mission of the American Battleship Division Six, under Rear Admiral T.
S. Rodgers, U.S.N., flagship _Utah_, which was sent over to guard the
convoys and was based on Berehaven, Ireland.
One officially reported statement of a German submarine captain said that
three submarines, including his own, had been damaged by the barrage but
all had reached port. The injury in his case prevented his diving. Other
accounts, in the press and from individuals, give some indication of the
moral effect produced by this great minefield, reaching to the German
Army and also among civilians.
It would be interesting to know what proportion of the submarines that
passed the line of the barrier were harmed by it, but the effect upon the
enemy went far beyond such tangible injuries. Every successive case of
being damaged yet escaping destruction would increase the moral effect,
and magnify the number of losses that would be attributed to the barrage,
as other submarines failed to return. Official summaries rate depth
charges first, mines next, in importance among the five most effective
measures against submarines.
A mark of royal approval was indirectly conferred upon the Mine Force
undertaking after only one excursion, in the bestowal upon Rear Admiral
Strauss of the honor Knight Commander of St. Michael and St. George,
and our operations received mention later by the First Sea Lord of the
British Admiralty in his reply to the congratulatory message of Admiral
Sims upon the conclusion of the armistice:
We recognize with a feeling of gratitude the debt we owe to the
United States Navy for its wholehearted support during the past
18 months, not only in the submarine campaign and extensive
minelaying programme, but also in sending the Atlantic squadron
to reinforce the Grand Fleet ...
During the four months intervening, the press made occasional brief
reference to the effectiveness of the North Sea barrier but, compared to
other operations, ours received scant mention. A veil of general silence
was deemed necessary for our doings, and the policy of concealing the
destruction of submarines stood in the way of even telling our men the
few authentic reports we did receive of damage to the enemy from our own
work.
One account, widely copied in the British and home press, described the
barrier, which we had begun and were still at work upon, as already a
fact and a British accomplishment! And when, in October, the story was
released in America, the accounts which reached us dwelt mainly upon the
parts of the work done on shore. As the Secretary of the Navy put it, the
minelaying was done with “no glamour nor romance nor appreciation.”
It was not in the character of our officers and men, however, to feel
discontent. Thoroughly interested in their work and convinced of its
importance, they were satisfied to have it progressing well, and to wait
for their part to receive its due.
Admiral Sims expressed his recognition shortly before we sailed from
Portland, England, for home. All the commanding officers, many other
officers, and 25 men from each minelayer were assembled on board the _San
Francisco_, and when the admiral came on board, his flag was broken at
the main truck. After brief mention of the large numbers and the many
activities of our naval forces in European waters, he said that the Mine
Force—
had done a stunt the like of which had not been done in the
world before. After we came into the war we designed a mine,
built it, equipped the minelayers, sent them over to this side
and planted more mines in less space of time than any nation in
the world ever thought of doing before. As to the efficiency of
the mine barrier, that is something that has not concerned you
so particularly as those who designed it; but fitting out the
vessels, learning to handle the mines, planting them, and going
through the strenuous work has been really one of the finest
accomplishments of the navy on this side.... as a nautical
feat, a piece of seamanship, it has been perfectly successful.
Another thing particularly gratifying is that the conduct of
the men of the Mine Force at their bases and at sea has been
exemplary. I think one thing that has impressed itself on this
side more than any other is the conduct of our men. They were
inclined to regard us, when we first came over here, as men
out of the wilds of America. I think they rather wanted to
strengthen their police force when we came around. They found
out it was not necessary. Not only have you created a good
impression by your conduct as far as seamanship is concerned,
but you have created a splendid impression socially. We hear it
on all sides....
I wish you a Merry Christmas and a Happy New Year; and when you
get back there you can tell them all about it. You need not
feel that you have to tell them you did the whole thing. Just
tell them a straight story and you may be more than satisfied
with that....
The Secretary of the Navy’s annual report characterizes the Northern
Barrage as “the outstanding anti-submarine offensive project of the
year,” and elsewhere he wrote of it as “a truly wonderful work,” the
story of it “one of the thrilling contributions of what the navy men did
in the war.”
Admiral Benson, Chief of Naval Operations, our highest professional
authority, considered the achievement of the Mine Force
one of the most successful efforts of the whole war by any of
the forces engaged. Not only has the North Sea barrage had a
deterring effect necessarily on the enemy, but it has convinced
the European nations that there is no task which the United
States once undertakes to perform that they cannot and will not
successfully carry through. I believe that the moral effect
alone of the North Sea barrage, not only on the enemy, but on
our friends, to say nothing of the excellent training to our
own personnel, will be worth more to the country than all the
money and time spent upon it.
Actual serious damage to submarines, in amount comparing well with that
done by patrol and escort vessels in thrice the period of time, panic
among submarine flotillas, probable deterrence of cruiser raids, and
considerable moral effect at home and abroad—these results were well
worth while. And is it not more than probable that the barrage weighed
heavily towards the German collapse? Imperfect though it was—expected to
be so in its first consideration—still, there it stood, a deadly menace
already, which could and would become more and more effective, the more
the submarine campaign was persisted in. That campaign could not hope to
survive it.
CHAPTER EIGHTEEN
GENERAL LIVING CONDITIONS
No account of the mining excursions would be complete without some
description of the conditions in which the ships’ companies worked.
The accommodations on board were sufficient for their officers and,
when clear of mines and the weather such as to permit hatches and air
ports to be open, the crew’s quarters were roomy and comfortable. Upon
embarking mines, however, the crew spaces in all ships except _Shawmut_
and _Aroostook_ became very cramped, and as the season advanced, mines
were on board during a greater part of the time, while rainy weather
became more frequent, thus making more discomfort on board with less
diversion on shore. The simplest movement below decks was interfered with
by the mines; moreover, their presence forbade moving pictures on board,
restricted smoking, and limited the “happy hours” and similar forms of
diversion, so common in our navy and so particularly desirable in our
circumstances.
After the third excursion it became the rule to embark the mines as
soon as possible after returning to base. For the one night following a
planting, the ships’ decks would be clear for hammocks, and all the watch
below might then swing on their billets. Occasionally there would be one
more night before the mines would be in the way again, but generally
most of the ships would begin to take coal or mines on the day following
their return to port. Thus the period of rest allowed, after the physical
exertion and the tension of a mining excursion, was brief.
Ventilation was always poor at sea, especially in the _Roanoke_ and
_Quinnebaug_ classes. The intended ventilation systems had not been
completed, no ship having more than 60 per cent of the designed supply
of air and some less than 40 per cent. On the lower mine decks, with
steam on the elevator pumps and mine winches, and considerable numbers
of men in the track crews, the air became very close, foul, and hot. As
the weather grew bad, causing seasickness below, the condition of the
lower decks and the air may be imagined, making an extensive cleaning and
airing out imperative immediately on reaching port.
All the ships crews numbered considerably more than originally intended,
because extra men were found to be needed and still others were taken, in
training for the general naval supply. Notwithstanding the crowding and
other unfavorable conditions, partial inspections in the course of the
summer and thorough inspections at the close showed that in upkeep and
cleanliness—as well as in mining, steaming, signaling, tactical handling,
boating, messing, and discipline—the state of affairs in all departments
was highly creditable to any type of ship.
The crowded conditions on board, the lack of deck space, and the tense
and arduous character of the men’s normal work, made diversion on
shore more than ordinarily necessary. Thanks to the energy and tact of
Commander Canaga and the squadron athletic officer, Lieut. Commander
Hewlett, and to the coöperation of the ships’ athletic officers, interest
in athletics was well sustained, a series of well-played baseball games
giving entertainment to the townspeople as well as the men, and doing
much to promote friendly relations, as described in an earlier chapter.
And thanks are due in large measure to the local residents for their
hospitality extended to both officers and men. The opening of the
Northern Meetings’ building, well equipped, by the American Y.M.C.A., and
a large reception by Captain and Mrs. Rowley at Inverness, and a similar
initiative by Rear Admiral and Mrs. Pears at Invergordon, gave such
things a good start, which carried on throughout our stay.
Inverness being headquarters for the relief of prisoners of war in
Germany belonging to the Cameron Highlanders, and Invergordon for
the Seaforth Highlanders, our people attended the fairs and sports
in considerable numbers, bringing in new life and spirit, as well as
swelling the receipts. The bands from our two bases and from the _San
Francisco_ were in constant demand through all the neighboring country,
and exhibition games of baseball made another drawing feature. After the
Black Isle fête, at the ancient little town of Fortrose, the manager
wrote that the _San Francisco’s_ band had brought in £27 from the sale of
programs alone, and the whole intake was more than double the previous
year’s.
For the Cameron Highlanders’ sports, the Countess of Elgin organized a
toy-making competition, offering souvenir prizes. Our men entered into
the idea with more interest than expected, producing many articles of
real value, none that did not bring a good price, and helping materially
to make the toy stall a great success. Before sailing for home, the men
afloat and ashore combined in presenting a fund exceeding $500 to equip a
new school playground for the Inverness boys and girls.
When the summer had passed and darkness came on early, dances became
frequent, the Scottish lassies quickly learning the American steps. The
erstwhile quiet little Queensgate hotel did a rushing business, its ball
room being taken, by sailors or officers, six nights in the week. And the
men of Base 18, together with amateur talent of Inverness, staged a show,
of which Admiral Sims, who saw it in London, said:
I saw your show, the second part of it, in London the other
day. It had anything of its kind I have seen skinned to death.
There isn’t another one that holds a candle to it. It is
particularly gratifying that the show included a number of
the young girls of Inverness. The show was clean and refined
and splendid in every way. It was a pleasure to go behind the
curtain and thank them and to kiss that wee bit of a girl who
used to do the dance.
These diversions kept the men in good spirits and up to the mark in their
work. They were the more useful because of our comparative isolation and
concealment. The best was made of whatever came, with unabated zeal,
steady improvement, and cheerfulness always. Despite the high prices of
clothing and the excessive wear and tear on uniforms from the mines, the
crews kept themselves, as well as their ships, in creditable appearance.
Their discipline was excellent, their behavior on shore on all occasions
repeatedly evoking favorable comment, both official and private, and
their fine spirit showed also in a handsome subscription to the Liberty
Loans, the squadron taking of the fourth loan five dollars for each mine
in their fields. As a visiting naval officer reported:
The whole Mine Force is short on criticism and complaints, but
long on work and results, and the navy should be intensely
proud of them.
CHAPTER NINETEEN
FAREWELL TO THE HIGHLANDS
The squadron’s task was not finished with the signing of the armistice,
for some of the unused mines had to be carried back. Two weeks passed
before orders came for home—all kinds of rumors were rife meanwhile, and
the wait was the more trying because of the influenza quarantine against
amusement resorts. This had its benefit, in that the Mine Force escaped
the epidemic almost entirely, but with the season too far advanced and
rainy for athletics and the Y.M.C.A. closed, the quarantine bore hard on
the men afloat.
So long as the mines were on board, no relaxation of discipline could
be permitted, and in order to keep the men well occupied, infantry and
rifle practice were added to the ship drills, and formal inspections of
ships were begun. The prospect of these inspections always keys things
up. All ships did well, but the last one inspected, _Roanoke_, Captain
Stearns, surpassed all expectation, being a model—judged by the highest
standard—of efficient organization, training, and administration,
pervaded by a uniformly high and loyal spirit.
One great test was to rig for getting the mines out in case of
fire—though a forlorn hope at best, since 15 minutes (the time in which
the mines would explode when exposed to fire) would scarcely suffice to
begin discharging. The promise of Commander Beck, _Roanoke’s_ executive
officer, to be ready in 10 minutes was received by his colleagues with
derision. When the test came, he stood quietly by, letting his men work
without coaching. A flicker of patient resignation came over his face
as he saw that some zealot had disabled one of the winches to be used
by putting oil on the friction-clutch, because “it looked like bright
work.” But in spite of the consequent delay, all was ready in only
_six_ minutes. “I thought I was some little executive myself,” said one
colleague, “but I’ve got nothing more to say.”
Fortunately the quarantine was raised in time for full enjoyment of our
last week in the Highlands. Our friends omitted nothing in hospitality
and goodwill. Entertaining on board had been an extreme rarity during
the minelaying, but now it could be permitted, and the squadron had
the honor of a visit from The Mackintosh of Mackintosh, chief of
Clan Chattan, colonel of the Cameron Highlanders, lord lieutenant of
Invernesshire, who had been most hospitable to us. All the captains were
assembled on board the _San Francisco_ to receive him and afterwards to
lunch with him. He inspected the crew and ship with Captain Butler, his
first visit to an American man-of-war since 1870 in Gibraltar, on board
the old _Kearsarge_. Chancing to ask a man’s name, the reply “Scott,
sir,” made everything after that go smoothly.
On our national Thanksgiving Day, Rear Admiral Clinton-Baker sent
a message to Rear Admiral Strauss, which, with the latter’s reply,
expressed cordial satisfaction in working together and in the mutual
regard and respect sprung up, which would help to bring the two great
navies into still closer union. A theater party and reception at
Invergordon and a formal dinner and ball at Inverness were given that day
by British naval officers. The ball was held in the “Northern Meeting”
rooms, the annual assembly place of all the Highland nobility and gentry.
This was the first dance there since the war began, and it was a most
enjoyable affair, picturesque with dress kilts and lively with the
Highland fling. Next day the enlisted men were given a ball in the same
place, which usually held 700, but on this occasion 1400. Next morning my
orderly, Rose, could not wait for me to appear but woke me up to hear,
“Commodore, the British treated us _fine_!”
On Saturday, the American officers gave a return ball, which was as well
attended as we could desire, and so, at midnight, festivities ended.
Our sailing being set for Sunday midnight, there could be no gatherings
at the actual departure, but just before noon Captain Rowley came out to
the _San Francisco_ with Mrs. Rowley and a small party, to say goodbye,
and at Invergordon Rear Admiral Pears went on board the _Roanoke_, to
use her radio telephone for his parting message to me. From late that
afternoon until midnight the flagship’s signal bridge had no respite,
farewell messages and replies continuing until we were clear of the
harbor. All were the same tenor—appreciation of the work accomplished,
“pleasant and friendly memory, goodbye and God speed.” The recollections
taken away of beautiful country and kindly people could only make us wish
to revisit them.
Among the last signals exchanged with the shore were:
To: Commander Mine Squadron One:
The Commander Mine Force wishes to thank the officers and the
men of the Mine Squadron for their efficient work and loyal
coöperation and wishes them a happy return to the United States.
To: Commander Mine Force:
The Squadron Commander in behalf of the captains, officers, and
men of Mine Squadron One returns sincere acknowledgment for
the Commander Mine Force. Signal of thanks and good wishes.
The Squadron is deeply gratified to receive his approbation
for its part in his unprecedented undertaking so successfully
accomplished.
CHAPTER TWENTY
SCAPA FLOW
The Mine Force was not represented at the surrender of the German fleet,
but on our way to Portland, where leave was to be given before sailing
for home, we passed through Scapa Flow to see the surrendered ships.
As our long, single column approached the British squadrons lying at
anchor, on guard, a signal invited us to steer between their lines, and
as we wound in between the battleships and battle cruisers, their crews
were assembled on deck—very striking in solidity of mass and evenness of
rank and file. They cheered each passing minelayer, our crews running
from side to side to make response, the bands playing the national airs,
and signals being exchanged.
To: Admiral First Battle Squadron.
From: Commander Mine Squadron One.
Captain Belknap presents his compliments and regrets that
his movement orders do not permit paying his respects in
person to Admiral Madden. The U.S. Mine Squadron sends
congratulations upon the great success that has brought about
this unprecedented spectacle. 0919.
From: Admiral Madden.
To: Captain Belknap.
Thank you for your 0919. I wish the Mining Squadron speedy
return home and have much regret in parting with such a
splendid force.
Then silence was ordered, as we neared the Germans’ anchorage. First
came the destroyers, to the left, moored in pairs with a few British
destroyers at their head, and then, on the west side of Cava Island, the
large ships came into view. Many signs of their downfallen state were
evident, and the sight was to me the more impressive from having seen
that fleet in its ascendancy. Now, in some ships scarcely a man was to
be seen, on others the rails were crowded, officers and men mingling
together, to gaze on their untouched bait.
In quiet procession we had nearly passed them all, when the British
trawlers on the opposite side, holding the net across Hoy Sound—had been
holding it in fair weather and foul, for three long years—seeing our flag
and knowing what our work had been, broke out in long and loud blasts
of their whistles—having crews too small for an audible cheer. The _San
Francisco_ responded with the usual three whistle blasts, which the ships
following repeated in succession, but one of them blew her siren instead,
and that started them all again. For a few moments there was a fearful
din, and how this must have struck the British ships, on the other side
of Cava, was indicated by the next signals exchanged soon afterwards:
From: Captain Belknap.
To: Admiral Madden.
Many thanks for your kind message. The Mine Squadron has much
enjoyed its duty with the Grand Fleet and is much honored by
the association.
From: Admiral Madden.
To: Captain Belknap.
Reply.—Thank you. For your hilarious Mining Squadron, a speedy
trip home and have much regret in parting with such a brave
bunch.
Clearing the island, we passed H.M.S. _Lion_, flagship of Vice Admiral
Pakenham, who had commanded the support on our last excursion. The _Lion_
was steaming back and forth across the way out, like a sentry on his
beat, a ready check on any German ship that might attempt escape.
Replying to my greeting, the _Lion_ flashed from Vice Admiral Pakenham:
I greatly regret that only a farewell signal is possible. You
take with you not only my personal regards, but the gratitude
and admiration of the Battle Cruiser Force and united wishes
for a happy return to your country.
As the squadron passed out of the harbor, the garrisons at the entrance
turned out and cheered and one of the seaplanes that had patrolled for
submarines while the squadron was planting on some of its excursions
sailed over and around the _San Francisco_, each time nearer, until he
swooped by with a roar and a wave of the hand, so near that his wing tip
passed not 20 feet from the bridge.
Three months afterwards came a letter from Vice Admiral Sir William C.
Pakenham:
I trust old friends on your side have enjoyed return to their
own country, but we miss them much over here. When your Force
steamed through Scapa, I thought Providence as well as skill
must have been on your side to enable you to pass through a
period of such dangerous service, and yet to take all home.
CHAPTER TWENTY-ONE
HOME
Until departure from Scotland, the squadron had been almost free from
the influenza epidemic prevailing elsewhere so seriously, but during
the ten-day stay at Portland some cases appeared among men returning
from leave. Among 427 persons on board the _San Francisco_, there were
113 cases before the disease was finally checked. Enough officers and
leading men escaped, however, to warrant sailing for home with only one
day’s delay, but leaving 40 men in Portland hospital. A few mild cases
developed on board the other ships, fortunately with no serious outcome.
On Saturday, 14 December, the _Shawmut_ and _Aroostook_ sailed for the
Azores, en route for Bermuda and Hampton Roads, their limited fuel
radius making these stops necessary. The rest of the squadron followed
on Tuesday, 17 December, taking the direct route. The rule of no
homeward-bound pennants for less than two years’ absence being relaxed
on account of exceptional conditions, all ships on leaving Portland flew
long streamers—one so long and large from the _Roanoke_, a steam winch
was needed to hoist it.