1813
ON THE LAKES
_ONTARIO--Comparison of the rival squadrons---Chauncy takes York
and Fort George--Yeo is repulsed at Sackett's Harbor, but keeps
command of the lake--Chauncy sails--Yeo's partial victory off
Niagara---Indecisive action off the Genesee--Chauncy's partial
victory off Burlington, which gives him the command of the
lake--ERIE--Perry's success in creating a fleet--His
victory--CHAMPLAIN--Loss of the Growler and Eagle--Summary._
ONTARIO.
Winter had almost completely stopped preparations on the American
side. Bad weather put an end to all communication with Albany or
New York, and so prevented the transit of stores, implements, etc.
It was worse still with the men, for the cold and exposure so thinned
them out that the new arrivals could at first barely keep the ranks
filled. It was, moreover, exceedingly difficult to get seamen to
come from the coast to serve on the lakes, where work was hard,
sickness prevailed, and there was no chance of prize-money. The
British government had the great advantage of being able to move
its sailors where it pleased, while in the American service, at
that period, the men enlisted for particular ships, and the only
way to get them for the lakes at all was by inducing portions of
crews to volunteer to follow their officers thither. [Footnote:
Cooper, ii, 357. One of James' most comical misstatements is that
on the lakes the American sailors were all "picked men." On p. 367,
for example, in speaking of the battle of Lake Erie he says:
"Commodore Perry had picked crews to all his vessels." As a matter
of fact Perry had once sent in his resignation solely on account of
the very poor quality of his crews, and had with difficulty been
induced to withdraw it. Perry's crews were of hardly average
excellence, but then the average American sailor was a very good
specimen.] However, the work went on in spite of interruptions.
Fresh gangs of shipwrights arrived, and, largely owing to the energy
and capacity of the head builder, Mr. Henry Eckford (who did as
much as any naval officer in giving us an effective force on Ontario),
the _Madison_ was equipped, a small despatch sloop, The _Lady of the
Lake_ prepared, and a large new ship, the _General Pike_, 28, begun,
to mount 13 guns in each broadside and 2 on pivots.
Meanwhile Sir George Prevost, the British commander in Canada, had
ordered two 24-gun ships to be built, and they were begun; but he
committed the mistake of having one laid down in Kingston and the
other in York, at the opposite end of the lake. Earle, the Canadian
commodore, having proved himself so incompetent, was removed; and
in the beginning of May Captain Sir James Lucas Yeo arrived, to act
as commander-in-chief of the naval forces, together with four captains,
eight lieutenants, twenty-four midshipmen, and about 450 picked
seamen, sent out by the home government especially for service on
the Canada lakes. [Footnote: James, vi, 353.]
The comparative force of the two fleets or squadrons it is hard to
estimate. I have already spoken of the difficulty in finding out
what guns were mounted on any given ship at a particular time, and
it is even more perplexing with the crews. A schooner would make
one cruise with but thirty hands; on the next it would appear with
fifty, a number of militia having volunteered as marines. Finding
the militia rather a nuisance, they would be sent ashore, and on
her third cruise the schooner would substitute half a dozen frontier
seamen in their place. It was the same with the larger vessels. The
_Madison_ might at one time have her full complement of 200 men;
a month's sickness would ensue, and she would sail with but 150
effectives. The _Pike's_ crew of 300 men at one time would shortly
afterward be less by a third in consequence of a draft of sailors
being sent to the upper lakes. So it is almost impossible to be
perfectly accurate; but, making a comparison of the various authorities
from Lieutenant Emmons to James, the following tables of the forces
may be given as very nearly correct. In broadside force I count
every pivot gun, and half of those that were not on pivots.
CHAUNCY'S SQUADRON.
Broadside
Name. Rig. Tonnage. Crew. Metal; lbs Armament
_Pike_, Ship 875 300 360 28 long 24's
_Madison_, " 593 200 364 24 short 32's
_Oneida_, brig 243 100 172 16 " 24's
-+- 1 long 32
_Hamilton_, schooner 112 50 80 | 1 " 24
- 8 " 6's
-+- 1 " 32
_Scourge_, " 110 50 80 - 8 short 12's
-+- 1 long 32
_Conquest_, " 82 40 56 | 1 " 12
- 4 " 6's
-+- 1 " 32
_Tompkins_, " 96 40 62 | 1 " 12
- 6 " 6's
-+- 1 " 32
_Julia_, " 82 35 44 - 1 " 12
-+- 1 " 32
_Growler_, " 81 35 44 - 1 " 12
-+- 1 long 32
_Ontario_, schooner 53 35 44 - 1 " 12
_Fair -+- 1 " 24
American_, " 53 30 36 - 1 " 12
_Pert_, " 50 25 24 1 " 24
_Asp_, " 57 25 24 1 " 24
_Lady of
the Lake_, " 89 15 9 1 " 9
_________________________________________________________________
14 2,576 980 1,399 112
This is not materially different from James' account (p. 356), which
gives Chauncy 114 guns, 1,193 men, and 2,121 tons. The _Lady of the
Lake_, however, was never intended for anything but a despatch boat,
and the _Scourge_ and _Hamilton_ were both lost before Chauncy
actually came into collision with Yeo. Deducting these, in order
to compare the two foes, Chauncy had left 11 vessels of 2,265 tons,
with 865 men and 92 guns throwing a broadside of 1,230 pounds.
YEO'S SQUADRON.
Broadside
Name. Rig. Tonnage. Crew. Metal; lbs. Armament.
_Wolfe_, ship 637 220 392 -+- 1 long 24
| 8 " 18's
| 4 short 68's
'- 10 " 32's
_Royal " 510 200 360 -+- 3 long 18's
George_, | 2 short 68's
'- 16 " 32's
_Melville_, brig 279 100 210 -+- 2 long 18's
'- 12 short 32 s
_Moira_, " 262 100 153 -+- 2 long 9's
'- 12 short 24's
_Sydney schooner 216 80 172 -+- 2 long 12's
Smith_, '- 10 short 32's
_Beresford_, " 187 70 87 -+- 1 long 24
| 1 " 9
'- 6 short 18's
___________ _____ _____ _____ _________________
6 2,091 770 1,374 92
This differs but slightly from James, who gives Yeo 92 guns throwing
a broadside of 1,374 pounds, but only 717 men. As the evidence in
the court-martial held on Captain Barclay, and the official accounts
(on both sides) of Macdonough's victory, convict him of very much
underrating the force in men of the British on Erie and Champlain,
it can be safely assumed that he has underestimated the force in
men on Lake Ontario. By comparing the tonnage he gives to Barclay's
and Downie's squadrons with what it really was, we can correct his
account of Yeo's tonnage.
The above figures would apparently make the two squadrons about
equal, Chauncy having 95 men more, and throwing at a broadside 144
pounds shot less than his antagonist. But the figures do not by any
means show all the truth. The Americans greatly excelled in the number
and calibre of their long guns. Compared thus, they threw at one
discharge 694 pounds of long-gun metal and 536 pounds of carronade
metal; while the British only threw from their long guns 180 pounds,
and from their carronades 1,194. This unequal distribution of metal
was very much in favor of the Americans. Nor was this all. The
_Pike_, with her 15 long 24's in battery was an overmatch for any
one of the enemy's vessels, and bore the same relation to them that
the _Confiance_, at a later date, did to Macdonough's squadron. She
should certainly have been a match for the _Wolfe_ and _Melville_
together, and the _Madison_ and _Oneida_ for the _Royal George_ and
_Sydney Smith_. In fact, the three heavy American vessels ought to
have been an overmatch for the four heaviest of the British squadron,
although these possessed the nominal superiority. And in ordinary
cases the eight remaining American gun-vessels would certainly seem
to be an overmatch for the two British schooners, but it is just
here that the difficulty of comparing the forces comes in. When the
water was very smooth and the wind light, the long 32's and 24's of
the Americans could play havoc with the British schooners, at a
distance which would render the carronades of the latter useless.
But the latter were built for war, possessed quarters and were good
cruisers, while Chauncy's schooners were merchant vessels, without
quarters, crank, and so loaded down with heavy metal that whenever
it blew at all hard they could with difficulty be kept from upsetting,
and ceased to be capable even of defending themselves. When Sir James
Yeo captured two of them he would not let them cruise with his other
vessels at all, but sent them back to act as gun-boats, in which
capacity they were serving when recaptured; this is a tolerable test
of their value compared to their opponents. Another disadvantage
that Chauncy had to contend with, was the difference in the speed
of the various vessels. The _Pike_ and _Madison_ were fast, weatherly
ships; but the _Oneida_ was a perfect slug, even going free, and
could hardly be persuaded to beat to windward at all. In this respect
Yeo was much better off; his six ships were regular men-of-war, with
quarters, all of them seaworthy, and fast enough to be able to act
with uniformity and not needing to pay much regard to the weather.
His force could act as a unit; but Chauncy's could not. Enough wind
to make a good working breeze for his larger vessels put all his
smaller ones _hors de combat_: and in weather that suited the latter,
the former could not move about at all. When speed became necessary
the two ships left the brig hopelessly behind, and either had to do
without her, or else perhaps let the critical moment slip by while
waiting for her to come up. Some of the schooners sailed quite as
slowly; and finally it was found out that the only way to get all
the vessels into action at once was to have one half the fleet tow
the other half. It was certainly difficult to keep the command of
the lake when, if it came on to blow, the commodore had to put into
port under penalty of seeing a quarter of his fleet founder before
his eyes. These conflicting considerations render it hard to pass
judgment; but on the whole it would seem as if Chauncy was the
superior in force, for even if his schooners were not counted, his
three square-rigged vessels were at least a match for the four
square-rigged British vessels, and the two British schooners would
not have counted very much in such a conflict. In calm weather he
was certainly the superior. This only solves one of the points in
which the official letters of the two commanders differ: after every
meeting each one insists that he was inferior in force, that the
weather suited his antagonist, and that the latter ran away, and
got the worst of it; all of which will be considered further on.
In order to settle toward which side the balance of success inclined,
we must remember that there were two things the combatants were trying
to do viz.:
(1) To damage the enemy directly by capturing or destroying his vessels.
This was the only object we had in view in sending out ocean cruisers,
but on the lakes it was subordinated to:--
(2) Getting the control of the lake, by which invaluable assistance
could be rendered to the army. The most thorough way of accomplishing
this, of course, was by destroying the enemy's squadron; but it could
also be done by building ships too powerful for him to face, or by
beating him in some engagement which, although not destroying his
fleet, would force him to go into port. If one side was stronger,
then the weaker party by skillful manoeuvring might baffle the foe,
and rest satisfied by keeping the sovereignty of the lake disputed;
for, as long as one squadron was not undisputed master it could not
be of much assistance in transporting troops attacking forts, or
otherwise helping the military.
In 1813 the Americans gained the first point by being the first to
begin operations. They were building a new ship, afterward the _Pike_,
at Sackett's Harbor; the British were building two new ships, each
about two thirds the force of the _Pike_, one at Toronto (then called
York), one at Kingston. Before these were built the two fleets were
just on a par; the destruction of the _Pike_ would give the British
the supremacy; the destruction of either of the British ships, provided
the _Pike_ were saved, would give the Americans the supremacy. Both
sides had already committed faults. The Americans had left Sackett's
Harbor so poorly defended and garrisoned that it invited attack,
while the British had fortified Kingston very strongly, but had done
little for York, and, moreover, ought not to have divided their forces
by building ships in different places.
Commodore Chauncy's squadron was ready for service on April 19th,
and on the 25th he made sail with the _Madison_, Lieutenant-Commander
Elliott, floating his own broad pennant, _Oneida_, Lieutenant Woolsey,
_Hamilton_, Lieutenant McPherson, _Scourge_, Mr. Osgood, _Tompkins_,
Lieutenant Brown, _Conquest_, Lieutenant Pettigrew, _Growler_, Mr. Mix,
_Julia_, Mr. Trant, _Asp_, Lieutenant Smith, _Pert_, Lieutenant Adams,
_American_, Lieutenant Chauncy, _Ontario_, Mr. Stevens, _Lady of the
Lake_, Mr. Hinn, and _Raven_, transport, having on board General
Dearborn and 1700 troops, to attack York, which was garrisoned by
about 700 British regulars and Canadian militia under Major-General
Sheafe. The new 24-gun ship was almost completed, and the _Gloucester_
10-gun brig was in port; the guns of both vessels were used in defence
of the port. The fleet arrived before York early on April 27th, and
the debarkation began at about 8 A.M. The schooners beat up to the
fort under a heavy cannonade, and opened a spirited fire from their
long guns; while the troops went ashore under the command of
Brigadier-General Pike. The boats were blown to leeward by the strong
east wind, and were exposed to a galling fire, but landed the troops
under cover of the grape thrown by the vessels. The schooners now
beat up to within a quarter of a mile from the principal work, and
opened heavily upon it, while at the same time General Pike and the
main body of the troops on shore moved forward to the assault, using
their bayonets only. The British regulars and Canadian militia,
outnumbered three to one (including the American sailors) and with
no very good defensive works, of course had to give way, having lost
heavily, especially from the fire of the vessels. An explosion
immediately afterward killed or wounded 250 of the victors, including
General Pike. The Americans lost, on board the fleet, 4 killed,
including midshipmen Haifield and Thompson, and 8 wounded; [Footnote:
Letter of Commodore Chauncy, April 28, 1813.] and of the army,
[Footnote: James, "Military Occurrences" (London, 1818), vol. i, p.
151.] 14 killed and 32 wounded by the enemy's fire, and 52 killed
and 180 wounded by the explosion: total loss, 288. The British
regulars lost 130 killed and wounded, including 40 by the explosion;
[Footnote: Lossing's "Field-Book of the War of 1812," p. 581. The
accounts vary somewhat.] together with 50 Canadians and Indians,
making a total of 180, besides 290 prisoners. The 24-gun ship was
burned, her guns taken away, and the _Gloucester_ sailed back to
Sackett's Harbor with the fleet. Many military and naval stores were
destroyed, and much more shipped to the Harbor. The great fault that
the British had committed was in letting the defences of so important
a place remain so poor, and the force in it so small. It was impossible
to resist very long when Pike's troops were landed, and the fleet
in position. On the other hand, the Americans did the work in good
style; the schooners were finely handled, firing with great precision
and completely covering the troops, who, in turn, were disembarked
and brought into action very handsomely.
After being detained in York a week by bad weather the squadron got
out, and for the next fortnight was employed in conveying troops
and stores to General Dearborn. Then it was determined to make an
attack on Fort George, where the British General Vincent was stationed
with from 1,000 [Footnote: James, "Military Occurrences," i, p. 151.]
to 1,800 [Footnote: Lossing, 596.] regulars, 600 militia, and about
100 Indians. The American troops numbered about 4,500, practically
under the command of Colonel Scott. On May 26th Commodore Chauncy
carefully reconnoitred the place to be attacked, and in the night
made soundings along the coast, and laid buoys so as to direct the
small vessels, who were to do the fighting. At 3 A.M. on the 27th
the signal was made to weigh, the heavy land artillery being on the
_Madison_, and the other troops on the _Oneida_, the _Lady of the
Lake_, and in batteaux, many of which had been captured at York.
The _Julia_, _Growler_, and _Ontario_ moved in and attacked a battery
near the light-house, opening a cross-fire which silenced it. The
troops were to be disembarked farther along the lake, near a battery
of one long 24, managed by Canadian militia. The _Conquest_ and
_Tompkins_ swept in under fire to this battery, and in 10 minutes
killed or drove off the artillerymen, who left the gun spiked, and
then opened on the British. "The American ships with their heavy
discharges of round and grape too well succeeded in thinning the
British ranks." [Footnote: James, "Military Occurrences," i, p. 151.]
Meanwhile the troop-boats, under Captain Perry and Colonel Scott
dashed in, completely covered by a heavy fire of grape directed
point-blank at the foe by the _Hamilton_, _Scourge_, and _Asp_.
"The fire from the American shipping committed dreadful havoc among
the British, and rendered their efforts to oppose the landing of
the enemy ineffectual." [Footnote: _Loc. cit_] Colonel Scott's troops,
thus protected, made good their landing and met the British regulars;
but the latter were so terribly cut up by the tremendous discharges
of grape and canister from the schooners, that in spite of their
gallantry and discipline they were obliged to retreat, blowing up
and abandoning the fort. One sailor was killed and two wounded
[Footnote: Letter of Commodore Chauncy, May 29, 1813.]; seventeen
soldiers were killed and forty-five wounded [Footnote: Letter of
General Dearborn, May 27, 1813.]; making the total American loss
sixty-five. Of the British regulars 52 were killed, 44 wounded, and
262 "wounded and missing," [Footnote: Letter of Brig.-Gen. Vincent,
May 28, 1813.] in addition to about forty Canadians and Indians
_hors de combat_ and nearly 500 militia captured; so that in this
very brilliant affair the assailants suffered hardly more than a
fifth of the loss in killed and wounded that the assailed did;
which must be attributed to the care with which Chauncy had
reconnoitred the ground and prepared the attack, the excellent
handling of the schooners, and the exceedingly destructive nature
of their fire. The British batteries were very weak, and, moreover,
badly served. Their regular troops fought excellently; it was
impossible for them to stand against the fire of the schooners,
which should have been engaged by the batteries on shore; and they
were too weak in numbers to permit the American army to land and
then attack it when away from the boats. The Americans were greatly
superior in force, and yet deserve very much credit for achieving
their object so quickly, with such slight loss to themselves, and
at such a heavy cost to the foe. The effect of the victory was most
important, the British evacuating the whole Niagara frontier, and
leaving the river in complete possession of the Americans for the
time being. This offered the opportunity for despatching Captain
Perry up above the falls to take out one captured brig (the
_Caledonia_) and four purchased schooners, which had been lying in
the river unable to get past the British batteries into Lake Erie.
These five vessels were now carried into that lake, being tracked
up against the current by oxen, to become a most important addition
to the American force upon it.
While Chauncy's squadron was thus absent at the west end of the lake
the _Wolfe_, 24, was launched and equipped at Kingston, making the
British force on the lake superior to that of the Americans.
Immediately Sir George Prevost, and Sir James Lucas Yeo, the
commanders-in-chief of the land and water forces in the Canadas,
decided to strike a blow at Sackett's Harbor and destroy the _General
Pike_, 28, thus securing to themselves the superiority for the rest
of the season. Accordingly they embarked on May 27th, in the _Wolfe_,
_Royal George_, _Moira_, _Prince Regent_, _Simco_, and _Seneca_,
with a large number of gun-boats, barges, and batteaux; and on the
next day saw and attacked a brigade of 19 boats transporting troops
to Sackett's Harbor, under command of Lieutenant Aspinwall. Twelve
boats were driven ashore, and 70 of the men in them captured; but
Lieutenant Aspinwall and 100 men succeeded in reaching the Harbor,
bringing up the total number of regulars there to 500 men, General
Brown having been summoned to take the chief command. About 400
militia also came in, but were of no earthly service. There were,
however, 200 Albany volunteers, under Colonel Mills, who could be
relied on. The defences were miserably inadequate, consisting
of a battery of one long gun and a block-house.
On the 29th Sir George Prevost and 800 regulars landed, being covered
by the gun-boats under Sir James Lucas Yeo. The American militia
fled at once, but the regulars and volunteers held their ground in
and around the block-house. "At this point the further energies of
the [British] troops became unavailing. The [American] block-house
and stockade could not be carried by assault nor reduced by
field-pieces, had we been provided with them; the fire of the
gun-boats proved insufficient to attain that end; light and adverse
winds continued, and our larger vessels were still far off."
[Footnote: Letter of Adj.-Gen. Baynes, May 30. 1813.] The British
reëmbarked precipitately. The American loss amounted to 23 killed
and 114 wounded; that of the British to 52 killed and 211 wounded,
[Footnote: James, "Military Occurrences," p. 173.] most of the
latter being taken prisoners. During the fight some of the frightened
Americans set fire to the store-houses, the _Pike_ and the _Gloucester_;
the former were consumed, but the flames were extinguished before
they did any damage to either of the vessels. This attack differed
especially from those on Fort George and York, in that the attacking
force was relatively much weaker; still it ought to have been
successful. But Sir George could not compare as a leader with Col.
Scott or Gen. Pike; and Sir James did not handle the gun-boats by
any means as well as the Americans did their schooners in similar
attacks. The admirers of Sir James lay the blame on Sir George, and
_vice versa_; but in reality neither seems to have done particularly
well. At any rate the affair was the reverse of creditable to the British.
The British squadron returned to Kingston, and Chauncy, having heard
that they were out, came down the lake and went into port about June
2d. So far the Americans had had all the success, and had controlled
the lake; but now Yeo's force was too formidable to be encountered
until the _Pike_ was built, and the supremacy passed undisputed into
his hands, while Chauncy lay in Sackett's Harbor. Of course with the
_Pike_ soon to be built, Yeo's uncontested superiority could be of
but short duration; but he used his time most actively. He sailed
from Kingston on the 3d of June, to coöperate with the British army
at the head of the lake, and intercept all supplies going to the
Americans. On the 8th he discovered a small camp of the latter near
Forty Mile Creek, and attacked it with the _Beresford_, _Sydney
Smith_, and gun-boats, obliging the Americans to leave their camp,
while their equipages, provisions, stores, and batteaux fell into
the hands of the British, whose troops occupied the post, thus
assisting in the series of engagements which ended in the humiliating
repulse of General Wilkinson's expedition into Canada. On the 13th
two schooners and some boats bringing supplies to the Americans were
captured, and on the 16th a depot of provisions at the Genesee River
shared the same fate. On the 19th a party of British soldiers were
landed by the fleet at Great Sodas, and took off 600 barrels of flour.
Yeo then returned to Kingston, where he anchored on the 27th having
done good service in assisting the land forces. [Footnote: Letter of
Sir James Lucas Yeo to Mr. Croker, June 29, 1813.] As a small
compensation, on the 18th of the same month the _Lady of the Lake_,
Lieut. Wolcott Chauncy, captured off Presqu' Isle the British schooner
_Lady Murray_, containing 1 ensign, 15 soldiers, and 6 sailors,
together with stores and ammunition. [Footnote: Letter of Lieut.
Wolcott Chauncy to Com. Chauncy, June 18, 1813.]
During the early part of July neither squadron put out in force;
although on the first of the month Commodore Yeo made an abortive
attempt to surprise Sackett's Harbor, but abandoned it when it was
discovered. Meanwhile the Americans were building a new schooner,
the _Sylph_, and the formidable corvette _Pike_ was made ready to
sail by July 21st. On the same day the entire American squadron, or
fleet, sailed up to the head of the lake, and reached Niagara on the
27th. Here Col. Scott and some of his regulars were embarked, and on
the 30th a descent was made upon York, where 11 transports were
destroyed, 5 cannon, a quantity of flour, and some ammunition carried
off, and the barracks burned. On the 3d of August the troops were
disembarked at the Niagara, and 111 officers and men were sent up
to join Perry on Lake Erie. As this left the squadron much deranged
150 militia were subsequently lent it by General Boyd, but they proved
of no assistance (beyond swelling the number of men Yeo captured in
the _Growler_ and _Julia_ from 70 individuals to 80), and were again
landed.
Commodore Yeo sailed with his squadron from Kingston on Aug. 2d,
and on the 7th the two fleets for the first time came in sight of
one another, the Americans at anchor off Fort Niagara, the British
six miles to windward, in the W. N. W. Chauncy's squadron contained
one corvette, one ship sloop, one brig sloop, and ten schooners,
manned by about 965 men, and throwing at a broadside 1,390 lbs. of
shot, nearly 800 of which were from long guns. Yeo's included two
ship sloops, two brig sloops, and two schooners, manned by 770 men,
and throwing at a broadside 1,374 lbs., but 180 being from long guns.
But Yeo's vessels were all built with bulwarks, while ten of Chauncy's
had none; and, moreover, his vessels could all sail and manoeuvre
together, while, as already remarked, one half of the American fleet
spent a large part of its time towing the other half. The _Pike_
would at ordinary range be a match for the _Wolfe_ and _Melville_
together; yet in actual weight of metal she threw less than the former
ship alone. In calm weather the long guns of the American schooners
gave them a great advantage; in rough weather they could not be used
at all. Still, on the whole, it could fairly be said that Yeo was
advancing to attack a superior fleet.
All through the day of the 7th the wind blew light and variable,
and the two squadrons went through a series of manoeuvres, nominally
to bring on an action. As each side flatly contradicts the other
it is hard to tell precisely what the manoeuvres were; each captain
says the other avoided him and that _he_ made all sail in chase. At
any rate it was just the weather for Chauncy to engage in.
That night the wind came out squally; and about 1 A.M. on the morning
of the 8th a heavy gust struck the _Hamilton_ and _Scourge_, forcing
them to careen over till the heavy guns broke loose, and they foundered,
but 16 men escaping,--which accident did not open a particularly
cheerful prospect to the remainder of the schooners. Chauncy's force
was, by this accident, reduced to a numerical equality with Yeo's,
having perhaps a hundred more men, [Footnote: This estimate as to men
is a mere balancing of probabilities. If James underestimates the
British force on Ontario as much as he has on Erie and Champlain,
Yeo had as many men as his opponent. Chauncy, in one of his letters
(preserved with the other manuscript letters in the Naval Archives),
says: "I enclose the muster-rolls of all my ships," but I have not
been able to find them, and in any event the complements were
continually changing completely. The point is not important, as each
side certainly had plenty of men on this occasion.] and throwing 144
lbs. less shot at a broadside. All through the two succeeding days
the same manoeuvring went on; the question as to which avoided the
fight is simply one of veracity between the two commanders, and of
course each side, to the end of time, will believe its own leader.
But it is not of the least consequence, as neither accomplished any thing.
On the 10th the same tedious evolutions were continued, but at 7 P.M.
the two squadrons were tolerably near one another, Yeo to windward,
the breeze being fresh from the S. W. Commodore Chauncy formed his
force in two lines on the port tack, while Commodore Yeo approached
from behind and to windward, in single column, on the same tack.
Commodore Chauncy's weather line was formed of the _Julia_, _Growler_,
_Pert_, _Asp_, _Ontario_, and _American_, in that order, and the
lee line of the _Pike_, _Oneida_, _Madison_, _Tompkins_, and
_Conquest_. Chauncy formed his weather line of the smaller vessels,
directing them, when the British should engage, to edge away and
form to leeward of the second line, expecting that Sir James would
follow them down. At 11 the weather line opened fire at very long
range; at 11.15 it was returned, and the action became general and
harmless; at 11.30 the weather line bore up and passed to leeward,
except the _Julia_ and _Growler_, which tacked. The British ships
kept their luff and cut off the two that had tacked; while Commodore
Chauncy's lee line "edged away two points, to lead the enemy down,
not only to engage him to more advantage, but to lead him from the
_Julia_ and _Growler_." [Footnote: Letter of Commodore Isaac Chauncy.
Aug. 13, 1813.] Of course, the enemy did not come down, and the
_Julia_ and _Growler_ were not saved. Yeo kept on till he had cut
off the two schooners, fired an ineffectual broadside at the other
ships, and tacked after the _Growler_ and _Julia_. Then, when too
late, Chauncy tacked also, and stood after him. The schooners,
meanwhile, kept clawing to windward till they were overtaken, and,
after making a fruitless effort to run the gauntlet through the
enemy's squadron by putting before the wind, were captured. Yeo's
account is simple: "Came within gunshot of _Pike_ and _Madison_,
when they immediately bore up, fired their stern-chase guns, and
made all sail for Niagara, leaving two of their schooners astern,
which we captured." [Footnote: Letter of Sir James Lucas Yeo, Aug.
10, 1813.] The British had acted faultlessly, and the honor and
profit gained by the encounter rested entirely with them. On the
contrary, neither Chauncy nor his subordinates showed to advantage.
Cooper says that the line of battle was "singularly well adapted
to draw the enemy down," and "admirable for its advantages and
ingenuity." In the first place it is an open question whether the
enemy needed drawing down; on this occasion he advanced boldly
enough. The formation may have been ingenious, but it was the
reverse of advantageous. It would have been far better to have had
the strongest vessels to windward, and the schooners, with their
long guns, to leeward, where they would not be exposed to capture
by any accident happening to them. Moreover, it does not speak well
for the discipline of the fleet, that two commanders should have
directly disobeyed orders. And when the two schooners did tack, and
it was evident that Sir James would cut them off, it was an
extraordinary proceeding for Chauncy to "edge away two points * * *
to lead the enemy from the _Growler_ and _Julia_." It is certainly
a novel principle, that if part of a force is surrounded the true
way to rescue it is to run away with the balance, in hopes that the
enemy will follow. Had Chauncy tacked at once, Sir James would have
been placed between two fires, and it would have been impossible for
him to capture the schooners. As it was, the British commander had
attacked a superior force in weather that just suited it, and yet had
captured two of its vessels without suffering any injury beyond a few
shot holes in the sails. The action, however, was in no way decisive.
All next day, the 11th, the fleets were in sight of one another, the
British to windward, but neither attempted to renew the engagement.
The wind grew heavier, and the villainous little American schooners
showed such strong tendencies to upset, that two had to run into
Niagara Bay to anchor. With the rest Chauncy ran down the lake to
Sackett's Harbor, which he reached on the 13th, provisioned his
squadron for five weeks, and that same evening proceeded up the lake again.
[Illustration: The ships are shown just before the weather line bore
up; the dotted lines show the courses the vessels kept, and the crosses
indicate their positions shortly after the _Julia_ and _Growler_
had tacked, and after Chauncy's lee line had "kept off two points."]
The advantage in this action had been entirely with the British,
but it is simple nonsense to say, as one British historian does,
that "on Lake Ontario, therefore, we at last secured a decisive
predominance, which we maintained until the end of the war."
[Footnote: "History of the British Navy," by Charles Duke Yonge
(London, 1866), vol. iii. p. 24. It is apparently not a work of any
authority, but I quote it as showing probably the general feeling
of British writers about the action and its results, which can only
proceed from extreme partizanship and ignorance of the subject.]
This "decisive" battle left the Americans just as much in command of
the lake as the British; and even this very questionable "predominance"
lasted but six weeks, after which the British squadron was blockaded
in port most of the time. The action has a parallel in that fought
on the 22d of July, 1805, by Sir Robert Calder's fleet of 15 sail
of the line against the Franco-Spanish fleet of 20 sail of the line,
under M. Villeneuve.[Footnote: "Batailles Navales de la France," par O.
Troude, iii, 352. It seems rather ridiculous to compare these lake
actions, fought between small flotillas, with the gigantic contests
which the huge fleets of Europe waged in contending for the supremacy
of the ocean; but the difference is one of degree and not of kind, and
they serve well enough for purposes of illustration or comparison.]
The two fleets engaged in a fog, and the English captured two ships,
when both sides drew off, and remained in sight of each other the
next day without either renewing the action. "A victory therefore
it was that Sir Robert Calder had gained, but not a 'decisive' nor
a 'brilliant' victory." [Footnote: James' "Naval History," iv, 14.]
This is exactly the criticism that should be passed on Sir James
Lucas Yeo's action of the 10th of August.
From the 13th of August to the 10th of September both fleets were
on the lake most of the time, each commodore stoutly maintaining
that he was chasing the other; and each expressing in his letters
his surprise and disgust that his opponent should be afraid of
meeting him "though so much superior in force." The facts are of
course difficult to get at, but it seems pretty evident that Yeo was
determined to engage in heavy, and Chauncy in light, weather; and
that the party to leeward generally made off. The Americans had
been re-inforced by the _Sylph_ schooner, of 300 tons and 70 men,
carrying four long 32's on pivots, and six long 6's. Theoretically
her armament would make her formidable; but practically her guns
were so crowded as to be of little use, and the next year she was
converted into a brig, mounting 24-pound carronades.
On the 11th of September a partial engagement, at very long range,
in light weather, occurred near the mouth of the Genesee River; the
Americans suffered no loss whatever, while the British had one
midshipman and three seamen killed and seven wounded, and afterward
ran into Amherst Bay. One of their brigs, the _Melville_, received
a shot so far under water that to get at and plug it, the guns had
to be run in on one side and out on the other. Chauncy describes
it as a running fight of 3 1/2 hours, the enemy then escaping into
Amherst Bay. [Footnote: Letter to the Secretary of the Navy, Sept.
13, 1813.] James (p. 38) says that "At sunset a breeze sprang up
from the westward, when Sir James steered for the American fleet;
but the American commodore avoided a close action, and thus the affair
ended." This is a good sample of James' trustworthiness; his account
is supposed to be taken from Commodore Yeo's letter, [Footnote: Letter
to Admiral Warren, Sept. 12. 1813.] which says: "At sunset a breeze
sprang up from the westward, when I steered for the False Duck Islands,
under which the enemy could not keep the weather-gage, but be obliged
to meet us on equal terms. This, however, he carefully avoided doing."
In other words Yeo did _not_ steer _for_ but _away from_ Chauncy.
Both sides admit that Yeo got the worst of it and ran away, and it
is only a question as to whether Chauncy followed him or not. Of
course in such light weather Chauncy's long guns gave him a great
advantage. He had present 10 vessels; the _Pike_, _Madison_,
_Oneida_, _Sylph_, _Tompkins_, _Conquest_, _Ontario_, _Pert_, _American_,
and _Asp_, throwing 1,288 lbs. of shot, with a total of 98 guns. Yeo
had 92 guns, throwing at a broadside 1,374 lbs. Nevertheless, Chauncy
told but part of the truth in writing as he did: "I was much
disappointed at Sir James refusing to fight me, as he was so much
superior in point of force, both in guns and men, having upward of
20 guns more than we have, and heaves a greater weight of shot."
His inferiority in the long guns placed Yeo at a great disadvantage
in such a very light wind; but in his letter he makes a marvellous
admission of how little able he was to make good use of even what
he had. He says: "I found it impossible to bring them to close
action. We remained in this mortifying situation five hours, having
only six guns in all the squadron that would reach the enemy (not
a carronade being fired)." Now according to James himself ("Naval
Occurrences," p. 297) he had in his squadron 2 long 24's, 13 long
18's, 2 long 12's, and 3 long 9's, and, in a fight of five hours,
at very long range, in smooth water, it was a proof of culpable
incompetency on his part that he did not think of doing what Elliott
and Perry did in similar circumstances on Lake Erie--substitute all
his long guns for some of the carronades on the engaged side.
Chauncy could place in broadside 7 long 32's, 18 long 24's, 4 long
12's, 8 long 6's; so he could oppose 37 long guns, throwing 752 lbs.
of shot, to Yeo's 20 long guns, throwing 333 lbs. of shot. The odds
were thus more than two to one against the British in any case; and
their commander's lack of resource made them still greater. But it
proved a mere skirmish, with no decisive results.
The two squadrons did not come in contact again till on the 28th,
in York Bay. The Americans had the weather-gage, the wind being
fresh from the east. Yeo tacked and stretched out into the lake,
while Chauncy steered directly for his centre. When the squadrons
were still a league apart the British formed on the port tack, with
their heavy vessels ahead; the Americans got on the same tack and
edged down toward them, the _Pike_ ahead, towing the _Asp_; the
_Tompkins_, under Lieut. Bolton Finch, next; the _Madison_ next,
being much retarded by having a schooner in tow; then the _Sylph_,
with another schooner in tow, the _Oneida_, and the two other
schooners. The British, fearing their sternmost vessels would be
cut off, at 12.10 came round on the starboard tack, beginning with
the _Wolfe_, Commodore Yeo, and _Royal George_, Captain William
Howe Mulcaster, which composed the van of the line. They opened
with their starboard guns as soon as they came round. When the
_Pike_ was a-beam of the _Wolfe_, which was past the centre of the
British line, the Americans bore up in succession for their centre.
The _Madison_ was far back, and so was the _Sylph_, neither having
cast off their tows; so the whole brunt of the action fell on the
_Pike_, _Asp_, and _Tompkins_. The latter kept up a most gallant
and spirited fire till her foremast was shot away. But already the
_Pike_ had shot away the _Wolfe's_ main-top-mast and main-yard, and
inflicted so heavy a loss upon her that Commodore Yeo, not very
heroically, put dead before the wind, crowding all the canvas he
could on her forward spars, and she ran completely past all her own
vessels, who of course crowded sail after her. The retreat of the
commodore was most ably covered by the _Royal George_, under Captain
Mulcaster, who was unquestionably the best British officer on the
lake. He luffed up across the commodore's stern, and delivered
broadsides in a manner that won the admiration even of his foes.
The _Madison_ and _Sylph_, having the schooners in tow, could not
overtake the British ships, though the _Sylph_ opened a distant fire;
the _Pike_ kept on after them, but did not cast off the _Asp_, and
so did not gain; and at 3.15 the pursuit was relinquished, [Footnote:
Letter of Commodore Chauncy. Sept. 28, 1813.] when the enemy were
running into the entirely undefended port of Burlington Bay, whence
escape would have been impossible. The _Tompkins_ had lost her
foremast, and the _Pike_ her foretop-gallant mast, with her bowsprit
and main-mast wounded; and of her crew five men were killed or wounded,
almost all by the guns of the _Royal George_. These were the only
injuries occasioned by the enemy's fire, but the _Pike's_ starboard
bow-chaser burst, killing or wounding 22 men, besides blowing up
the top-gallant forecastle, so that the bow pivot gun could not be
used. Among the British ships, the _Wolfe_ lost her main-top-mast,
mizzen-top-mast, and main-yard, and the _Royal George_ her foretop-mast;
both suffered a heavy loss in killed and wounded, according to the
report of the British officers captured in the transports a few days
afterward.
[Illustration of the action between _TOMPKINS_, _ASP_, and _PIKE_,
and the _WOLFE_, _ROYAL GEORGE_, and small gun-boats.]
As already mentioned, the British authorities no longer published
accounts of their defeats, so Commodore Yeo's report on the action
was not made public. Brenton merely alludes to it as follows (vol.
ii, p. 503): "The action of the 28th of September, 1813, in which
Sir James Yeo in the _Wolfe_ had his main- and mizzen-top-masts
shot away, and was obliged to put before the wind, gave Mulcaster
an opportunity of displaying a trait of valor and seamanship which
elicited the admiration of friends and foes, when he gallantly
placed himself between his disabled commodore and a superior enemy."
James speaks in the vaguest terms. He first says, "Commodore Chauncy,
having the weather-gage, kept his favorite distance," which he did
because Commodore Yeo fled so fast that he could not be overtaken;
then James mentions the injuries the _Wolfe_ received, and says that
"it was these and not, as Mr. Clark says, 'a manoeuvre of the
commodore's' that threw the British in confusion." In other words,
it was the commodore's shot and not his manoeuvring that threw the
British into confusion--a very futile distinction. Next he says that
"Commodore Chauncy would not venture within carronade range," whereas
he _was_ within carronade range of the _Wolfe_ and _Royal George_,
but the latter did not wait for the _Madison_ and _Oneida_ to get
within range with _their_ carronades. The rest of his article is
taken up with exposing the absurdities of some of the American
writings, miscalled histories, which appeared at the close of the
war. His criticisms on these are very just, but afford a funny instance
of the pot calling the kettle black. This much is clear, that the
British were beaten and forced to flee, when but part of the American
force was engaged. But in good weather the American force was so
superior that being beaten would have been no disgrace to Yeo, had
it not been for the claims advanced both by himself and his friends,
that on the whole he was victorious over Chauncy. The _Wolfe_ made
any thing but an obstinate fight, leaving almost all the work to the
gallant Mulcaster, in the _Royal George_, who shares with Lieutenant
Finch of the _Tompkins_ most of the glory of the day. The battle,
if such it may be called, completely established Chauncy's supremacy,
Yeo spending most of the remainder of the season blockaded in Kingston.
So Chauncy gained a victory which established his control over the
lakes; and, moreover, he gained it by fighting in succession, almost
single-handed, the two heaviest ships of the enemy. But gaining the
victory was only what should have been expected from a superior force.
The question is, did Chauncy use his force to the best advantage?
And it can not be said that he did. When the enemy bore up it was
a great mistake not to cast off the schooners which were being towed.
They were small craft, not of much use in the fight, and they entirely
prevented the _Madison_ from taking any part in the contest, and
kept the _Sylph_ at a great distance; and by keeping the _Asp_ in
tow the _Pike_, which sailed faster than any of Yeo's ships, was
distanced by them. Had she left the _Asp_ behind and run in to engage
the _Royal George_ she could have mastered, or at any rate disabled,
her; and had the swift _Madison_ cast off her tow she could also
have taken an effective part in the engagement. If the _Pike_ could
put the British to flight almost single-handed, how much more could
she not have done when assisted by the _Madison_ and _Oneida_? The
cardinal error, however, was made in discontinuing the chase. The
British were in an almost open roadstead, from which they could not
possibly escape. Commodore Chauncy was afraid that the wind would
come up to blow a gale, and both fleets would be thrown ashore; and,
moreover, he expected to be able to keep a watch over the enemy and
to attack him at a more suitable time. But he utterly failed in
this last; and had the American squadron cast off their tows and
gone boldly in, they certainly ought to have been able to destroy
or capture the entire British force before a gale could blow up.
Chauncy would have done well to keep in mind the old adage, so
peculiarly applicable to naval affairs: "L'audace! toujours l'audace!
et encore l'audace!" Whether the fault was his or that of his
subordinates, it is certain that while the victory of the 28th of
September definitely settled the supremacy of the lake in favor of
the Americans, yet this victory was by no means so decided as it
should have been, taking into account his superiority in force and
advantage in position, and the somewhat spiritless conduct of his foe.
Next day a gale came on to blow, which lasted till the evening of
the 31st. There was no longer any apprehension of molestation from
the British, so the troop transports were sent down the lake by
themselves, while the squadron remained to watch Yeo. On Oct. 2d
he was chased, but escaped by his better sailing; and next day
false information induced Chauncy to think Yeo had eluded him
and passed down the lake, and he accordingly made sail in the
direction of his supposed flight. On the 5th, at 3 P.M., while near
the False Ducks, seven vessels were made out ahead, which proved
to be British gun-boats, engaged in transporting troops. All sails
was made after them; one was burned, another escaped, and five were
captured, the _Mary_, _Drummond_, _Lady Gore_, _Confiance_, and
_Hamilton_, [Footnote: Letter of Commodore Chauncy, Oct. 8, 1813.]--the
two latter being the rechristened _Julia_ and _Growler_. Each
gun-vessel had from one to three guns, and they had aboard in all
264 men, including seven naval (three royal and four provincial)
and ten military officers. These prisoners stated that in the action
of the 28th the _Wolfe_ and _Royal George_ had lost very heavily.
After this Yeo remained in Kingston, blockaded there by Chauncy for
most of the time; on Nov. 10th he came out and was at once chased
back into port by Chauncy, leaving the latter for the rest of the
season entirely undisturbed. Accordingly, Chauncy was able to convert
his small schooners into transports. On the 17th these transports
were used to convey 1,100 men of the army of General Harrison from
the mouth of the Genesee to Sackett's Harbor, while Chauncy blockaded
Yeo in Kingston. The duty of transporting troops and stores went
on till the 27th, when every thing had been accomplished; and a day
or two afterward navigation closed.
As between the Americans and British, the success of the season was
greatly in favor of the former. They had uncontested control over
the lake from April 19th to June 3d, and from Sept. 28th to Nov.
29th, in all 107 days; while their foes only held it from June 3d
to July 21st, or for 48 days; and from that date to Sept. 28th, for
69 days, the two sides were contending for the mastery. York and
Fort George had been taken, while the attack on Sackett's Harbor
was repulsed. The Americans lost but two schooners, both of which
were recaptured; while the British had one 24-gun-ship nearly ready
for launching destroyed, and one 10-gun brig taken, and the loss
inflicted upon each other in transports, gun-boats, store-houses,
stores, etc., was greatly in favor of the former. Chauncy's fleet,
moreover, was able to co-operate with the army for over twice the
length of time Yeo's could (107 days to 48).
It is more difficult to decide between the respective merits of the
two commanders. We had shown so much more energy than the
Anglo-Canadians that at the beginning of the year we had overtaken
them in the building race, and the two fleets were about equally
formidable. The _Madison_ and _Oneida_ were not quite a match for
the _Royal George_ and _Sydney Smith_ (opposing 12 32-pound and 8
24-pound carronades to 2 long 18's, 1 long 12, 1 68-pound and 13
32-pound carronades); and our ten gun-schooners would hardly be
considered very much of an overmatch for the _Melville_, _Motra_,
and _Beresford_. Had Sir James Yeo been as bold and energetic as
Barclay or Mulcaster he would certainly not have permitted the
Americans, when the forces were so equal, to hold uncontested sway
over the lake, and by reducing Fort George, to cause disaster to
the British land forces. It would certainly have been better to risk
a battle with equal forces, than to wait till each fleet received
an additional ship, which rendered Chauncy's squadron the superior
by just about the superiority of the _Pike_ to the _Wolfe_. Again,
Yeo did not do particularly well in the repulse before Sackett's
Harbor; in the skirmish off Genesee river he showed a marked lack
of resource; and in the action of the 28th of September (popularly
called the "Burlington Races" from the celerity of his retreat) he
evinced an amount of caution that verged toward timidity, in allowing
the entire brunt of the fighting to fall on Mulcaster in the _Royal
George_, a weaker ship than the _Wolfe_. On the other hand, he gave
able co-operation to the army while he possessed control of the lake;
he made a most gallant and successful attack on a superior force on
the 10th of August; and for six weeks subsequently by skilful manoeuvring
he prevented this same superior force from acquiring the uncontested
mastery. It was no disgrace to be subsequently blockaded; but it is
very ludicrous in his admirers to think that he came out first best.
Chauncy rendered able and invaluable assistance to the army all the
while that he had control of the water; his attacks on York and Fort
George were managed with consummate skill and success, and on the
28th of September he practically defeated the opposing force with
his own ship alone. Nevertheless he can by no means be said to have
done the best he could with the materials he had. His stronger fleet
was kept two months in check by a weaker British fleet. When he first
encountered the foe, on August 10th, he ought to have inflicted such
a check upon him as would at least have confined him to port and
given the Americans immediate superiority on the lake; instead of
which he suffered a mortifying, although not at all disastrous, defeat,
which allowed the British to contest the supremacy with him for six
weeks longer. On the 28th of September, when he only gained a rather
barren victory, it was nothing but excessive caution that prevented
him from utterly destroying his foe. Had Perry on that day commanded
the American fleet there would have been hardly a British ship left
on Ontario. Chauncy was an average commander; and the balance of
success inclined to the side of the Americans only because they showed
greater energy and skill in shipbuilding, the crews and commanders
on both sides being very nearly equal.
Lake Erie.
Captain Oliver Hazard Perry had assumed command of Erie and the upper
lakes, acting under Commodore Chauncy. With intense energy he at once
began creating a naval force which should be able to contend successfully
with the foe. As already said, the latter in the beginning had exclusive
control of Lake Erie; but the Americans had captured the _Caledonia_,
brig, and purchased three schooners, afterward named the _Somers_,
_Tigress_, and _Ohio_, and a sloop, the _Trippe_. These at first
were blockaded in the Niagara, but after the fall of Fort George and
retreat of the British forces, Captain Perry was enabled to get them
out, tracking them up against the current by the most arduous labor.
They ran up to Presque Isle (now called Erie), where two 20-gun brigs
were being constructed under the directions of the indefatigable
captain. Three other schooners, the _Ariel_, _Scorpion_, and
_Porcupine_, were also built.
The harbor of Erie was good and spacious, but had a bar on which
there was less than seven feet of water. Hitherto this had prevented
the enemy from getting in; now it prevented the two brigs from
getting out. Captain Robert Heriot Barclay had been appointed
commander of the British forces on Lake Erie; and he was having
built at Amherstburg a 20-gun ship. Meanwhile he blockaded Perry's
force, and as the brigs could not cross the bar with their guns in,
or except in smooth water, they of course could not do so in his
presence. He kept a close blockade for some time; but on the 2d of
August he disappeared. Perry at once hurried forward every thing;
and on the 4th, at 2 P.M., one brig, the _Lawrence_, was towed to
that point of the bar where the water was deepest. Her guns were
whipped out and landed on the beach, and the brig got over the bar
by a hastily improvised "camel."
"Two large scows, prepared for the purpose, were hauled alongside,
and the work of lifting the brig proceeded as fast as possible.
Pieces of massive timber had been run through the forward and after
ports, and when the scows were sunk to the water's edge, the ends
of the timbers were blocked up, supported by these floating foundations.
The plugs were now put in the scows, and the water was pumped out
of them. By this process the brig was lifted quite two feet, though
when she was got on the bar it was found that she still drew too
much water. It became necessary, in consequence, to cover up every
thing, sink the scows anew, and block up the timbers afresh. This
duty occupied the whole night." [Footnote: Cooper, ii, 389. Perry's
letter of Aug. 5th is very brief.]
Just as the _Lawrence_ had passed the bar, at 8 A.M. on the 5th,
the enemy reappeared, but too late; Captain Barclay exchanged a few
shots with the schooners and then drew off. The _Niagara_ crossed
without difficulty. There were still not enough men to man the vessels,
but a draft arrived from Ontario, and many of the frontiersmen
volunteered, while soldiers also were sent on board. The squadron
sailed on the 18th in pursuit of the enemy, whose ship was now ready.
After cruising about some time the _Ohio_ was sent down the lake,
and the other ships went into Put-in Bay. On the 9th of September
Captain Barclay put out from Amherstburg, being so short of provisions
that he felt compelled to risk an action with the superior force
opposed. On the 10th of September his squadron was discovered from
the mast-head of the _Lawrence_ in the northwest. Before going into
details of the action we will examine the force of the two squadrons,
as the accounts vary considerably.
The tonnage of the British ships, as already stated, we know exactly,
they having been all carefully appraised and measured by the builder
Mr. Henry Eckford, and two sea-captains. We also know the dimensions
of the American ships. The _Lawrence_ and _Niagara_ measured 480
tons apiece. The _Caledonia_, brig, was about the size of the _Hunter_,
or 180 tons. The _Tigress_, _Somers_, and _Scorpion_ were subsequently
captured by the foe and were then said to measure, respectively,
96, 94, and 86 tons; in which case they were larger than similar
boats on Lake Ontario. The _Ariel_ was about the size of the _Hamilton_;
the _Porcupine_ and _Trippe_ about the size of the _Asp_ and _Pert_.
As for the guns, Captain Barclay in his letter gives a complete
account of those on board his squadron. He has also given a complete
account of the American guns, which is most accurate, and, if any
thing, underestimates them. At least Emmons in his "History" gives
the _Trippe_ a long 32, while Barclay says she had only a long 24;
and Lossing in his "Field-Book" says (but I do not know on what
authority) that the _Caledonia_ had 3 long 24's, while Barclay gives
her 2 long 24's and one 32-pound carronade; and that the _Somers_
had two long 32's, while Barclay gives her one long 32 and one
24-pound carronade. I shall take Barclay's account, which corresponds
with that of Emmons; the only difference being that Emmons puts a
24-pounder on the _Scorpion_ and a 32 on the _Trippe_, while Barclay
reverses this. I shall also follow Emmons in giving the _Scorpion_
a 32-pound carronade instead of a 24.
It is more difficult to give the strength of the respective crews.
James says the Americans had 580, all "picked men." They were just
as much picked men as Barclay's were, and no more; that is, the ships
had "scratch" crews. Lieutenant Emmons gives Perry 490 men; and Lossing
says he "had upon his muster-roll 490 names." In vol. xiv, p. 566,
of the American State Papers, is a list of the prize-monies owing
to each man (or to the survivors of the killed), which gives a grand
total of 532 men, including 136 on the _Lawrence_ and 155 on the
_Niagara_, 45 of whom were volunteers--frontiersmen. Deducting these
we get 487 men, which is pretty near Lieutenant Emmons' 490. Possibly
Lieutenant Emmons did not include these volunteers; and it may be
that some of the men whose names were down on the prize list had
been so sick that they were left on shore. Thus Lieutenant Yarnall
testified before a Court of Inquiry in 1815, that there were but
131 men and boys of every description on board the _Lawrence_ in
the action; and the _Niagara_ was said to have had but 140. Lieutenant
Yarnall also said that "but 103 men on board the _Lawrence_ were
fit for duty"; as Captain Perry in his letter said that 31 were unfit
for duty, this would make a total of 134. So I shall follow the
prize-money list; at any rate the difference in number is so slight
as to be immaterial. Of the 532 men whose names the list gives, 45
were volunteers, or landsmen, from among the surrounding inhabitants;
158 were marines or soldiers (I do not know which, as the list gives
marines, soldiers, and privates, and it is impossible to tell which
of the two former heads include the last); and 329 were officers,
seamen, cooks, pursers, chaplains, and supernumeraries. Of the total
number, there were on the day of action, according to Perry's report,
116 men unfit for duty, including 31 on board the _Lawrence_, 28 on
board the _Niagara_, and 57 on the small vessels.
All the later American writers put the number of men in Barclay's
fleet precisely at "502," but I have not been able to find out the
original authority. James ("Naval Occurrences," p. 289) says the
British had but 345, consisting of 50 seamen, 85 Canadians, and 210
soldiers. But the letter of Adjutant-General E. Bayne, Nov. 24, 1813,
states that there were 250 soldiers aboard Barclay's squadron, of
whom 23 were killed, 49 wounded, and the balance (178) captured;
and James himself on a previous page (284) states that there were
102 Canadians on Barclay's vessels, not counting the _Detroit_, and
we know that Barclay originally joined the squadron with 19 sailors
from the Ontario fleet, and that subsequently 50 sailors came up
from the _Dover_, James gives at the end of his "Naval Occurrences"
some extracts from the court-martial held on Captain Barclay. Lieut.
Thomas Stokes, of the _Queen Charlotte_, there testified that he
had on board "between 120 and 130 men, officers and all together,"
of whom "16 came up from the _Dover_ three days before." James, on
p. 284, says her crew already consisted of 110 men; adding these
16 gives us 126 (almost exactly "between 120 and 130"). Lieutenant
Stokes also testified that the _Detroit_ had more men on account
of being a larger and heavier vessel; to give her 150 is perfectly
safe, as her heavier guns and larger size would at least need 24
men more than the _Queen Charlotte_. James gives the _Lady Prevost_
76, _Hunter_ 39, _Little Belt_ 15, and _Chippeway_ 13 men, Canadians
and soldiers, a total of 143; supposing that the number of British
sailors placed on them was proportional to the amount placed on board
the _Queen Charlotte_, we could add 21. This would make a grand
total of 440 men, which must certainly be near the truth. This number
is corroborated otherwise: General Bayne, as already quoted, says
that there were aboard 250 soldiers, of whom 72 were killed or wounded.
Barclay reports a total loss of 135, of whom 63 must therefore have
been sailors or Canadians, and if the loss suffered by these bore
the same proportion to their whole number as in the case of the
soldiers, there ought to have been 219 sailors and Canadians, making
in all 469 men. It can thus be said with certainty that there were
between 440 and 490 men aboard, and I shall take the former number,
though I have no doubt that this is too small. But it is not a point
of very much importance, as the battle was fought largely at long
range, where the number of men, provided there were plenty to handle
the sails and guns, did not much matter. The following statement
of the comparative force must therefore be very nearly accurate:
PERRY'S SQUADRON.
Crew Broad
Total fit for side;
Name. Rig. Tons. Crew. Duty. lbs. Armament.
_Lawrence_, brig 480 136 105 300 -+- 2 long 12's
'-18 short 32's
_Niagara_, " 480 155 127 300 -+- 2 long 12's
|-18 short 32's
_Caledonia_, " 180 53-+ 80 -+- 2 long 24's
| '- 1 short 32
_Ariel_, schooner 112 36 | 48 4 long 12's
_Scorpion_, " 86 35 | 64 -+- 1 " 32
| '- 1 short 32
_Somers_, " 86 35 +- 184 56 -+- 1 long 24
| '- 1 short 32
_Porcupine_, " 83 25 | 32 1 long 32
_Tigress_, " 96 27 | 32 1 " 32
_Trippe_, sloop 60 35-+ 24 1 " 24
--------- ---- --- ---- --- ---------------
9 vessels, 1,671 532 (416) 936 lbs.
During the action, however, the _Lawrence_ and _Niagara_ each fought
a long 12 instead of one of the carronades on the engaged side, making
a broadside of 896 lbs., 288 lbs. being from long guns.
BARCLAY'S SQUADRON.
Broadside;
Name. Rig. Tons. Crew. lbs. Armament.
,- 1 long 18
| 2 " 24's
_Detroit_, Ship 490 150 138 -+ 6 " 12's
| 2 " 24's
| 8 " 9's
| 1 short 24
'- 1 " 18
,- 1 long 12
_Queen Charlotte_, " 400 126 189 -+ 2 " 9's
'-14 short 24's
_Lady Prevost_, schooner 230 86 75 -+- 1 long 9
| 2 " 6's
'- 10 short 12's
_Hunter_, brig 180 45 30 -+- 4 long 6's
| 2 " 4's
| 2 " 2's
'- 2 short 12's
_Chippeway_, schooner 70 15 9 1 long 9
_Little Belt_, sloop 90 18 18 -+- 1 " 12
'- 2 " 6's
-------- ---- --- ------
6 vessels 1460 440 459 lbs.
These six vessels thus threw at a broadside 459 lbs., of which 195
were from long guns.
The superiority of the Americans in long-gun metal was therefore
nearly as three is to two, and in carronade metal greater than two
to one. The chief fault to be found in the various American accounts
is that they sedulously conceal the comparative weight of metal,
while carefully specifying the number of guns. Thus, Lossing says:
"Barclay had 35 long guns to Perry's 15, and possessed greatly the
advantage in action at a distance"; which he certainly did not. The
tonnage of the fleets is not so very important; the above tables are
probably pretty nearly right. It is, I suppose, impossible to tell
exactly the number of men in the two crews. Barclay almost certainly
had more than the 440 men I have given him, but in all likelihood
some of them were unfit for duty, and the number of his effectives
was most probably somewhat less than Perry's. As the battle was
fought in such smooth water, and part of the time at long range,
this, as already said, does not much matter. The Niagara might be
considered a match for the Detroit, and the Lawrence and Caledonia
for the five other British vessels; so the Americans were certainly
very greatly superior in force.
At daylight on Sept. 10th Barclay's squadron was discovered in the
N. W., and Perry at once got under weigh; the wind soon shifted to
the N. E., giving us the weather-gage, the breeze being very light.
Barclay lay to in a close column, heading to the S. W in the
following order: _Chippeway_, _Master's Mate J. Campbell; _Detroit_,
Captain R. H. Barclay; _Hunter_, Lieutenant G. Bignall; _Queen
Charlotte_, Captain R. Finnis; _Lady Prevost_, Lieutenant Edward
Buchan; and _Little Belt_, by whom commanded is not said. Perry
came down with the wind on his port beam, and made the attack in
column ahead, obliquely. First in order came the _Ariel_, Lieut.
John H. Packet, and _Scorpion_, Sailing-Master Stephen Champlin,
both being on the weather bow of the _Lawrence_, Captain O. H.
Perry; next came the _Caledonia_, Lieut. Daniel Turner; _Niagara_,
Captain Jesse D. Elliott; _Somers_, Lieutenant A. H. M. Conklin;
_Porcupine_, Acting Master George Serrat; _Tigress_, Sailing-Master
Thomas C. Almy, and _Trippe_, Lieutenant Thomas Holdup. [Footnote:
The accounts of the two commanders tally almost exactly. Barclay's
letter is a model of its kind for candor and generosity. Letter of
Captain R. H. Barclay to Sir James. Sept. 2, 1813; of Lieutenant
Inglis to Captain Barclay, Sept. 10th; of Captain Perry to the
Secretary of the Navy, Sept. 10th and Sept. 13th, and to General
Harrison, Sept. 11th and Sept. 13th. I have relied mainly on Lossing's
"Field-Book of the War of 1812" (especially for the diagrams furnished
him by Commodore Champlin), on Commander Ward's "Naval Tactics," p. 76,
and on Cooper's "Naval History." Extracts from the court-martial on
Captain Barclay are given in James' "Naval Occurrences," lxxxiii.]
As, amid light and rather baffling winds, the American squadron
approached the enemy, Perry's straggling line formed an angle of
about fifteen degrees with the more compact one of his foes. At 11.45
the Detroit opened the action by a shot from her long 24, which fell
short; at 11.50 she fired a second which went crashing through the
_Lawrence_, and was replied to by the _Scorpion's_ long 32. At 11.55
the _Lawrence_, having shifted her port bow-chaser, opened with both
the long 12's, and at meridian began with her carronades, but the
shot from the latter all fell short. At the same time the action
became general on both sides, though the rearmost American vessels
were almost beyond the range of their own guns, and quite out of
range of the guns of their antagonists. Meanwhile the _Lawrence_
was already suffering considerably as she bore down on the enemy.
[Illustration: The Battle of Lake Eire: a painting done for Thomas
Brownell, sailing master of the _Ariel_, by George I. Cook in 1815-16.
The composition was inspected for accuracy by Commodore Perry and
three other officers as well as by Brownell himself, "all of whom,"
he wrote years later, "were in the battle, and in whose minds all
its incidents, the positions of the fleets & appearance of the vessels
was fresh. In the last two particulars the picture is the product
of our joined opinions and recollections; it is, therefore, to be
presumed that it is a correct representation of that naval combat."
Here published for the first time, it depicts the second stage of
the battle, in which Perry, having transferred his flag to the
_Niagara_, brought the entire American squadron into action. The
vessels, from left to right, are American unless denoted (Br):
_Lady Prevost_ (Br), _Trippe_, _Chippeway_ (Br), _Caledonia_,
_Niagara_, _Detroit_ (Br), _Queen Charlotte_ (Br), _Hunter_ (Br),
_Scorpion_, _Ariel_, _Porcupine_, and _Lawrence_. (Courtesy U.S.
Naval Academy Museum)]
It was twenty minutes before she succeeded in getting within good
carronade range, and during that time the action at the head of the
line was between the long guns of the _Chippeway_ and _Detroit_,
throwing 123 pounds, and those of the _Scorpion_, _Ariel_, and
_Lawrence_, throwing 104 pounds. As the enemy's fire was directed
almost exclusively at the _Lawrence_ she suffered a great deal. The
_Caledonia_, _Niagara_, and _Somers_ were meanwhile engaging, at
long range, the _Hunter_ and _Queen Charlotte_, opposing from their
long guns 96 pounds to the 39 pounds of their antagonists, while
from a distance the three other American gun-vessels engaged the
_Prevost_ and _Little Belt_. By 12.20 the _Lawrence_ had worked
down to close quarters, and at 12.30 the action was going on with
great fury between her and her antagonists, within canister range.
The raw and inexperienced American crews committed the same fault
the British so often fell into on the ocean, and overloaded their
carronades. In consequence, that of the _Scorpion_ upset down the
hatchway in the middle of the action, and the sides of the _Detroit_
were dotted with marks from shot that did not penetrate. One of the
_Ariel's_ long 12's also burst. Barclay fought the _Detroit_
exceedingly well, her guns being most excellently aimed, though they
actually had to be discharged by flashing pistols at the touchholes,
so deficient was the ship's equipment. Meanwhile the _Caledonia_
came down too, but the _Niagara_ was wretchedly handled, Elliott
keeping at a distance which prevented the use either of his carronades
or of those of the _Queen Charlotte_, his antagonist; the latter,
however, suffered greatly from the long guns of the opposing schooners,
and lost her gallant commander, Captain Finnis, and first lieutenant,
Mr. Stokes, who were killed early in the action; her next in command,
Provincial Lieutenant Irvine, perceiving that he could do no good,
passed the _Hunter_ and joined in the attack on the _Lawrence_, at
close quarters. The _Niagara_, the most efficient and best-manned
of the American vessels, was thus almost kept out of the action by
her captain's misconduct. At the end of the line the fight went on
at long range between the _Somers_, _Tigress_, _Porcupine_, and
_Trippe_ on one side, and _Little Belt_ and _Lady Prevost_ on the
other; the _Lady Prevost_ making a very noble fight, although her
12-pound carronades rendered her almost helpless against the long
guns of the Americans. She was greatly cut up, her commander, Lieutenant
Buchan, was dangerously, and her acting first lieutenant, Mr. Roulette,
severely wounded, and she began falling gradually to leeward.
The fighting at the head of the line was fierce and bloody to an
extraordinary degree. The _Scorpion_, _Ariel_, _Lawrence_, and
_Caledonia_, all of them handled with the most determined courage,
were opposed to the _Chippeway_, _Detroit_, _Queen Charlotte_,
and _Hunter_, which were fought to the full as bravely. At such
close quarters the two sides engaged on about equal terms, the
Americans being superior in weight of metal, and inferior in number
of men. But the _Lawrence_ had received such damage in working down
as to make the odds against Perry. On each side almost the whole
fire was directed at the opposing large vessel or vessels; in
consequence the _Queen Charlotte_ was almost disabled, and the
_Detroit_ was also frightfully shattered, especially by the raking
fire of the gun-boats, her first lieutenant, Mr. Garland, being
mortally wounded, and Captain Barclay so severely injured that he
was obliged to quit the deck, leaving his ship in the command of
Lieutenant George Inglis. But on board the _Lawrence_ matters had
gone even worse, the combined fire of her adversaries having made
the grimmest carnage on her decks. Of the 103 men who were fit for
duty when she began the action, 83, or over four fifths, were killed
or wounded. The vessel was shallow, and the ward-room, used as a
cockpit, to which the wounded were taken, was mostly above water,
and the shot came through it continually, killing and wounding many
men under the hands of the surgeon.
The first lieutenant, Yarnall, was three times wounded, but kept
to the deck through all; the only other lieutenant on board, Brooks,
of the marines, was mortally wounded. Every brace and bowline was
shot away, and the brig almost completely dismantled; her hull was
shattered to pieces, many shot going completely through it, and the
guns on the engaged side were by degrees all dismounted. Perry kept
up the fight with splendid courage. As the crew fell one by one,
the commodore called down through the skylight for one of the
surgeon's assistants; and this call was repeated and obeyed till
none were left; then he asked, "Can any of the wounded pull a rope?"
and three or four of them crawled up on deck to lend a feeble hand
in placing the last guns. Perry himself fired the last effective
heavy gun, assisted only by the purser and chaplain. A man who did
not possess his indomitable spirit would have then struck. Instead,
however, although failing in the attack so far, Perry merely determined
to win by new methods, and remodelled the line accordingly. Mr. Turner,
in the _Caledonia_, when ordered to close, had put his helm up, run
down on the opposing line, and engaged at very short range, though the
brig was absolutely without quarters. The _Niagara_ had thus become
the next in line astern of the _Lawrence_, and the sloop _Trippe_,
having passed the three schooners in front of her, was next ahead.
The _Niagara_ now, having a breeze, steered for the head of Barclay's
line, passing over a quarter of a mile to windward of the _Lawrence_,
on her port beam. She was almost uninjured, having so far taken very
little part in the combat, and to her Perry shifted his flag. Leaping
into a row boat, with his brother and four seamen, he rowed to the
fresh brig, where he arrived at 2.30, and at once sent Elliott astern
to hurry up the three schooners. The _Trippe_ was now very near the
_Caledonia_. The _Lawrence_, having but 14 sound men left, struck her
colors, but could not be taken possession of before the action
re-commenced. She drifted astern, the _Caledonia_ passing between
her and her foes. At 2.45, the schooners having closed up, Perry,
in his fresh vessel, bore up to break Barclay's line.
The British ships had fought themselves to a standstill. The _Lady
Prevost_ was crippled and sagged to leeward, though ahead of the
others. The _Detroit_ and _Queen Charlotte_ were so disabled that
they could not effectually oppose fresh antagonists. There could
thus be but little resistance to Perry, as the _Niagara_ stood down,
and broke the British line, firing her port guns into the _Chippeway_,
_Little Belt_, and _Lady Prevost_, and the starboard ones into the
_Detroit_, _Queen Charlotte_, and _Hunter_, raking on both sides.
Too disabled to tack, the _Detroit_ and _Charlotte_ tried to wear,
the latter running up to leeward of the former; and, both vessels
having every brace and almost every stay shot away, they fell foul.
The _Niagara_ luffed athwart their bows, within half pistol-shot,
keeping up a terrific discharge of great guns and musketry, while
on the other side the British vessels were raked by the _Caledonia_
and the schooners so closely that some of their grape shot, passing
over the foe, rattled through Perry's spars. Nothing further could
be done, and Barclay's flag was struck at 3 P.M., after three and
a quarter hours' most gallant and desperate fighting. The _Chippeway_
and _Little Belt_ tried to escape, but were overtaken and brought
to respectively by the _Trippe_ and _Scorpion_, the commander of
the latter, Mr. Stephen Champlin, firing the last, as he had the
first, shot of the battle. "Captain Perry has behaved in the most
humane and attentive manner, not only to myself and officers, but
to all the wounded," writes Captain Barclay.
The American squadron had suffered severely, more than two thirds
of the loss falling upon the _Lawrence_, which was reduced to the
condition of a perfect wreck, her starboard bulwarks being completely
beaten in. She had, as already stated, 22 men killed, including
Lieutenant of Marines Brooks and Midshipman Lamb; and 61 wounded,
including Lieutenant Yarnall, Midshipman (acting second lieutenant)
Forrest, Sailing-Master Taylor, Purser Hambleton, and Midshipmen
Swartout and Claxton. The _Niagara_ lost 2 killed and 25 wounded
(almost a fifth of her effectives), including among the latter the
second lieutenant, Mr. Edwards, and Midshipman Cummings. The
_Caledonia_ had 3, the _Somers_ 2, and _Trippe_ 2, men wounded. The
_Ariel_ had 1 killed and 3 wounded; the _Scorpion_ 2 killed, including
Midshipman Lamb. The total loss was 123; 27 were killed and 96 wounded,
of whom 3 died.
The British loss, falling most heavily on the _Detroit_ and _Queen
Charlotte_, amounted to 41 killed (including Capt. S. J. Garden,
R.N., and Captain R. A. Finnis), and 94 wounded (including Captain
Barclay and Lieutenants Stokes, Buchan, Rolette, and Bignall): in
all 135. The first and second in command on every vessel were killed
or wounded, a sufficient proof of the desperate nature of the defence.
[Illustration: The following diagrams will serve to explain the movements.]
[Illustration: 2 P.M.]
[Illustration: 2:30 P.M.]
The victory of Lake Erie was most important, both in its material
results and in its moral effect. It gave us complete command of all
the upper lakes, prevented any fears of invasion from that quarter,
increased our prestige with the foe and our confidence in ourselves,
and ensured the conquest of upper Canada; in all these respects its
importance has not been overrated. But the "glory" acquired by it
most certainly _has_ been estimated at more than its worth. Most
Americans, even the well educated, if asked which was the most
glorious victory of the war, would point to this battle. Captain
Perry's name is more widely known than that of any other commander.
Every school-boy reads about _him_, if of no other sea-captain;
yet he certainly stands on a lower grade than either Hull or
Macdonough, and not a bit higher than a dozen others. On Lake Erie
our seamen displayed great courage and skill; but so did their
antagonists. The simple truth is, that, where on both sides the
officers and men were equally brave and skilful, the side which
possessed the superiority in force, in the proportion of three to
two, could not well help winning. The courage with which the
_Lawrence_ was defended has hardly ever been surpassed, and may fairly
be called heroic; but equal praise belongs to the men on board the
_Detroit_, who had to discharge the great guns by flashing pistols at
the touchholes, and yet made such a terribly effective defence.
Courage is only one of the many elements which go to make up the
character of a first-class commander; something more than bravery
is needed before a leader can be really called great.
There happened to be circumstances which rendered the bragging of
our writers over the victory somewhat plausible. Thus they could
say with an appearance of truth that the enemy had 63 guns to our
54, and outnumbered us. In reality, as well as can be ascertained
from the conflicting evidence, he was inferior in number; but a few
men more or less mattered nothing. Both sides had men enough to work
the guns and handle the ships, especially as the fight was in smooth
water, and largely at long range. The important fact was that though
we had nine guns less, yet, at a broadside, they threw half as much
metal again as those of our antagonist. With such odds in our favor
it would have been a disgrace to have been beaten. The water was
too smooth for our two brigs to show at their best; but this very
smoothness rendered our gun-boats more formidable than any of the
British vessels, and the British testimony is unanimous, that it
was to them the defeat was primarily due. The American fleet came
into action in worse form than the hostile squadron, the ships
straggling badly, either owing to Perry having formed his line badly,
or else to his having failed to train the subordinate commanders
how to keep their places. The Niagara was not fought well at first,
Captain Elliott keeping her at a distance that prevented her from
doing any damage to the vessels opposed, which were battered to pieces
by the gun-boats without the chance of replying. It certainly seems
as if the small vessels at the rear of the line should have been
closer up, and in a position to render more effectual assistance;
the attack was made in too loose order, and, whether it was the fault
of Perry or of his subordinates, it fails to reflect credit on the
Americans. Cooper, as usual, praises all concerned; but in this
instance not with very good judgment. He says the line-of-battle
was highly judicious, but this may be doubted. The weather was
peculiarly suitable for the gun-boats, with their long, heavy guns;
and yet the line-of-battle was so arranged as to keep them in the
rear and let the brunt of the assault fall on the _Lawrence_, with
her short carronades. Cooper again praises Perry for steering for
the head of the enemy's line, but he could hardly have done any thing
else. In this battle the firing seems to have been equally skilful
on both sides, the _Detroit's_ long guns being peculiarly well served;
but the British captains manoeuvred better than their foes at first,
and supported one another better, so that the disparity in damage
done on each side was not equal to the disparity in force. The chief
merit of the American commander and his followers was indomitable
courage, and determination not to be beaten. This is no slight merit;
but it may well be doubted if it would have ensured victory had
Barclay's force been as strong as Perry's. Perry made a headlong
attack; his superior force, whether through his fault or his
misfortune can hardly be said, being brought into action in such
a manner that the head of the line was crushed by the inferior force
opposed. Being literally hammered out of his own ship, Perry brought
up its powerful twin-sister, and the already shattered hostile squadron
was crushed by sheer weight. The manoeuvres which marked the close
of the battle, and which ensured the capture of all the opposing
ships, were unquestionably very fine.
The British ships were fought as resolutely as their antagonists,
not being surrendered till they were crippled and helpless, and
almost all the officers, and a large proportion of the men placed
_hors de combat_. Captain Barclay handled his ships like a first-rate
seaman. It was impossible to arrange them so as to be superior to
his antagonist, for the latter's force was of such a nature that in
smooth water his gun-boats gave him a great advantage, while in any
sea his two brigs were more than a match for the whole British squadron.
In short, our victory was due to our heavy metal. As regards the
honor of the affair, in spite of the amount of boasting it has given
rise to, I should say it was a battle to be looked upon as in an
equally high degree creditable to both sides. Indeed, if it were
not for the fact that the victory was so complete, it might be said
that the length of the contest and the trifling disparity in loss
reflected rather the most credit on the British. Captain Perry showed
indomitable pluck, and readiness to adapt himself to circumstances;
but his claim to fame rests much less on his actual victory than on
the way in which he prepared the fleet that was to win it. Here his
energy and activity deserve all praise, not only for his success in
collecting sailors and vessels and in building the two brigs, but
above all for the manner in which he succeeded in getting them out
on the lake. On _that_ occasion he certainly out-generalled Barclay;
indeed the latter committed an error that the skill and address he
subsequently showed could not retrieve. But it will always be a
source of surprise that the American public should have so glorified
Perry's victory over an inferior force, and have paid comparatively
little attention to Macdonough's victory, which really was won
against decided odds in ships, men, and metal.
There are always men who consider it unpatriotic to tell the truth,
if the truth is not very flattering; but, aside from the morality
of the case, we never can learn how to produce a certain effect unless
we know rightly what the causes were that produced a similar effect
in times past. Lake Erie teaches us the advantage of having the odds
on our side; Lake Champlain, that, even if they are not, skill can
still counteract them. It is amusing to read some of the pamphlets
written "in reply" to Cooper's account of this battle, the writers
apparently regarding him as a kind of traitor for hinting that the
victory was not "Nelsonic," "unsurpassed," etc. The arguments are
stereotyped: Perry had 9 fewer guns, and also fewer men than the
foe. This last point is the only one respecting which there is any
doubt. Taking sick and well together, the Americans unquestionably
had the greatest number in crew; but a quarter of them were sick.
Even deducting these they were still, in all probability, more
numerous than their foes.
But it is really not a point of much consequence, as both sides had
enough, as stated, to serve the guns and handle the ships. In
sea-fights, after there are enough hands for those purposes additional
ones are not of so much advantage. I have in all my accounts summed
up as accurately as possible the contending forces, because it is
so customary with British writers to follow James' minute and
inaccurate statements, that I thought it best to give every thing
exactly; but it was really scarcely necessary, and, indeed, it is
impossible to compare forces numerically. Aside from a few exceptional
cases, the number of men, after a certain point was reached, made
little difference. For example, the _Java_ would fight just as
effectually with 377 men, the number James gives her, as with 426,
the number I think she really had. Again, my figures make the _Wasp_
slightly superior in force to the _Frolic_, as she had 25 men the
most; but in reality, as the battle was fought under very short sail,
and decided purely by gunnery, the difference in number of crew was
not of the least consequence. The Hornet had nine men more than the
_Penguin_, and it would be absurd to say that this gave her much
advantage. In both the latter cases, the forces were practically equal,
although, numerically expressed, the odds were in favor of the
Americans. The exact reverse is the case in the last action of the
_Constitution_. Here, the _Levant_ and _Cyane_ had all the men they
required, and threw a heavier broadside than their foe. Expressed
in numbers, the odds against them were not great, but numbers could
not express the fact that carronades were opposed to long guns, and
two small ships to one big one. Again, though in the action on Lake
Champlain numbers do show a slight advantage both in weight of metal
and number of men on the British side, they do not make the advantage
as great as it really was, for they do not show that the British
possessed a frigate with a main-deck battery of 24-pounders, which
was equal to the two chief vessels of the Americans, exactly as the
_Constitution_ was superior to the _Cyane_ and _Levant_. [Footnote:
It must always be remembered that these rules cut both ways. British
writers are very eloquent about the disadvantage in which carronades
placed the _Cyane_ and _Levant_, but do not hint that the _Essex_
suffered from a precisely similar cause, in addition to her other
misfortunes; either they should give the _Constitution_ more credit
or the _Phoebe_ less. So the _Confiance_, throwing 480 pounds of
metal at a broadside, was really equal to both the _Eagle_ and
_Saratoga_, who jointly threw 678. From her long guns she threw 384
pounds, from her carronades 96. Their long guns threw 168, their
carronades 510. Now the 32-pound carronade mounted on the spar-deck
of a 38-gun frigate, was certainly much less formidable than the
long 18 on the main-deck; indeed, it probably ranked more nearly
with a long 12, in the ordinary chances of war (and it must be
remembered that Downie was the attacking party and chose his own
position, so far as Macdonough's excellent arrangements would let
him.) So that in comparing the forces, the carronades should not
be reckoned for more than half the value of the long guns, and we
get, as a mere approximation, 384 + 48 = 432, against 168 + 255 =
423. At any rate, British writers, as well as Americans, should
remember that if the _Constitution_ was greatly superior to her
two foes, then the _Confiance_ was certainly equal to the _Eagle_
and _Saratoga_; and _vica versa_.] And on the same principles I think
that every fair-minded man must admit the great superiority of Perry's
fleet over Barclay's, though the advantage was greater in carronades
than in long guns.
But to admit this by no means precludes us from taking credit for
the victory. Almost all the victories gamed by the English over the
Dutch in the 17th century were due purely to great superiority in
force. The cases have a curious analogy to this lake battle. Perry
won with 54 guns against Barclay's 63; but the odds were largely
in his favor. Blake won a doubtful victory on the 18th of February,
1653, with 80 ships against Tromp's 70; but the English vessels were
twice the size of the Dutch, and in number of men and weight of metal
greatly their superior. The English were excellent fighters, but no
better than the Dutch, and none of their admirals of that period
deserve to rank with De Ruyter. Again, the great victory of La Hogue
was won over a very much smaller French fleet, after a day's hard
fighting, which resulted in the capture of _one_ vessel! This victory
was most exultingly chronicled, yet it was precisely as if Perry had
fought Barclay all day and only succeeded in capturing the _Little
Belt_. Most of Lord Nelson's successes were certainly won against
heavy odds by his great genius and the daring skill of the captains
who served under him; but the battle of the Baltic, as far as the
fighting went, reflected as much honor on the defeated Danes as on
the mighty sea-chief who conquered them. Many a much-vaunted victory,
both on sea and land, has really reflected less credit on the victors
than the battle of Lake Erie did on the Americans. And it must always
be remembered that a victory, honorably won, if even over a weaker
foe, _does_ reflect credit on the nation by whom it is gained. It
was creditable to us as a nation that our ships were better made
and better armed than the British frigates, exactly as it was creditable
to them that a few years before their vessels had stood in the same
relation to the Dutch ships. [Footnote: After Lord Duncan's victory
at Camperdown, James chronicled the fact that all the captured
line-of-battle ships were such poor craft as not to be of as much
value as so many French frigates. This at least showed that the Dutch
sailors must have done well to have made such a bloody and obstinate
fight as they did, with the materials they had. According to his
own statements the loss was about proportional to the forces in action.
It was another parallel to Perry's victory.] It was greatly to our
credit that we had been enterprising enough to fit out such an effective
little flotilla on Lake Erie, and for this Perry deserves the highest
praise. [Footnote: Some of my countrymen will consider this but scant
approbation, to which the answer must be that a history is not a
panegyric.]
Before leaving the subject it is worth while making a few observations
on the men who composed the crews. James, who despised a Canadian
as much as he hated an American, gives as one excuse for the defeat,
the fact that most of Barclay's crew were Canadians, whom he considers
to be "sorry substitutes." On each side the regular sailors, from
the seaboard, were not numerous enough to permit the battle to be
fought purely by them. Barclay took a number of soldiers of the regular
army, and Perry a number of militia, aboard; the former had a few
Indian sharp-shooters, the latter quite a number of negroes. A great
many men in each fleet were lake sailors, frontiersmen, and these
were the especial objects of James' contempt; but it may be doubted
if they, thoroughly accustomed to lake navigation, used to contests
with Indians and whites, naturally forced to be good sailors, and
skilful in the use of rifle and cannon, were not, when trained by
good men and on their own waters, the very best possible material.
Certainly the battle of Lake Erie, fought mainly by Canadians, was
better contested than that of Lake Champlain, fought mainly by British.
The difference between the American and British seamen on the Atlantic
was small, but on the lakes what little there was disappeared. A
New Englander and an Old Englander differed little enough, but they
differed more than a frontiersman born north of the line did from
one born south of it. These last two resembled one another more nearly
than either did the parent. There had been no long-established naval
school on the lakes, and the British sailors that came up there were
the best of their kind; so the combatants were really so evenly matched
in courage, skill, and all other fighting qualities, as to make it
impossible to award the palm to either for these attributes. The
dogged obstinacy of the fighting, the skilful firing and manoeuvring,
and the daring and coolness with which cutting-out expeditions were
planned and executed, were as marked on one side as the other. The
only un-English element in the contest was the presence among the
Canadian English of some of the descendants of the Latin race from
whom they had conquered the country. Otherwise the men were equally
matched, but the Americans owed their success--for the balance of
success was largely on their side--to the fact that their officers
had been trained in the best and most practical, although the smallest,
navy of the day. The British sailors on the lakes were as good as
our own, but no better. None of their commanders compare with Macdonough.
Perry deserves all praise for the manner in which he got his fleet
ready; his victory over Barclay was precisely similar to the
quasi-victories of Blake over the Dutch, which have given that admiral
such renown. Blake's success in attacking Spanish and Algerian forts
is his true title to fame. In his engagements with the Dutch fleets
(as well as in those of Monk, after him) his claim to merit is no
greater and no less than Perry's. Each made a headlong attack, with
furious, stubborn courage, and by dint of sheer weight crushed or
disabled a greatly inferior foe. In the fight that took place on
Feb. 18, 1653, De Ruyter's ship carried but 34 guns, [Footnote:
"La Vie et Les Actions Memorables de Lt.-Amiral Michel De Ruyter"
(Amsterdam, 1677), p. 23. By the way, why is Tromp always called
Van Tromp by English writers? It would be quite as correct for a
Frenchman to speak of MacNelson.] and yet with it he captured the
_Prosperous_ of 54; which vessel was stronger than any in the Dutch
fleet. The fact that Blake's battles were generally so indecisive
must be ascribed to the fact that his opponents were, though inferior
in force, superior in skill. No decisive defeat was inflicted on
the Dutch until Tromp's death. Perry's operations were on a very
small, and Blake's on a very large, scale; but whereas Perry left
no antagonists to question his claim to victory, Blake's successes
were sufficiently doubtful to admit of his antagonists in almost
every instance claiming that _they_ had won, or else that it was
a draw. Of course it is absurd to put Perry and Blake on a par,
for one worked with a fleet forty times the strength of the other's
flotilla; but the way in which the work was done was very similar.
And it must always be remembered that when Perry fought this battle
he was but 27 years old; and the commanders of his other vessels
were younger still.
Champlain.
The commander on this lake at this time was Lieutenant Thomas
Macdonough, who had superseded the former commander, Lieutenant
Sydney Smith,--whose name was a curious commentary on the close
inter-relationship of the two contesting peoples. The American naval
force now consisted of two sloops, the _Growler_ and _Eagle_, each
mounting 11 guns, and six galleys, mounting one gun each. Lieutenant
Smith was sent down with his two sloops to harass the British
gun-boats, which were stationed round the head of Sorel River, the
outlet to Lake Champlain. On June 3d he chased three gun-boats into
the river, the wind being aft, up to within sight of the fort of
Isle-aux-noix. A strong British land-force, under Major-General
Taylor, now came up both banks of the narrow stream, and joined the
three gun-boats in attacking the sloops. The latter tried to beat
up the stream, but the current was so strong and the wind so light
that no headway could be made. The gun-boats kept out of range of
the sloop's guns, while keeping up a hot fire from their long 24's,
to which no reply could be made; but the galling fire of the infantry
who lined the banks was responded to by showers of grape. After three
hours' conflict, at 12.30, a 24-pound shot from one of the galleys
struck the _Eagle_ under her starboard quarter, and ripped out a
whole plank under water. She sank at once, but it was in such shoal
water that she did not settle entirely, and none of the men were
drowned. Soon afterward the _Growler_ had her forestay and main-boom
shot away, and, becoming unmanageable, ran ashore and was also captured.
The _Growler_ had 1 killed and 8 wounded, the _Eagle_ 11 wounded;
their united crews, including 34 volunteers, amounted to 112 men.
The British gun-boats suffered no loss; of the troops on shore three
were wounded, one dangerously, by grape. [Footnote: Letter from Major
General Taylor (British) to Major-General Stone. June 3, 1813. Lossing
says the loss of the British was "probably at least one hundred,"--on
what authority, if any, I do not know.] Lieutenant Smith had certainly
made a very plucky fight, but it was a great mistake to get cooped
up in a narrow channel, with wind and current dead against him. It
was a very creditable success to the British, and showed the
effectiveness of well-handled gun-boats under certain circumstances.
The possession of these two sloops gave the command of the lake to
the British. Macdonough at once set about building others, but with
all his energy the materials at hand were so deficient that he could
not get them finished in time. On July 31st, 1,000 British troops,
under Col. J. Murray, convoyed by Captain Thomas Everard, with the
sloops _Chubb_ and _Finch_ (late _Growler_ and _Eagle_) and three
gunboats, landed at Plattsburg and destroyed all the barracks and
stores both there and at Saranac. For some reason Colonel Murray
left so precipitately that he overlooked a picket of 20 of his men,
who were captured; then he made descents on two or three other places,
and returned to the head of the lake by Aug. 3d. Three days afterward,
on Aug. 6th, Macdonough completed his three sloops, the _President_,
_Montgomery_, and _Preble_, of 7 guns each, and also six gunboats;
which force enabled him to prevent any more plundering expeditions
taking place that summer, and to convoy Hampton's troops when they
made an abortive effort to penetrate into Canada by the Sorel River
on Sept. 21st.
BRITISH LOSS ON THE LAKES DURING 1813.
Name. Tons Guns Remarks
_Ship_. 600 24 Burnt on stocks.
_Gloucester_. 180 10 Taken at York.
_Mary_. 80 3 Burnt.
_Drummond_. 80 3 Captured.
_Lady Gore_. 80 3 "
_Schooner_. 80 3 "
_Detroit_. 490 19 "
_Queen Charlotte_. 400 17 "
_Lady Prevost_. 230 13 "
_Hunter_. 180 10 "
_Chippeway_. 70 1 "
_Little Belt_. 90 3 "
-------------- ----- -----
12 vessels 2,560 109
AMERICAN LOSS.[1]
Name. Tons. Guns. Remarks
_Growler_. 112 11 Captured
_Eagle_. 110 11 "
------------- ----- ----
2 vessels, 222 22
[Footnote 1: Excluding the _Growler_ and _Julia_ which were recaptured.]