
Montezuma's agents, showing that others had bethought them to represent
on paper Grijalva's company or some preceding band of Spaniards.[IX-63]
* * * * *
At last the presence of Cortés on the southern coasts, and his
progress towards the Aztec possessions, was announced, and an
embassy was dispatched to await his arrival, and to receive him with
every attention and with the richest gifts the empire could afford.
Subsequent events belong to the history of the Conquest, and must be
narrated in another work; the remaining chapters of this volume being
required for such fragments as have been preserved respecting the
aboriginal history of other nations and tribes outside the central
plateaux of Mexico.
[Sidenote: ANÁHUAC IN 1519.]
I close the chapter and the annals of the Aztec period, with a brief
glance at the general condition of affairs in and about Anáhuac in
1519, and the most extraordinary combination of circumstances that
made it possible for Hernan Cortés to overthrow with a handful of
Spanish soldiers a mighty aboriginal empire. The power known as Aztec,
since the formation of the tri-partite alliance not quite a century
before under the Acolhua, Mexican, and Tepanec kings, had gradually
extended its iron grasp from its centre about the lakes to the shores
of either ocean; and this it had accomplished wholly by the force of
arms, receiving no voluntary allegiance. Overburdened by taxation;
oppressed and insulted by royal governors, Aztec tribute-gatherers, and
the traveling armies of Tlatelulca merchants; constantly attacked on
frivolous pretexts by blood-thirsty hordes who ravaged their fields and
carried away the flower of their population to perish on the Mexican
altars; the inhabitants of each province subjected to this degrading
bondage entertained towards the central government of the tyrants on
the lakes feelings of the bitterest hatred and hostility, only awaiting
an opportunity to free themselves, or at least to annihilate their
oppressors. Such was the condition of affairs and the state of feeling
abroad; at home the situation was most critical. The alliance which
had been the strongest element of the Aztec power was now practically
broken up; the ambitious schemes of Montezuma had alienated his firmest
ally, and the stronger part of the Acolhua force was now openly arrayed
against him under Ixtlilxochitl at Otompan, leagued with the Tlascaltec
leaders for the overthrow of the Mexican power. It is probable that the
coming of the Spaniards retarded rather than precipitated the united
attack of the Acolhuas and the outside provinces on Montezuma. But
again, to meet the gathering storm, the Mexican king could no longer
count on the undivided support of his own people; he had alienated the
merchants, who no longer, as in the early days, did faithful duty as
spies, nor toiled to enrich a government from which they could expect
no rewards; the lower classes no longer deemed their own interests
identical with those of their sovereign. Last but far from least among
the elements of approaching ruin was the religious sentiment of the
country. The reader has followed the bitter contentions of earlier
times in Tollan and Culhuacan, between the rival sects of Quetzalcoatl
and Tezcatlipoca. With the growth of the Mexican influence the bloody
rites of the latter sect had prevailed under the auspices of the god
Huitzilopochtli, and the worship of the gentler Quetzalcoatl, though
still observed in many provinces and many temples, had with its priests
been forced to occupy a secondary position. But the people were filled
with terror at the horrible extent to which the latter kings had
carried the immolation of human victims; they were sick of blood, and
of the divinities that thirsted for it; a re-action was experienced
in favor of the rival deities and priesthood. And now, just as the
oppressed subjects of ecclesiastical tyranny were learning to remember
with regret the peaceful teachings of the Plumed Serpent, and to look
to that god for relief from their woes, their prayers were answered,
Quetzalcoatl's predictions were apparently fulfilled, and his promised
children made their appearance on the eastern ocean. The arrival of
Cortés at this particular juncture was in one sense most marvelous;
but in his subsequent success there is little to be wondered at; nor is
it strange that the oppressed Nahuas received almost with outstretched
arms the ministers of the new faith thus offered them by the Spaniards.
FOOTNOTES:
[IX-1] _Tezozomoc_, in _Kingsborough_, vol. ix., pp. 93-8; _Duran_,
MS., tom. i., cap. xl.; _Acosta_, _Hist. de las Ynd._, p. 495;
_Brasseur_, _Hist._, tom. i., pp. 326-31; _Ixtlilxochitl_, pp. 265-6.
[IX-2] _Torquemada_, tom. i., p. 182.
[IX-3] _Ixtlilxochitl_, pp. 263, 269-70, 410; _Torquemada_, tom. i.,
pp. 183-4; _Clavigero_, tom. i., pp. 254-5; _Brasseur_, _Hist._, tom.
iii., pp. 331-4; _Veytia_, tom. iii., pp. 272-5; _Vetancvrt_,
_Teatro_, pt ii., p. 36. Several authors attribute the completion of
the temple to Ahuitzotl.
[IX-4] _Duran_, MS., tom. i., cap. xl.; _Acosta_, _Hist. de las Ynd._,
p. 495; _Herrera_, dec. iii., lib. ii., cap. xiii.; _Veytia_, tom.
iii., pp. 271, 276-8; _Clavigero_, tom. i., pp. 253-4, 256. This
author gives the date as 1482. _Torquemada_, tom. i., pp. 182-5;
_Vetancvrt_, _Teatro_, pt ii., pp. 36-7; _Sahagun_, tom. ii., lib.
viii., p. 269; _Brasseur_, _Hist._, tom. iii., pp. 334-5; _Codex Tell.
Rem._, in _Kingsborough_, vol. vi., p. 141, date 1487; _Tezozomoc_, in
_Id._, vol. ix., pp. 98-100; _Ixtlilxochitl_, pp. 265, 267; _Codex
Mendoza_, in _Kingsborough_, vol. v., pp. 47-8. Ixtlilxochitl claims
that Tizoc died a natural death, and that Techotl died during his
reign.
[IX-5] See vol. iv., pp. 377-84.
[IX-6] Brasseur, _Hist._, tom. iii., pp. 337-40, tells us that the
Xiquipilco campaign furnished captives for the coronation, while the
products of the other wars were reserved for the dedication.
Tezozomoc, in _Kingsborough_, vol. ix., pp. 99-108, speaks of the
conquest of some city in Chiapas; while Acosta, _Hist. de las Ynd._,
p. 499, states that a place called Quaxutatlan was taken by means of
an artificial floating island. It is impossible to form from the
authorities any idea of these wars and their chronological order. See,
_Duran_, MS., tom. i., cap. xli.-ii.; _Ixtlilxochitl_, p. 467;
_Sigüenza_, in _Doc. Hist. Mex._, série iii., tom. i., p. 72;
_Vetancvrt_, _Teatro_, pt ii., p. 37; _Clavigero_, tom. i., p. 257;
_Veytia_, tom. iii., p. 278; _Torquemada_, tom. i., p. 186.
[IX-7] On the dedication, see vol. ii., p. 577; _Ixtlilxochitl_, p.
268; _Duran_, MS., tom. i., cap. xliii-iv.; _Motolinia_, in
_Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., p. 254; _Clavigero_, tom. i.,
p. 257; _Torquemada_, tom. i., p. 186; _Vetancvrt_, _Teatro_, pt ii.,
p. 37; _Codex Tell. Rem._, in _Kingsborough_, vol. v., p. 152;
_Brasseur_, _Hist._, tom. iii., pp. 341-5. Considering the number of
the victims sacrificed, it is probably more correct to suppose that
several sacrificers were occupied at the same time.
[IX-8] _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., pp. 345-6; with reference to
_Torquemada_, tom. i. lib. ii., cap. lxiii. which contains nothing on
the subject.
[IX-9] Tezozomoc, in _Kingsborough_, vol. ix., pp. 109-12, 154, places
the Cuextlan war before the dedication, and calls Chimalpopoca's
successor Tlaltecatzin. See also _Sahagun_, tom. ii., lib. viii., pp.
269-70; _Vetancvrt_, _Teatro_, pt ii., pp. 37-8; _Torquemada_, tom.
i., p. 187; _Veytia_, tom. iii., pp. 294-5; _Brasseur_, _Hist._, tom.
iii., pp. 345-7; _Clavigero_, tom. i., p. 258; _Ixtlilxochitl_, p.
268.
[IX-10] _Torquemada_, tom. i., pp. 187, 191; _Clavigero_, tom. i., pp.
258-9; _Brasseur_, _Hist._, tom. iii., pp. 348-9; _Veytia_, tom. iii.,
pp. 295-6; _Duran_, MS., tom. i., cap. xl.; _Codex Tell. Rem._, in
_Kingsborough_, vol. v., p. 152.
[IX-11] _Torquemada_, tom. i., pp. 278-80; _Brasseur_, _Hist._, tom.
iii., pp. 349-52.
[IX-12] _Tezozomoc_, in _Kingsborough_, vol. ix., pp. 120-7; _Duran_,
MS., tom. i., cap. xliv., tom. ii., cap. xlv.; _Brasseur_, _Hist._,
tom. iii., pp. 352-5. This author also refers to Torquemada and
Ixtlilxochitl, who have nothing to say of this war and colony,
although the latter, p. 271, speaks of the conquest of Zapotlan and
Xaltepec, which may have been in the same campaign.
[IX-13] _Ixtlilxochitl_, p. 271.
[IX-14] _Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., lib. ix., pp. 337-8.
[IX-15] _Codex Tell. Rem._, in _Kingsborough_, vol. v., p. 151. The
date is put at 1494 by this document.
[IX-16] See vol. iv., pp. 368-71.
[IX-17] _Burgoa_, _Geog. Descrip. Oajaca_, tom. ii., pt ii., fol. 367,
et seq.
[IX-18] _Brasseur_, _Hist._, tom. iii., pp. 355-62.
[IX-19] _Hist. Gen._, tom. ii., lib. ix., p. 337, et seq.
[IX-20] _Burgoa_, _Geog. Descrip. Oajaca_, tom. ii., pt ii., fol.
367-76.
[IX-21] _Burgoa_, as in note 20; _Brasseur_, _Hist._, tom. iii., pp.
362-9. A full account, mostly from Burgoa, is given in the _Soc. Mex.
Geog., Boletin_, tom. vii., pp. 167, 175-7, 183-7. Other authorities
touch very vaguely upon the events related above; most of them utterly
ignoring the defeat of the Aztecs. Duran, MS., tom. ii., cap.
xlvi-vii., liv-v., puts the marriage in Montezuma's reign, and says
that the Tehuantepec king was told by his wife of the plot against his
life by 10,000 soldiers who had entered the capital in small groups as
guests; he caused the whole 10,000 to be put to death. According to
the _Codex Tell. Rem._, in _Kingsborough_, vol. v., p. 153, the king
of Tehuantepec never afterwards allowed a Mexican to set foot in his
country. This document makes Pelaxilla a daughter of Montezuma.
Clavigero, tom. i., p. 262, says that the Aztec forces penetrated
Guatemala at this time, referring to the Xuchiltepec campaign.
Ixtlilxochitl, pp. 268, 271-2, states that the allies took 17,400
captives from the Zapotecs in 1499. According to Remesal, _Hist.
Chyapa_, p. 2, Chiapas was made tributary to Mexico about 1498. See
also for slight references to events that may be connected with these
campaigns in the south-west. _Tezozomoc_, in _Kingsborough_, vol. ix.,
pp. 127-37; _Torquemada_, tom. i., p. 193; _Piñeda_, in _Soc. Mex.
Geog., Boletin_, tom. iii., p. 347.
[IX-22] _Ixtlilxochitl_, pp. 270-1.
[IX-23] On the family affairs of Nezahualpilli, see _Torquemada_, tom.
i., p. 184; _Clavigero_, tom. i., pp. 255-6; _Brasseur_, _Hist._, tom.
iii., pp. 372-5; _Ixtlilxochitl_, pp. 265, 267, 271-2; _Vetancvrt_,
_Teatro_, pt ii., pp. 36-7; _Veytia_, tom. iii., pp. 275-6.
[IX-24] Vol. ii., pp. 446-50.
[IX-25] For these and other anecdotes of Nezahualpilli,
see:--_Ixtlilxochitl_, pp. 267, 273-7; _Duran_, MS., tom. ii., cap.
1.; _Torquemada_, tom. i., pp. 180-90; _Brasseur_, _Hist._, tom. iii.,
pp. 385-92; _Granados y Galvez_, _Tardes Amer._, pp. 48-9.
[IX-26] _Clavigero_, tom. i., pp. 259-60; _Torquemada_, tom. i., p.
191; _Brasseur_, _Hist._, tom. iii., pp. 375-7; _Veytia_, tom. iii.,
pp. 296-9; _Vetancvrt_, _Teatro_, pt ii., p. 38.
[IX-27] Respecting this flood, see: _Ixtlilxochitl_, pp. 272-3;
_Tezozomoc_, in _Kingsborough_, vol. ix., pp. 137-41; _Torquemada_,
tom. i., pp. 192-3, 293; _Brasseur_, _Hist._, tom. iii., pp. 377-82;
_Duran_, MS., tom. i., cap. xlviii.-ix.; _Veytia_, tom. iii., pp.
299-302; _Clavigero_, tom. i., pp. 260-2; _Sahagun_, tom. ii., lib.
viii., p. 269; _Vetancvrt_, _Teatro_, pt ii., pp. 38-9; _Acosta_,
_Hist. de las Ynd._, pp. 500-1; _Bustamante_, _Mañanas_, tom. ii., pp.
208-9; vol. ii., p. 566 of this work.
[IX-28] _Torquemada_, tom. i., p. 193; _Clavigero_, tom. i., p. 262.
In the _Codex Mendoza_, in _Kingsborough_, vol. v., p. 48, is given a
list of forty-five towns conquered by Ahuitzotl.
[IX-29] Clavigero and Vetancvrt make the date 1502. Ixtlilxochitl in
one place, p. 457, says 1505.
[IX-30] Duran, MS., tom. ii., cap. li-v., states that the first wars
were directed against Nopallan, Icpatepec, and Toltepec; and that
during the campaign Montezuma ordered the death of the tutors of his
children and the attendants of his wives. Tezozomoc, in
_Kingsborough_, vol. ix., pp. 141-53, adds Huitzpac and Tepeaca to the
towns mentioned by Duran. See also on death of Ahuitzotl and accession
of Montezuma II.: _Clavigero_, tom. i., pp. 262-7; _Torquemada_, tom.
i., pp. 193-5; _Veytia_, tom. iii., pp. 303-9; _Brasseur_, _Hist._,
tom. iii., pp. 382-97; _Ixtlilxochitl_, pp. 265, 277, 457; _Acosta_,
_Hist. de las Ynd._, pp. 501-6; _Herrera_, dec. iii., lib. ii., cap.
xiv.; _Vetancvrt_, _Teatro_, pt ii., p. 29; _Codex Mendoza_, in
_Kingsborough_, vol. v., pp. 51-2; _Gomara_, _Conq. Mex._, fol. 303;
_Sigüenza_, in _Doc. Hist. Mex._, série iii., tom. i., pp. 74-6.
[IX-31] See on the policy and government of Montezuma II., vol. ii. of
this work, passim; also, _Duran_, MS. tom., ii., cap. liii.;
_Tezozomoc_, in _Kingsborough_, vol. ix., pp. 145-6; _Ixtlilxochitl_,
p. 278; _Clavigero_, tom. i., pp. 267-75; _Veytia_, tom. iii., pp.
309-19; _Brasseur_, _Hist._, tom. iii., pp. 398-402; _Torquemada_,
tom. i., pp. 196, 205-6; _Acosta_, _Hist. de las Ynd._, pp. 505-7;
_Codex Mendoza_, in _Kingsborough_, vol. vi., p. 14; _Vetancvrt_,
_Teatro_, pt ii., p. 39; _Herrera_, dec. iii., lib. ii., cap. xiv.;
_Villa-Señor y Sanchez_, _Theatro_, tom. i., pp. 4-5.
[IX-32] Camargo says the combined armies were beaten at this battle.
Torquemada places the event in the third year of Montezuma's reign.
Ixtlilxochitl, Duran, and Tezozomoc represent Tlacahuepantzin as the
brother of Montezuma, and Ixtlilxochitl implies that he was sent to
this war, placed in 1508, in the hope of his death. This brother is
perhaps the same person spoken of by Ixtlilxochitl on p. 443. Duran
and Tezozomoc seem to regard this as a war against Cholula and
Huexotzinco.
[IX-33] On the war with Tlascala, see: _Clavigero_, tom. i., pp.
275-80; _Torquemada_, tom. i., pp. 197-203; _Veytia_, tom. iii., pp.
320-7; _Brasseur_, _Hist._, tom. iii., pp. 402-9; _Vetancvrt_,
_Teatro_, pt ii., pp. 40-1; _Camargo_, in _Nouvelles Annales_, tom.
xcviii., pp. 178-86; _Duran_, MS., tom. ii., cap. lvii-lxi.;
_Ixtlilxochitl_, pp. 271, 278; _Tezozomoc_, in _Kingsborough_, vol.
ix., pp. 160-78; _Oviedo_, tom. iii., p. 497.
[IX-34] This famine occurred in the third year of Montezuma's reign,
according to Clavigero; in fourth year, as Torquemada says; and
Ixtlilxochitl puts it in 1505 and 1506. See _Torquemada_, tom. i., pp.
203-4, 235. _Ixtlilxochitl_, p. 278; _Clavigero_, tom. i., pp. 282-3;
_Vetancvrt_, _Teatro_, pt ii., p. 41; _Brasseur_, _Hist._, tom. iii.,
pp. 409-10; _Veytia_, tom. iii., pp. 331-2; _Sahagun_, tom. ii., lib.
viii., p. 270; _Codex Tell. Rem._, in _Kingsborough_, vol. v., p.
153.
[IX-35] _Clavigero_, tom. i., p. 283; _Veytia_, tom. iii., pp. 332-4;
_Torquemada_, tom. i., pp. 204, 207; _Vetancvrt_, _Teatro_, pt ii., p.
41; _Brasseur_, _Hist._, tom. iii., pp. 410-11; _Duran_, MS., tom. i.,
cap. lv., lix.; _Tezozomoc_, in _Kingsborough_, vol. ix., pp. 170-1.
[IX-36] Ixtlilxochitl says the war was afterwards carried into
Guatemala and Nicaragua. Brasseur tells us that the treacherous
Cozcaquauhtli was made king of Cohuaixtlahuacan; others say ruler of
Tzotzolan. According to Torquemada, the war was in the fifth year of
the reign, and preceded by an eclipse of the sun. Tezozomoc refers to
a campaign against Xaltepec and Cuatzonteccan in Tehuantepec.
Vetancvrt gives as the date the seventh year of the reign. Clavigero
makes Cozcaquauhtli the brother of Nahuixochitl. See _Torquemada_,
tom. i., pp. 196-7, 207-9, 215; _Clavigero_, tom. i., pp. 275, 283-4;
_Burgoa_, _Geog. Descrip. Oajaca_, tom. ii., pt i., fol. 166-7;
_Vetancvrt_, _Teatro_, pt ii., pp. 41-2; _Brasseur_, _Hist._, tom.
iii., pp. 411-17; _Tezozomoc_, in _Kingsborough_, vol. ix., pp. 153-6,
162-4, 180; _Ixtlilxochitl_, pp. 279-80; _Veytia_, tom. iii., pp.
334-7, 359; _Duran_, MS., tom. ii., cap. lxv.
[IX-37] Ixtlilxochitl, p. 278, speaks of a conquest of Zocolan in
1506, and of Totecpec in 1507. Duran, MS., tom. i., cap. lv., speaks
of the conquest, at about this time, of Quatzoutlan and Toltepec,
where Montezuma ordered that all persons over fifty years of age
should be put to death. _Clavigero_, tom. i., pp. 284-6; _Veytia_,
tom. iii., pp. 337-40; _Brasseur_, _Hist._, tom. iii., pp. 417-20;
_Torquemada_, tom. i., pp. 209-10.
[IX-38] The lighting of the new fire took place at midnight, March
21-2, 1507, at the beginning of the year 2 Acatl, between the days 7
Tochtli and 8 Acatl. _Codex Chimalp._, in _Brasseur_, _Hist._, tom.
iii., p. 423. The _Codex Tell. Rem._, in _Kingsborough_, vol. v., pp.
153-4, says that the tie of the years had usually taken place in 1
Tochtli (1506), but was changed by Montezuma to 2 Acatl (1507). Most
other authors name 1506 as the year of the fête; but perhaps they mean
simply that 1 Tochtli the last of the seventh cycle corresponds for
the most part, although not exactly of course, to 1506. See
_Boturini_, in _Doc. Hist. Mex._, série iii., tom. iv., p. 240;
_Veytia_, tom. iii., p. 340; _Torquemada_, tom. i., pp. 210-11;
_Clavigero_, tom. i., pp. 285-6; _Vetancvrt_, _Teatro_, pt ii., p. 41;
see also vol. ii., p. 341, and vol. iii., pp. 393-6.
[IX-39] Brasseur, _Hist._, tom. iii., pp. 427-8, names
Macuilmalinatzin, the brother of Montezuma, among the killed, and
applies, probably with some reason, to this war the suspicions of
Ixtlilxochitl, respecting foul play on the part of the Mexican king
already referred to--(see note 32). See also: _Veytia_, tom. iii., pp.
343-4; _Torquemada_, tom. i., p. 211; _Clavigero_, tom. i., p. 286;
_Ixtlilxochitl_, pp. 278-9; _Tezozomoc_, in _Kingsborough_, vol. ix.,
pp. 171, 177; _Vetancvrt_, _Teatro_, pt ii., pp. 41-2; _Codex Tell.
Rem._, in _Kingsborough_, vol. v., p. 154; _Duran_, MS., tom. ii.,
cap. lxii.
[IX-40] Ixtlilxochitl dates the Amatlan war in 1514; Brasseur puts the
war in 1510; Torquemada denies that the comet had three heads.
[IX-41] This was very likely the occasion already noted when the
Tlatelulcas rushed into the city, supposing it to be invaded.
[IX-42] See pp. 422-4, of this volume; _Torquemada_, tom. i., p. 213.
[IX-43] Clavigero throws discredit on Boturini's version; I find it
difficult to feel implicit faith in that of Clavigero.
[IX-44] Torquemada says in 1499.
[IX-45] On these evil omens, see _Ixtlilxochitl_, pp. 278-80;
_Veytia_, tom. iii., pp. 344-59; _Torquemada_, tom. i., pp. 211-14,
233-9; _Clavigero_, tom. i., pp. 286-92; _Vetancvrt_, _Teatro_, pt
ii., pp. 42-3, 126; _Tezozomoc_, in _Kingsborough_, vol. ix., pp.
177-8, 183-9; _Codex Tell. Rem._, in _Id._, vol. v., p. 154;
_Herrera_, dec. iii., lib. ii., cap. viii., ix.; _Brasseur_, _Hist._,
tom. iii., pp. 428-41; _Acosta_, _Hist. de las Ynd._, pp. 510-14;
_Camargo_, in _Nouvelles Annales_, tom. xcix., pp. 139-40; _Duran_,
MS., tom. ii., cap. lxiii., lxvi-ix.; _Sahagun_, tom. ii., lib. viii.,
pp. 270-1; _Boturini_, _Catálogo_, pp. 27-8.
[IX-46] _Torquemada_, tom. i., p. 214; _Veytia_, tom. iii., p. 361;
_Vetancvrt_, _Teatro_, pt ii., p. 42.
[IX-47] _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. iii., pp. 442-7, reference to _Mem. de
Tecpan-Atitlan_.
[IX-48] _Ixtlilxochitl_, pp. 280-1.
[IX-49] _Tezozomoc_, in _Kingsborough_, vol. ix., pp. 168, 181-3;
_Clavigero_, tom. i., p. 293; _Torquemada_, tom. i., pp. 214-15;
_Duran_, MS., tom. ii., cap. lxvi.; _Brasseur_, _Hist._, tom. iii.,
pp. 448-50; _Herrera_, dec. iii., lib. ii., cap. viii.; _Acosta_,
_Hist. de las Ynd._, p. 511; _Vetancvrt_, _Teatro_, pt ii., pp. 42-3.
[IX-50] It is impossible here to distinguish between references to
Tututepec in Oajaca, and Tototepec, or Totoltepec, north-east of
Mexico. The _Codex Tell. Rem._, in _Kingsborough_, vol. v., p. 154,
mentions in 1512 the conquest of Quimichintepec and Nopala, towards
Tototepec, and also that the stones in that year threw out smoke which
reached the skies. The same authority records the conquest of
Tututepec on the Pacific, and an earthquake in 1513; the conquest of
Hayocingo in 1514, and that of Itzlaquetlaloca in 1515. See
_Ixtlilxochitl_, pp. 278-80, 283-4. This writer also mentions the wars
of Mictlanzinco and Xaltaianquizco as among the last waged by the
Aztec monarchs. _Duran_, MS., tom. ii., cap. lvi. _Clavigero_, tom.
i., pp. 293-4; _Veytia_, tom. iii., pp. 359-60; _Torquemada_, tom. i.,
pp. 214-5; _Vetancvrt_, _Teatro_, pt ii., p. 42.
[IX-51] _Torquemada_, tom. i., pp. 218-19; _Veytia_, tom. iii., pp.
361-3.
[IX-52] Vol. ii., pp. 93-5.
[IX-53] Ixtlilxochitl, p. 280, gives the southern boundaries as
Huimolan, Acalan, Vera Paz, and Nicaragua; the northern as the Gulf of
California and Pánuco; makes the empire cover all the ancient Toltec
territory, and incorrectly includes besides the north-western states,
those of Tabasco and Guatemala. Herrera, dec. ii., lib. vii., cap.
xiii; lib. ix., cap. i.; agrees with the limits I have given, and
shows that Goazacoalco and Tabasco never belonged to the empire.
Aztecs never subdued the region about Zacatecas. _Arlegui_, _Chrón.
Zacatecas_, p. 9. Clavigero, tom. iv., pp. 267-9, tells us that the
empire stretched on the Pacific from Soconusco to Colima; that Chiapas
was only held by a few garrisons on the frontier; that the province of
Tollan was the north-western limit; Tusapan the north-eastern, Pánuco
and the Huastecs never having been subdued; Goazacoalco was the
south-eastern bound.
[IX-54] On Nezahualpilli's death see:--_Torquemada_, tom. i., pp.
216-17; _Ixtlilxochitl_, pp. 282, 388, 410; _Brasseur_, _Hist._, tom.
iii., pp. 452-5; _Duran_, MS., tom. ii., cap. lxiv.; _Veytia_, tom.
iii., pp. 363-4; _Clavigero_, tom. i., pp. 294-5; _Tezozomoc_, in
_Kingsborough_, vol. ix., pp. 178-9. Several authors make the date
1516; Duran says ten years before the coming of the Spaniards, or in
1509.
[IX-55] See p. 451 of this volume.
[IX-56] Ixtlilxochitl, pp. 282-3, 410, and Torquemada, tom. i., p.
221, are the chief authorities on the succession of Cacama. The former
records a report, which he doubts, that Nezahualpilli before his death
indicated as his successor a younger son, Yoiontzin. He implies that
Cacama was an illegitimate son and had no claim to the throne, but was
forced on the Acolhua nobles against their will by Montezuma.
Torquemada, on the other hand, makes Cacama the oldest son and
legitimate heir, not mentioning the existence of
Tetlahuehuetquizitzin, and does not imply that Montezuma had any undue
influence in the choice of a new king. Duran, MS., tom. ii., cap.
lxiv., and Tezozomoc, in _Kingsborough_, vol. ix., p. 179, give an
entirely different version of the matter. They say that the Acolhua
lords were summoned to Mexico and invited by Montezuma to select their
new king. When they told him there were five competent sons--only two
of whose names, Cohuanacoch and Ixtlilxochitl, are identical with
those named by other authorities--he advised the election of
Quetzalacxoyatl, who was therefore elected and proved a faithful
subject of the Mexican king. He only lived a few days, however, and
was succeeded by his brother Tlahuitoltzin, and he, after a few years,
by Cohuanacoch, during whose reign the Spaniards arrived. See also,
_Brasseur_, _Hist._, tom. iv., pp. 14-21; _Veytia_, tom. iii., pp.
367-9; _Clavigero_, tom. i., pp. 297-9; _Vetancvrt_, _Teatro_, pt ii.,
pp. 43-4; _Herrera_, dec. iii., lib. i., cap. i.
[IX-57] On the voyage of Córdova, see: _Torquemada_, tom. i., pp.
349-51; _Cogolludo_, _Hist. Yuc._, pp. 3-8; _Peter Martyr_, dec. iv.,
lib. i-ii.; _Herrera_, dec. ii., lib. ii., cap. xvii.; _Bernal Diaz_,
_Hist. Conq._, fol. 1-5; _Stephens' Yucatan_, vol. i., pp. 49-52;
_Prescott's Mex._, vol. i., pp. 222-4; _Gomara_, _Hist. Ind._, fol.
60-1.
[IX-58] On Ixtlilxochitl's revolt and the treaty with Cacama, see:
_Veytia_, tom. iii., pp. 369-75; _Clavigero_, tom. i., pp. 299-302;
_Torquemada_, tom. i., pp. 223-7; _Brasseur_, _Hist._, tom. iv., pp.
21-3, 36-7; _Vetancvrt_, _Teatro_, pt ii., p. 44; _Ixtlilxochitl_, pp.
283-4.
[IX-59] _Camargo_, in _Nouvelles Annales_, tom. xcviii., pp. 189-91;
_Tezozomoc_, in _Kingsborough_, vol. ix., pp. 172-5; _Torquemada_,
tom. i., pp. 197, 201, 228; _Brasseur_, _Hist._, tom. iv., pp. 23-7;
_Clavigero_, tom. i., pp. 280-2; _Veytia_, tom. iii., pp. 325, 328-31,
375-6; _Vetancvrt_, _Teatro_, pt ii., pp. 45-6.
[IX-60] _Codex Chimalp._, in _Brasseur_, _Hist._, tom. iii., pp.
34-6.
[IX-61] _Torquemada_, tom. i., p. 228; _Veytia_, tom. iii., pp. 376-7;
_Vetancvrt_, _Teatro_, pt ii., p. 46.
[IX-62] On Grijalva's voyage, see:--_Diaz_, _Itinerario_, in
_Icazbalceta_, _Col. de Doc._, tom. i., pp. 281-307; _Bernal Diaz_,
_Hist. Conq._, fol. 6-11; _Peter Martyr_, dec. iv., lib. iii-iv.;
_Navarrete_, _Col. de Viages_, tom. iii., pp. 55-64; _Gomara_, _Conq.
Mex._, fol. 811, 568; _Herrera_, dec. ii., lib. iii., cap. i-ii.;
_Torquemada_, tom. i., pp. 351-8; _Prescott's Mex._, vol. i., pp.
224-8.
[IX-63] _Torquemada_, tom., i., pp. 378-80; _Acosta_, _Hist. de las
Ynd._, pp. 515-16; _Veytia_, tom. iii., pp. 377-8; _Duran_, MS., tom.
ii., cap. lxix-lxx.; _Tezozomoc_, in _Kingsborough_, vol. ix., pp.
189-94; _Herrera_, dec. ii., lib. iii., cap. ix.