two banners and ten thousand chosen men for his guard, beside an
infinity of Turks, with scaling ladders, moveable wooden castles, and
other engines. The attack was become very bloody: the ditches were
filled, and the walls scaled. At this critical moment was sir John
Justinian wounded by a ball from a culverin, and carried off to be
dressed, after he had resigned his command to two genoese gentlemen.
The Turks pursued their success,--and the Christians, seeing themselves
overpowered, and that sir John Justinian had quitted his command, which
they mistook for his having fled, abandoned the walls, and ran away.
Thus did the Turks enter Constantinople, the 28th day of May, in the
year aforesaid, putting all to the sword who made any resistance[172].
No attack was made on Pera, for the greater part of the inhabitants
were in Constantinople assisting in its defence. Those who had
remained did not attempt to carry away any of their effects, but
deliberated to send the keys of their town to the Turk, and offer him
the city, in which were six thousand men, and throw themselves on the
mercy of God. A good many of both sexes, however, embarked on board a
genoese vessel to escape, and one ship laden with women was seized by
the Turks.
The emperor of Constantinople died there. Some say that he was
beheaded,--others, that he was squeezed to death by the crowd as he
was attempting to escape by one of the gates: both may perchance be
true,--as he may have been pressed to death, and the Turks may have cut
off his head afterwards.
This was a melancholy event for the Christians; for after the Turks
had gained peaceable possession of the city, they entered the churches,
more especially the cathedral of St Sophia, which is a very large and
magnificent building,--and finding it full of ladies, damsels, and
others of high rank, they ravished them all without any distinction,
and in contempt of God our Creator and of the catholic faith. The Turk
even violated the empress in this church, made her his concubine,
and carried her with him when he departed from the city. His troops
indulged themselves with impunity in every luxury and detestable vice.
The large galleys of the Venetians, and from Trebisonde, waited until
the middle of the ensuing day to save some of the Christians, and about
four hundred embarked on board. In the number was Jacques Totaldi[173],
who had been on guard at a part of the wall distant from where the
Turks had entered: perceiving that all was lost, he made for the shore,
and by swimming saved himself on board one of these galleys.
Had the venetian fleet, under the command of John la Rendour[174],
arrived the preceding day with his troops, most assuredly the city
would have been relieved,--for it consisted of nine galleys and twenty
other vessels. It arrived the day after the conquest at Negropont.
It has been estimated, that the plunder the Turks made in
Constantinople amounted to four thousand millions of ducats: the loss
of the Venetians alone was said to be fifty thousand ducats. The
Genoese saved on board their galleys twenty thousand: the Florentines
lost twenty thousand,--the merchants of Ancona fifteen thousand. From
conversations with different Turks, we have heard that the grand Turk,
when only twenty-three or twenty-four years old, was more cruel than
Nero, and delighted in shedding blood: he was bold and ambitious,
and more ardent to conquer the world than Alexander or Cæsar. It is
alleged that he possesses larger territories, and greater power,
than any other monarch whatever. He has different histories read out
to him,--and demands the reason why such and such things have been
done. He holds it an easy matter to throw a bridge from Megara[175]
to Venice, for a passage to march his army thither. He inquires where
Rome is situated,--and after the duke of Milan, of his valiant deeds,
and other affairs. He can talk of nothing but war; and declares that
he will make Constantinople his seat of empire, for that he is able
and desirous to establish a large navy. He imagines that there is not
a prince on earth but will bring him the keys of his towns before he
calls for them, considering that he has taken by storm Constantinople,
the strongest city in Europe, and so powerful that it was thought no
army, however great, could accomplish it, and that he and his troops
are bold in arms, holding their lives of no value to gain an object.
It is supposed that the Turk will not this summer attempt any other
warlike enterprise, but attend to his new settlement in Constantinople,
unless some places he may wish for should surrender quietly. His
soldiers want to return to their homes to enjoy and repose themselves,
but he keeps them strictly to good discipline, that he may be prepared
to resist any attacks that shall be made upon him. However, if the
Christians would firmly unite, and act promptly, they would drive him
out of Europe, never to return again.
This would be the plan I would offer for so desirable an object:
First, an universal peace must be established in Christendom; then the
Venetians, the duke of Milan, the Florentines, and the other princes of
Italy, should raise an army of twenty thousand horse, well appointed,
and under able captains, who should lead them to Pera, through Albania,
as far as the possessions of the Christians, where they should halt in
a country well supplied with all kinds of provision. They will be there
secure, and instantly joined by the Albanians, Sciavonians, and other
Christian nations, who will unite in the defence of the catholic faith.
In addition to this army, another should be formed at sea by the king
of Arragon, the Venetians, the Genoese, the Florentines, and other
maritime nations, whose fleets will be fully sufficient to conquer
that of the Turk if it be not greatly increased to what it is at
present. This fleet should sail for the port of Negropont, and take
Sagripoch[176], and other places, from the Turk: it should likewise
blockade the passage of the Dardanelles, and prevent any intercourse
between Turkey and Greece.
The emperor of Hungary, the Bohemians, the Poles, the Walachians, and
other nations in that quarter, should raise an army under the command
of John Waiwoda[177], who is much feared by the Turks, and enter
Turkey by Adrianople; and all these armies should so manage that their
invasions take place at the same time, and that good intelligence reign
among them that the success may not be doubtful.
The Turk, with all his efforts, cannot raise a greater army than two
hundred thousand men, including bad and good; and it must be added,
that among the number are many Christians, and others of his subjects,
that follow him unwillingly, who on the approach of a sufficient army
of Christians will desert and join them.
The Turks, by nature and custom, will not wait to be besieged, but
continually keep the field, which will the more easily encourage
desertions. The Christians from Russia must join this division of the
united forces.
The Caramanian, who is a great prince, and a bitter enemy to the Turks,
should he be informed of this intended warfare against the Turk, he
will harrass him much, and, with some inducements, may probably become
a Christian. In Greece, there will not be a common peasant but will
exert himself to bring provisions to the Christian army. On the other
hand, the Turks will be straitened for provision, as their resources
from Greece will be cut off by sea; and it may be supposed that the
Greeks will be anxious to recover their lands by the sword,--and the
moment that the two armies shall approach Turkey, the whole of the
unbelievers' army must be nearly famished and defeated.
Should the Christians, however, delay their exertions, and allow the
Turk time to strengthen himself by sea and land, there can be no doubt
but that he will cause great damage to the Christians, which God forbid!
In the venetian galley, eight citizens of Venice returned, who had been
settled at Constantinople; but thirty-eight gentlemen and forty others
remained behind. May God speedily assist them in their deliverance.
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 163: M. du Cange says, that this chapter must be compared
with Phrantzes.
This chapter, containing the hearsay account of transactions which took
place at a considerable distance from the kingdom of France abounds,
as it might be expected, with errors, the correction of which, as they
occur, would be a task equally laborious and unprofitable. Whoever
wishes to make himself acquainted with the details of the siege and
capture of Constantinople by Mahomet II. may peruse the 68th chapter of
Gibbon's History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire.]
[Footnote 164: Morbesan. Mahomet II. son to Amurath or Morad II.]
[Footnote 165: Palendrins,--Palendric,--a flat boat.----Du Cange's
Glossary.]
[Footnote 166: Sangombassa. Q.]
[Footnote 167: Melse Mondagarin. Q, the sea of Marmora?]
[Footnote 168: Albitangoth. Q.]
[Footnote 169: Colombassa. Q.]
[Footnote 170: Siglardy. Q.]
[Footnote 171: Galigaria. Q. Galata?]
[Footnote 172: 'Constantinople had long been aimed at by the turkish
power; but the diversions formed by Huniades and George Castriot had
retarded an event, which the effeminacy and profligacy of both rulers
and people had rendered inevitable. Constantine Drakoses, the last
emperor, merited a better fate, if there could be a better, than dying
for his country. When he found Mohammed determined to besiege his city,
he raised what force he could, which amounted to no more than three or
four thousand men; nor could the imperial treasury afford to continue
in its pay a celebrated german engineer, who, on his stipend being
lessened, went in disgust to the Turks, and cast those immense pieces
of cannon which are still the wonder of the Dardanelles.
'To Giustiniani, a Genoese, who, with five hundred men, came to defend
the city, Constantine gave the chief command, promising to make him
prince of Lemnos if he drove off the Turks. Meanwhile the citizens sat
like ideots determined to suffer the extremities of war, and expose
their wives and children to violation and slaughter, rather than
support an emperor who they knew wished to unite the greek with the
latin church.
'Mohammed had four hundred thousand men in arms around the city; but
though his fleet was large, he could not approach the walls by the
harbour, and had even been witness to the success of five ships from
Genoa, who had forced their way through his numerous navy. To remedy
this, he contrived by engines, and an immense strength of hands, to
draw a vast detachment of galleys over a peninsula into the harbour,
and then the blockade was complete. The cannoneers, too, of the Turks
were instructed by an hungarian ambassador (moved by a foolish prophecy
that Christendom would never thrive until Constantinople was taken,)
how to do the most damage to the old and ruinous fortifications of the
devoted city.
'When all was ready for an assault, Mohammed sent to offer lives,
liberty, and goods, to the emperor and people, with settlements in
Greece, if they would give up the place,--but in vain. The Turks were
at first gallantly repulsed, Constantine defending the breach, and
Giustiniani bravely seconding his efforts: unhappily the latter being
seized with a panic, on receiving a slight wound, and quitting his
post, the Italians, who were the strength of the besieged, followed,
and the enemy burst in with hardly any opposition. The wretched emperor
saw that all was lost,--and was only heard to say, 'Alas! is no
Christian here to strike off my head?' A Turk performed that office;
and Mohammed with his army rushing in, every bar to slaughter, rapine,
and violence, gave way.
'Meanwhile numbers of the Greeks stood calmly around the church of
Santa Sophia, while others coolly employed themselves in a solemn
procession, deluded by a fanatic, who had foretold, that as soon as
the infidels should force their way to a certain part of Europe, and
enriched every province, but particularly Italy, with their science.
'The whimsically superstitious are fond of a silly remark, that as the
western empire began and ended with an Augustus so did that of the east
begin and end with a Constantine; but a much more useful speculation
from the dreadful fate of this metropolis, and still more from that of
Rome in 1527, presents itself to the rich and indolent citizen, viz.
that opulence, far from securing its owners, only holds out a bait to
the destroyer; and that no wealthy city should think itself secure
without union, good government, and military exertions, among its
inhabitants.'
_Andrews' Hist. of Great Britain._]
[Footnote 173: Totaldi. Q.]
[Footnote 174: John la Rendour. Q. Giacopo Loredan? He sailed from
Venice with only five galleys, and was to take up five more in the
ports of Dalmatia and Candia.
_Storia della Repubblica di Venezia.--Laugier._--Tom. vii. p. 63.]
[Footnote 175: Megara. This must be a mistake: indeed, the whole
chapter is exceedingly confused.]
[Footnote 176: Sagripoch. Q.]
[Footnote 177: John Waiwoda. Q.]
CHAP. LVII.
THE TURK SENDS LETTERS TO THE POPE, WHO, IN CONSEQUENCE, WISHES TO
FORM A CROISADE AGAINST HIM.--LE BLANC[178], KNIGHT-MARSAL OF HUNGARY,
DEFEATS THE TURKS NEAR THE PORT OF SAMBRINE[179].
The grand Turk, moved by presumption at his unexpected success and
prosperity, and through his great pride, sent two letters to pope
Nicholas, of similar contents,--the one in Latin, the other in French.
The tenour of the last was as follows: 'Morbesan lord of Achaia, son
to Orestes, with his brothers,--to the high priest of Rome, health,
according to his deserts. Whereas it has lately come to our ears that,
at the request and prayers of the people of Venice, you have publicly
preached in your churches, that whoever shall take up arms against us
shall receive in this life a remission of his sins, with a promise
of life eternal hereafter. This we did not hear of until the arrival
of some pilgrims, who have crossed the sea in venetian vessels,--and
it has caused in us the utmost astonishment. Although you may perhaps
have received powers from the God of thunders to absolve and release
souls, so much the more prudently and discreetly should you exercise
this power, nor by such means induce the Christians to act hostilely
against us, and more especially the Italians; for we have lately had
information that our fathers have declared the turkish nation was
innocent of the death of your CHRIST crucified,--and that they neither
possess nor have any knowledge of those places which are by you held
sacred, and that we have always had the jewish nation in hatred,
who, from what we have read in histories and chronicles, did most
treacherously betray and deliver up the CHRIST to the roman judge in
Jerusalem, to suffer death on the cross.
'We marvel, therefore, and grieve, that the Italians should be our
enemies,--for we are naturally inclined to be attached to them, as
being, like to ourselves, of the issue of the trojan race, and of
ancient birth. We are sprung from the same blood, and regularly
descended from king Priam and his line; and it is our intention to
advance with our armies to those parts of Europe that have been
promised to us by the gods of our forefathers. We have also the
intention of restoring Troy the great, and to avenge the blood of
Hector and the queen Ixion[180], by subjecting to our government the
empire of Greece and punishing the descendants of the transgressors.
We also intend subjugating the island of Crete, and the others in that
sea, of which the Venetians have robbed us by violence.
'We require, therefore, that you act with more discretion, and that
you impose silence on your preachers in Italy, that they may no longer
comply with the requests before mentioned of these Venetians, and
provoke the Christians to wage war against us, as we have no cause of
warfare against them from any difference in our creeds. It is of no
importance that we do not put our whole faith in your CHRIST, since we
allow him to have been a very great prophet; and as we do not follow
his law, we are not to be compelled to believe in him.
'If any dispute has arisen between us and the Venetians, it is
without colour of justice, or of authority from Cæsar or from any
other prince. Through their pride and ambition, they have possessed
themselves of many islands and other places that formed part of our
government,--which usurpations we cannot and will not longer suffer,
for the time of repossession is near at hand.
'For these and other reasons you ought therefore to be silent, and
desist from your enterprises, especially as we know the Venetians to be
a distinct people, in their manners and laws, from the Romans, although
they think themselves superior to all the world; but, by the aid of our
great god Jupiter, we will bring their pride and insolence to an end.
Should you not prudently desist from your intentions, we shall march
our whole force against you, aided by the numberless kings of the east,
who seem now to be slumbering; and we will bring an irresistible force
by sea and land, not only against you and your walking pilgrims bearing
the cross, but also against Germany and France, should you excite them
to war upon us.
'With the aid of Neptune, god of the sea, we intend to cross the
Hellespont, into Dalmatia, with numberless armies, and to visit the
northern regions as far as Thrace.
'Given at our triumphal palace in June, in the 840th year of Mohammed,
sealed and enregistered.'
About this time, the chevalier le Blanc, who was not of a noble family,
but originally a smith in Hungary, before he commenced captain in the
wars under the king of Hungary, took the field to combat the Turks,
having with him from twenty to twenty-four thousand combatants, and
had gained the port of Sambrine, where were full eighty thousand
Turks. They had waited at this port fifteen days, to see if any
reinforcements would arrive, which coming to the knowledge of the
knight, he departed from Mortune[181], and came up with the Turks
two hours before day-break, and attacked them with such courage that
twenty-four thousand were slain: the rest fled to their shipping and
escaped,--for the Hungarians had no vessels to pursue them. The Turks,
however, fought valiantly,--and the knight with many of his companions
were wounded. He returned back with fifty Turks his prisoners: six of
whom he sent to pope Nicholas: six to the king of France, and six to
the duke of Burgundy. In the number was the first cousin of the grand
Turk.
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 178: Q. Le Blanc?]
[Footnote 179: Q. 'Le Port de Sambrine?']
[Footnote 180: Hecuba.]
[Footnote 181: Mortune. Q.]
CHAP. LVIII.
JUDGMENT GIVEN AGAINST JACQUES COEUR AND THE DAMSEL OF
MORTAIGNE.--MASTER WILLIAM EDELIN, DOCTOR OF DIVINITY, IS PUBLICLY
REPRIMANDED AT EVREUX.
On the 29th of May, in the year 1453, judgment was pronounced by the
chancellor of France, in the presence of the king, against Jacques
Coeur, for the crimes he had been charged with, and for which he had
been imprisoned.
In consequence of the charges made out against him, he was condemned to
death and confiscation of effects; but as the king inclined to mercy,
and would rather sinners should repent than die, out of his especial
grace, he remitted the first part of the sentence, on condition that
he redeemed, at any price, the Christian whom he had restored to the
Saracens,--or if that could not be done, then he was to redeem some
other Christian slave from their power.
In regard to the money which he had unjustly wrung from the king's
subjects, to the amount of incalculable sums, he was adjudged to repay
one hundred thousand crowns; and for the many and various offences
that he had committed against the king, he was sentenced to pay a fine
of four hundred thousand crowns, and the overplus of his effects,
wheresoever they might be placed, was confiscated to the crown. He was
also deprived of his offices, both public and private, and declared
incapable of ever again holding them, and was likewise banished France.
He was also adjudged to make _amende honorable_[182] to the king, in
the person of his attorney, bareheaded and ungirdled, having a lighted
link of ten pounds weight in his hands; and he was to declare, that
he had falsely and disloyally restored the Christian to the Saracens,
and supplied them with arms and ammunition, requesting pardon from God,
from the king, and from Justice.
It was also declared, that the bonds of the lords de la Fayette and de
Cadillac were void, and of none effect; and that neither Jacques Coeur
nor any of his heirs should receive any advantage from them, as they
were now annulled.
When the chancellor had passed this sentence, he added, by command of
the king, that his majesty reserved to himself the ultimate decision of
the banishment and other graces.
In regard to the damsel of Mortaigne, although her body and effects had
been condemned, yet in consideration of the great services which her
ancestors and husband had rendered the king, his majesty remits the
capital part of the sentence, and restores to her the effects that had
been confiscated; but she is strictly forbidden, on pain of suffering
the above penalties, to approach, within two leagues, the persons
of the king or queen,--and is likewise condemned to make _amende
honorable_ to the king, by proxy in her attorney, who is to declare
that she had falsely and wickedly accused Jacques Coeur, Jacques
Colone, and Martin Prendoux, and to ask pardon for the same of God,
the king, and Justice. She was condemned to pay to the said Martin the
sum of four hundred livres of the current coin; and to the wife and
two daughters of Jacques Colone, one hundred livres each, amounting to
three hundred livres more.
On the Sunday preceding Christmas-day in this year, master Guillaume
Edelin, doctor of divinity, prior of St Germain en Laye, formerly a
monk of the order of St Augustin, and of other orders, was publicly
reprimanded on a scaffold in the city of Evreux, and condemned to
perpetual imprisonment in the prisons of the bishoprick, for having
given himself up to the temptations and power of the enemy of mankind,
that he might accomplish his carnal desires. He was particularly
charged with cohabiting with a lady of birth, and, to accomplish
this, had bound himself in such servitude to Satan that he was
obliged to attend him whenever called upon by him. When such meetings
were appointed he had only to bestride a broom, and was instantly
transported to their consistorial meeting.
Master Guillaume frankly confessed that he had done homage to the
enemy, under the form of a sheep, by kissing his posteriors,--and that
he had persevered for many years in this damnable debasement, and had
been aided by the enemy whenever he required it of him, until the time
of his arrest; when, having been duly convicted by the law, he was
detained prisoner, and the power of the enemy was without effect. He
therefore remained, according to his sentence, closely confined in a
dungeon, fed on bread and water. The inquisitor of the faith frequently
remonstrated with him on the degeneracy of his conduct from what it was
formerly, when he went about preaching so well to the people the faith
of JESUS CHRIST.
During the reprimands of the inquisitor, the prisoner was placed on a
scaffold, in the presence of great crowds of people.
At the end of these remonstrances, master Guillaume, knowing how
infamously he had relinquished our Creator and Redeemer, began to groan
and repent aloud of his sins, asking mercy of God, the bishop, and
Justice, and recommending himself to the prayers of the audience. He
was then chained, and conducted to his dungeon to do penance for the
horrible sins he had committed.
FOOTNOTES: