[316] _Cabots_, pp. 77, 147, 201, 204; cf. Malte-Brun, _Histoire de la
géographie_, i. 631.
[317] Kohl, _Maps in Hakluyt_, p. 32.
[318] Another of the Rotz maps (no. 104 in the Kohl Collection)
is similar to the eastern part of the map here given as “Western
Hemisphere;” but the passage to the west, south of Labrador
(Greenland?), is not so distinctly closed. There is a strong
resemblance to this map in a French manuscript map in the British
Museum, marked _Livre de la marine du Pilote Pastoret_ [perhaps
Pasterot or Pralut], _l’an 1587_, which is also in the Kohl Collection,
no. 110.
[319] Kohl, _Discovery of Maine_, pl. xviii.³; Harrisse, _Cabots_, p.
189.
[320] In the Huth Collection.
[321] This has “Stegen Comes” inscribed on North America, which is
supposed to commemorate the Estevan Gomez explorations; cf. Baldelli,
_Storia del milione_, vol. i. p. lxv; Zurla, _Di Marco Polo_, ii. 369;
Desimoni in _Giornale Ligustico_, p. 57.
[322] A copy of this is in the Kohl Collection.
[323] Kohl, _Description of Maine_, p. 294.
[324] Harrisse’s _Notes_, etc., nos. 188, 189; _Cabots_, p. 189, and
references there cited.
[325] A full account of this map will be found in Vol. III. chap. i.
Since that chapter was written, Harrisse has stated (_Cabots_, p. 153)
that the French Government paid M. de Hennin in 1844 four hundred
francs for this map (cf. _Essai sur la Bibliothèque du Roi_, Paris,
1856, p. 285). It has also within a year been photographed full size,
with the legends, and copies of the photographs have been placed in
nine American libraries (cf. _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc_., xix. 387, and
xx. 39 Charles Deane, in _Science_, vol. i.).
[326] See _ante_, p. 74 etc.
[327] Jomard owned it, and it is in his _Catalogue_, Paris, 1864,
no. 121; it is now owned by the Earl of Crawford and Balcarres. See
Harrisse’s _Cabots_, pp. 210, 216, for an account of Desceliers.
[328] _Bulletin de l’Académie des Inscriptions_, 30 Août, 1867.
[329] _Discovery of Maine_, p. 351, with a reproduction; he puts it
“about 1548” in his copy of it in the State Department Collection.
[330] Cf. Murphy’s _Verrazano_, p. 42, where, for the region south of
Cape Breton, it is claimed that the map-maker translated the Spanish
names of Ribero.
[331] Harrisse’s _Cabots_, p. 197; Malte-Brun, _Histoire de la
géographie_ (1831), i. 630; British Museum _Catalogue of Manuscript
Maps_ (1844), i. 22; _Additional Manuscripts_, no. 5,413.
[332] Barbie du Bocage, in _Magasin encyclopédique_ (1807), iv. 107;
Major, _Early Voyages to Australia_, pp. xxvii, xxxv; Kohl, _Discovery
of Maine_, p. 354, and _Maps in Hakluyt_, p. 38; Harrisse, _Cabots_, p.
219.
[333] _Cabots_, p. 245.
[334] _Verrazano_, p. 143.
[335] _Catalogue of Manuscripts_, no. 24,065.
[336] _Cabots_, p. 230.
[337] David Asseline’s _Les antiquités de la ville de Dieppe_,
1874, ii. 325; Harrisse, _Cabots_, p. 217; Desmarquet’s _Mémoires
chronologiques pour servir à l’histoire de Dieppe et à celle de la
navigation Française_, 1875, ii. 1.
[338] _Cabots_, p. 194.
[339] In the _Jahresbericht des Vereins für Erdkunde in Dresden_, 1870.
[340] Called “The Jomard Map.”
[341] _Cabots_, p. 238
[342] See chapter on “Cortes” in Vol. II.
[343] In Harvard College Library.
[344] _Cabots_, p. 242.
[345] Pages 425, 447.
[346] Cf. Harrisse, nos. 292, 293; Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 195. This
volume of Ramusio is said to have been prepared in 1553.
[347] It will be remembered that another map (1550) of this maker is
supposed to preserve something of the lost map of Chaves.
[348] _Catalogue of Manuscripts_, no. 25,442; Harrisse, _Cabots_, pp.
189, 193.
[349] _Les Papes géographes_, p. 118.
[350] Cf. Manno and Promis, _Notizie di Jacopo Gastaldi_ (1881), p. 19;
Harrisse, _Cabots_, p. 237.
[351] Mr. J. Carson Brevoort, who has a copy, has furnished me a
tracing of it. The late Henry C. Murphy had a copy without the date.
A sketch of the western portion is given in Vol. III. p. 67. Cf.
_Catalogue of Maps in the King’s Library, British Museum_, i. 24, and
Kohl’s _Maps in Hakluyt_, p. 29. The annexed sketch follows the copy in
the Kohl (Washington) Collection.
[352] Kohl gives it “Stadawna.”
[353] See chapter i.
[354] _Discovery of Maine_, p. 393.
[355] A copy belonging to Professor Jules Marcou has been used. All
editions are in Harvard College Library. Lelewel reproduces the
American map. Further accounts of Ortelius will be found in Vol. III.
p. 34, and on a later page in the present volume in an editorial note
on the Atlases and Charts of the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries.
[356] Leclerc (_Bibliotheca Americana_, no. 2,652) gives a map of
Thevet’s “Le nouveau monde descouvert et illustre de nostre temps,
Paris, 1581,” which Harrisse (_Cabots_, p. 252) calls another
production.
[357] Vol. i. pl. vii.
[358] _British Museum Manuscripts, Catalogue_, i. 29; and (1844) vol.
i. p. 31, no. 22,018.
[359] There is in the Kohl Collection (no. 107) a copy of a manuscript
Portuguese map in the British Museum, which Kohl puts at about 1575. A
legend on it says: “On the 20th November, 1580, a Portuguese, Fernando
Simon, lent this map to John Dee in Mortlake, and a servant of Dee
copied it for him.” It shows the coast from Cape Breton to Hudson’s
Straits, giving the St. Lawrence gulf (with the Newfoundland group of
islands), but not the river. Dee does not seem to have followed it.
[360] See Vol. III. p. 203.
[361] Given in Vol. III. p. 102.
[362] Given _ante_, p. 44.
[363] Given in Vol. III. pp. 41, 42.
[364] There are copies in the Library of Congress and in the
Carter-Brown Collection; chapters 20 and 21 are on America. The Preface
is dated 1587.
[365] Given in Vol. III. p. 213.
[366] Given in Vol. III. p. 216, and in this volume on a later page.
[367] The map is given in Vol. III. p. 101. It also appeared in later
editions (1638, 1644, etc.) of Linschoten. I have used the Harvard
College copy of Wolfe’s edition, and Mr. Deane’s copies of the Dutch
and Latin editions.
Blundeville in his _Exercises_ (p. 431) gives a description of
Mercator’s globes and of that “lately set forth by M. Molinaxe; and [p.
515] of Sir Francis Drake his first voyage into the Indies.” He also
describes various universal maps and cards of his day, noting their
cartographical peculiarities, like those of Vopellio (p. 754), Gemma
Frisius (p. 755), Mercator (p. 756), etc.
[368] See Vol. III. p. 100.
[369] See Vol. III. chap. iv.
[370] Cf. the map of New France published at this time at Cologne in
the _Beschreibung von America_,—a translation of Acosta. See Vol. II.
for the bibliography of Acosta.
[371] [Cf. chap. ii.—ED.]
[372] [Cf. Professor Shaler on the different aims of the English and
French in colonization, in the Introduction, pp. xxii, xxiii.—ED.]
[373] [See chapter iv.—ED.]
[374] The Port Royal of De Monts was on the site of Lower Granby, while
that of Poutrincourt was on that of Annapolis.
[375] [Champlain’s explorations along the coast of Maine are given
by himself in his 1613 edition, and are specially set forth in Mr.
Slafter’s memoir in _Voyages_, vol. i., and by General John M. Brown in
his “Coasting Voyages in the Gulf of Maine, 1604-1606,” in the _Maine
Historical Collections_, vol. vii.,—a paper which was also issued
separately. Champlain’s account of Norumbega is also translated in the
_Mag. of Amer. Hist_., i. 321, 332.—ED.]
[376] [De Costa, _Coast of Maine_ (1869), p. 182, claims that in one of
these expeditions Champlain discovered the Isle of Shoals, antedating
John Smith’s discovery. See also _Champlain’s Voyages_, Prince
Society’s ed., ii. 69, 70, and notes 142 and 144.—ED.]
[377] [See Vol. III. chap. vi.—ED.]
[378] [See chaps. i. and ii. of the present volume.—ED.]
[379] [For the various theories regarding the origin of the name
Quebec,—whether it is derived from a Norman title, as Hawkins
maintained; or from an exclamation of the first beholders of the
promontory, “Quel bec!” or from the Algonquin,—see Hawkins, _Picture
of Quebec_; Brasseur de Bourbourg, _Histoire du Canada_; Ferland,
_Histoire du Canada_; Garneau’s _Canada_, 4th ed., i. 57; Bell’s
translation of Garneau’s _Canada_, i. 61; Warburton’s _Conquest of
Canada_, i. 62; Shea’s edition of _Charlevoix_, i. 260.—ED.]
[380] [Charlevoix gives a map of Lake Champlain, illustrating
Champlain’s campaign of this year against the Iroquois. Cf. Brodhead’s
_New York_, i. 18, and P. S. Palmer’s _History of Lake Champlain_
(1866).—ED.]
[381] [It was while crossing one of these portages, “suffering more
from the mosquitoes than their burdens,” that Champlain is supposed
to have lost his astrolabe; and his Journal shows that his subsequent
records of latitude in the journey failed of the general accuracy
which characterized his earlier entries. At least an astrolabe, with
an inscription of its Paris make, 1603, was dug up on this route in
August, 1867. Cf. O. H. Marshall, in _Magazine of American History_
(March, 1879), iii. 179, and Alexander J. Russell’s _On Champlain’s
Astrolabe_, Montreal, 1879; also Slafter’s edition of _Champlain’s
Voyages_, iii. 64-66.—ED.]
[382] [The cellar of the Château St. Louis, the structure originally
built by Champlain, still remains. The subsequent history of the
pile is traced in Parkman’s _Old Régime_, p. 419. Cf. Le Moine’s
_Picturesque Quebec_ (1882). Shea, in his _Le Clercq_, p. 115, has a
note on Louis Hebert, the earliest settler of Quebec with a family,
who died in 1627. An account is given of some bronze cannon, relics
of Champlain’s time, in the Quebec Literary and Historical Society’s
_Transactions_, ii. 198.—ED.]
[383] [The Treaty of St. Germain-en-Laye, March 29, 1632, by which
restorations were made to the French, will be found in _Recueil de
Traités de Paix_, Leonard, Paris, 1692, vol. v. The contemporary
quarto print of the treaty, printed at St. Germain, is of such rarity
that Leclerc, _Bibliotheca Americana_, no. 794, prices a copy at five
hundred francs. See Harrisse, no. 47, who refers for the causes of the
long delay in making this restitution, to Le Clercq, _Établissement de
la Foy_, i. 419; Faillon, _Hist. de la Col. Française_, i. 256. Compare
also the notes in Shea’s _Charlevoix_, vol. ii. For the occupancy, see
Harrisse, no. 48; also Mr. Slafter’s memoir in _Champlain’s Voyages_,
i. 176, 177; and _Sir William Alexander and American Colonization_,
Prince Society edition, pp. 66-72.
There are papers relating to the English claim to Canada urged at this
time (1630-1632) among the Egerton manuscripts,—see _British Museum
Catalogue_, no. 2,395, folios 20-26.—ED.]
[384] Cf. _Mass. Archives; Doc. Coll. in France_, i. 591.
[385] Vide _Champlain’s Voyages_, Prince Society’s edition, i. 189-193.
[386] [There has been some controversy of late years over the site of
the “sépulcre particulier” in which Champlain was buried. Cf. Le Moine,
_Quebec Past and Present_, 1876, p. 41, and references; _Découverte
du Tombeau de Champlain_, par MM. les Abbés Laverdière et Casgrain,
Quebec, 1866; _Le journal de Québec et le Tombeau de Champlain_, par
Stanilas Drapeau, Quebec, 1867; Delayant, _Notice sur Champlain_,
Niort, 1867; John Gilmary Shea, in _Historical Magazine_, xi. 64, 100,
and in his _Charlevoix_, ii. 283.—ED.] For the latest view of the
subject, see _Documents Inédits Relatifs au Tombeau de Champlain_, par
l’Abbé H. R. Casgrain, _L’Opinion Publique_, Montreal, 4 Nov., 1875;
also, note 116 in Mr. Slafter’s Memoir of Champlain, in vol. i. of the
Prince Society edition of _Champlain’s Voyages_, pp. 185, 186.
[387] [The book is extremely rare. Field says a collector may pass
a lifetime without seeing it. In 1870, when the Quebec edition of
Champlain was issued, the editors got their text from a copy in the
Bibliothèque Impériale at Paris, which they believed to be unique.
There are, however, copies in Harvard College Library (lacking
signature G) and in the Carter-Brown Library (_Catalogue_, vol. ii. no.
25). The Lenox Library has a copy without date, which seems to be from
different type, and shows some typographical changes. Cf. Harrisse,
nos. 10 and 11; Brunet, _Supplément_, p. 241; Sabin, vol. iii. no.
11,834; Leclerc, _Bibliotheca Americana_ (1878, no. 694) showed a copy
priced at 1,500 francs.
There is a translation of this 1604 book in Purchas’s _Pilgrimes_, part
iv. A synopsis, “Navigation des François en la Nouvelle France dite
Canada,” is given in the preface of the _Mercure François_, 1609, by
Victor Palma Cayet (Harrisse, no. 395), which is found separately, with
the title _Chronologie septenaire de l’Histoire de la Paix entre les
Rois de France et d’Espagne_, 1598-1604, and of various dates,—1605,
1607, 1609, 1612 (_Carter-Brown Catalogue_, vol. ii. no. 32; Stevens,
_Bibliotheca Historica_, 1870, no. 2,456).
A letter of Champlain to the King on the discovery of New France, and
other documents, are included in L. Andiat’s _Brouage et Champlain
(1578-1667), Documents inédits_, Paris, 1879. It is an “Extrait des
Archives historiques de la Saintonge et de l’Aunis, t. vi. (1879);
“seventy-five copies were printed.—ED.]
[388] [The text is more ample than was subsequently retained in the
1632 edition, while what appears in that edition after page 211 is not
found in this 1613 edition. Some leaves, separately paged, contain
_Quatriesme Voyage du Sr. de Champlain, fait en l’année 1613_. There
are copies in the Harvard College, Carter-Brown (vol. ii. no. 147),
Lenox, Cornell University (_Sparks Catalogue_, no. 498), New York
State, New York Historical Society, and Massachusetts Historical
Society libraries. Rich, in 1832, priced a copy at £1 12_s._; Dufossé
of late years has held a copy, with the map in fac-simile, at 400
francs; cf. Harrisse, no. 27; Sabin, vol. iii. no. 11,835. Neither
Brunet nor Harrisse recognize the edition of 1615 mentioned by
Faribault.—ED.]
[389] [This map is further considered in its relation to the
cartography of the period in the Editorial Note on the “Maps of the
XVIIth Century,” which follows chapter vii.—ED.]
[390] [The 1619 title is as follows: _Voyages et descouvertures faites
en la Nouvelle France depuis l’année 1615; jusques à la fin de l’année
1618; ... où sont descrits les mœurs, coustumes, habits, façons de
guerroyer, chasses, dances, festins, et enterrements de divers peuples
sauvages, et de plusieurs choses remarquables qui luy sont arrivées au
dit païs, avec une description de la beauté, fertilité, et temperature
d’iceluy. Paris, 1619._ A few copies of this date (1619) are known
(Sunderland, no. 2,688; Leclerc, no. 2,696, priced at 1,500 francs);
but most copies are dated 1620, with the engraved title sometimes
retaining the 1619 date (Dufossé, no. 3,145, at 900 francs, and no.
8,235, at 600 francs; O’Callaghan, no. 571, at $55; Ellis and White,
1878, at £35; Brunet, _Supplément_, no. 242; _Huth Catalogue_, vol.
i. p. 292; Sabin, vol. iii. nos. 11,836, 11,837). The text is mostly
retained in the 1632 edition, though the voyage of 1618 and some other
parts are omitted (Harrisse, nos. 32, 33, 40).
There are copies of the 1619 date in the Lenox and Massachusetts
Historical Society libraries, and of the 1620 date in the Carter-Brown
and Lenox libraries, and in the Library of Congress.
The same engraved title and the text belong to the edition of 1627,
which has a new printed title, and the Epistle and Preface reset.
Copies of this date are in Harvard College, Carter-Brown, and Lenox
libraries, and one was sold in the Brinley sale (no. 75). See the
_Jesuit Relations_ printed by the Lenox Library, p. 4; Sabin, vol. iii.
no. 11,838. Stevens’s _Nuggets_ prices a copy at £4 4_s._—ED.]
[Footnote 391: [The publisher’s name varies in different copies. The
Boston Public Library copy (with the map in fac-simile) has “chez
Pierre Le Mur dans le grand Salle du Palais.” The Library of Congress
copy reads “Lovis Sevestre pres la porte St. Victor.” One of the
Harvard College copies has “chez Clavde Collet;” the other is a Le
Mur copy. Other copies are in the Boston Athenæum (lacking the map),
the New York Historical Society, and the State Library at Albany.
Two copies have been lately sold in America, one in the _Brinley
Catalogue_ (no. 76), and the other in the _O’Callaghan Catalogue_ (no.
572, $130), both with the map, which was supplied in fac-simile in a
second O’Callaghan copy (no. 573), now in the Boston Public Library.
The Sunderland copy (no. 2,687) had the map, which is often wanting.
Dufossé (no. 8,236) held a copy with the genuine map at 650 francs,
and other copies (nos. 5,551 and 8,961) with the map in fac-simile, at
450 and 550 francs. Leclerc priced one (no. 695) with a fac-simile map
at 750 francs, and (no. 2,697) with “l’avis au lecteur” lacking, at
1,000 francs. Quaritch advertised one with a fac-simile map at £36. Cf.
Sabin, vol. iii. no. 11,839; Brunet, _Supplément_, p. 242.
Some of the copies known have a passage at the end of the first paragraph
on page 27, which was held to be a reflection on Richelieu, in saying
that statesmen or princes might not understand the sailing of a ship, and
this led to the cancelling of sheets Dij and Diij (Stevens’s _Nuggets_,
vol. i. no. 511; Field, _Indian Bibliography_, no. 268). One of these
copies is in the Lenox Library; and one with, and another without, the
passage are in the Carter-Brown Library (vol. ii. nos. 382 and 383).
Harrisse (nos. 50, 51) says that Champlain was at the date of this
publication in Canada, that the book was doubtless made up by a
compiler, and that the record of 1631 was furnished from another source
than Champlain. Whoever arranged it abridged, omitted, and extended
with an author’s license. Mr. O. H. Marshall believes that the book
and the map never passed under Champlain’s supervision (_Mag. of Amer.
Hist._, i. 5, 6).
This issue of 1632 was reissued in 1640, with a new title, and of this
date there are copies in the Lenox and Carter-Brown libraries. Sabin
says that Mr. Lenox suggests that this 1640 edition probably consists
of rejected copies of the 1632 edition, since the cancelled, and not
the substituted, leaves are in it, and these bear the marks of having
been cut through with a sharp instrument (Sabin, vol. iii. no. 11,840,
who says that Mr. Lenox contributed most of his data on the Champlain
bibliography). Leclerc in 1878 advertised a set of the four dates
(1604, 1613, 1620, and 1632), bound uniformly, for 6,000 francs.—ED.]
[392] [It bears the title, _Voyages du Sieur de Champlain; ou, Journal
ès Découvertes de la Nouvelle France_, in two octavo volumes. The
edition (two hundred and fifty copies) was mostly distributed among
public libraries. The text, says Brunet, is not carefully followed, and
the plates are omitted.—ED.]
[393] [This “seconde édition” is explained by the fact that about 1865
the printing of a complete edition of Champlain’s works was begun in
Quebec; but just as the volumes were ready for publication, they were
totally destroyed by fire. The work was begun afresh. Dr. Shea, who
gives me this information, has a portion of the proofs of this _first_
edition, of which no entire copy is known to be preserved.—ED.]
[394] [The original manuscript is described and priced in Leclerc’s
_Bibliotheca Americana_ (1878, no. 693) in these words:—
CHAMPLAIN (Samuel). _Brief discours des choses plus remarquables que
Samuel Champlain de brouage a reconnues aux Indes Occidentales Au
voiage qu’il en a faict en Icelles en Lannee mil v^ciiij^{xx} xix. et
en Lannee mil vj^cj. comme ensuit._ (1599-1601). In-4, mar. violet.
15,000 francs. Manuscrit original et autographe orné de 6z dessins en
couleur.
Faillon, _Histoire de la Colonie Française_, i. 78, spoke of it as
being then (1865) at Dieppe (in the cabinet of M. Féret, “ancien
maire de Dieppe”) and unpublished; but in 1859 the Hakluyt Society
had printed an English translation of it, as noted in the text, with
fac-similes of the drawings (Field, no. 269). There were accounts of
the manuscript published in the _Hist. Magazine_, vii. 269; and in the
_Transactions_ of the Lit. and Hist. Soc. of Quebec, in 1863. It is now
in the Carter-Brown library.—ED.]
[395] [It reproduced the drawings of the West-India manuscript, and
also the plates of the early printed editions; but as lithographs of
copper-plates they are not very successful. It is now worth about $25
in paper. Field, _Indian Bibliography_, p. 66; cf. _Revue des Questions
historiques_, 1^{er} Juillet, 1873.—ED.]
[396] [Abstracts of Champlain’s Canadian voyages will be found in
Harris’s _Collection of Voyages_, vol. i. etc., and there is a
narrative in the _Mercure François_, xix. 803, which in Parkman’s
opinion was “perhaps written by Champlain.”
One of the best accounts for the English reader of Champlain and his
associates will be found in Parkman’s _Pioneers of France in the New
World_. Summaries are given in Guerin’s _Navigateurs Français_, p. 249;
Ferland’s _Histoire du Canada_, book ii.; Miles’s _Canada_, chaps.
5-10; Warburton’s _Conquest of Canada_, etc.—ED.]
[397] [Cf. Shea’s _Charlevoix_, i. 76.—ED.]
[398] [See the note on “The Jesuit Relations,” _sub anno_ 1627.—ED.]
[399] The _Historiæ Canadensis_ of Creuxius contains a list of the
members of this Company under the title, _Nomina Centenum, qui primi
Societatem Nouae Franciae conflauerunt_. Cf. _Massachusetts Archives:
Documents collected in France_, i. 527, and references in Harrisse,
nos. 43, 54, 430, 432, 433, 434, 438, 441, 455, 476, 532, 533; and cf.
Ferland, _Cours d’Histoire du Canada_, p. 259, Shea’s _Charlevoix_, ii.
39, and notes.
[400] The letters-patent to Roberval copied from the original
parchment, dated Fontainbleau, Jan. 15, 1540, is in _Massachusetts
Archives; Documents Collected in France_, i. 373.
[401] Cf. Hakluyt’s _Westerne Planting_, pp. 26, 101, 197, 198. A copy
of his commission is in _Massachusetts Archives; Documents Collected in
France_, i. 431.
[402] The patent granted to De Monts, with other documents confirming
his claims, was printed at the time in a small volume, copies of which
are in the library of Mr. Charles Deane and in the Carter-Brown Library
(_Catalogue_, vol. ii. no. 33).
[Illustration]
It may also be seen in Lescarbot’s _Histoire de la Nouvelle France_,
and an English translation is in Williamson’s _History of Maine_,
i. 651-654, and Harris’s _Voyages_ (1705), i. 813; cf. Harrisse,_
Notes sur la Nouvelle France_, nos. 14, 15, 27. In the _Massachusetts
Archives; Documents Collected in France_, i. (p. 435), is a copy of De
Monts’s proposition to the King, Henry IV., dated Nov. 6, 1603, with
the King’s remarks (p. 445), and the “Lettres Patentes expediées en
faveur de M. de Monts,” signed by the King at Paris, Dec. 18, 1603.
These letters-patent made him lieutenant-general of Acadia (40° to
46° N. lat.) for ten years; and by an ordinance (p. 451) all persons
were prohibited to trade within his government; and (p. 453) the King
orders all duties to be remitted on merchandise sent home by De Monts.
Cf. Faillon, _Colonie Française, au Canada_, i.; and Guerin, _Les
Navigations françaises_.
[403] [This island, now known as Douchet Island, is a few miles within
the mouth of the St. Croix River, which empties into Passamaquoddy
Bay. In the latter part of the last century, when the commissioners
of Great Britain and the United States were endeavoring to define the
St. Croix River, which by treaty had been fixed as the eastern bound
of the new nation, this island played an important part. The maps were
not conclusive respecting the historic St. Croix, some of them, like
that of Bellin in Charlevoix’s _History_ (1744), rather indicating the
Magaguadavic River, on the eastern side of the bay; but the discovery
in 1797 of the foundation-stones of De Monts’s houses on this island,
with large trees growing above them, settled the question. The island
bears evidence of having considerably wasted by the wash of the river,
and its few acres are at present hardly large enough for the purpose
it served in 1604. It is known that then the colonists resorted to
the main shore for their planting. The island now has a cottage upon
it, which bears aloft a small light, to aid river navigation, and is
maintained by the United States Government, the deepest water being
on the easterly side. The Editor examined the island in 1882, but
could not find that any traces of De Monts’s colony now remained,
though fragments of “French brick” were found there by William Willis
twenty years ago. Cf. Hannay’s _Acadia_, p. 74; Parkman’s _Pioneers
of France_, p. 227; Williamson’s _Maine_, i. 190; ii. 578; Holmes’s
_Annals_, i. 149. In a survey of 1798 the island is called Bone Island;
and it has sometimes been called, because of its position, Neutral
Island. A plan of the buildings is given on the opposite page.—ED.]
[404] [For this exploration, see ch. iii.—ED.]
[405] [There is an essay on Pontgravé in the _Mélanges_ of Benjamin
Sulte, Ottawa, 1876, p. 31.—ED.]
[406] [The question of early Dutch sojourns or settlements on the coast
is examined in J. W. De Peyster’s _The Dutch at the North Pole, and
the Dutch in Maine_, 1857, and his _Proofs considered of the Early
Settlement of Acadia by the Dutch_, 1858; and traces of remains at
Pemaquid have been assigned to the Dutch; but see Johnston in the
_Popham Memorial_, and in _History of Bristol and Bremen_; Sewall’s
_Ancient Dominions of Maine_. The early settlements of this region are
also tracked in B. F. De Costa’s _Coasts of Maine_. Cf. _New England
Historical and Genealogical Register_, 1853, p. 213; 1877, p. 337.—ED.]
[407] [According to Parkman, the elaborate notices of Madame de
Guercheville in the French biographical dictionaries of Hoefer and
Michaud are drawn from the _Mémoires de l’Abbé de Choisy_.—ED.]
[408] According to a careful census taken in 1686, the whole population
of Acadia was 915, including 30 soldiers; and there were in the
whole colony 986 horned cattle, 759 sheep, and 608 swine. (Murdoch’s
_History of Nova Scotia_, i. 166, 167.) In 1689 the census gave the
whole population as 803. (_Ibid._, p. 177.) Commenting on the almost
stationary condition of the colony for nearly a century, Murdoch
justly remarks: “It is a subject of grave reflection, that after
eighty-four years had elapsed from the founding of Port Royal in 1605,
and notwithstanding the expense of money and all the exertions of De
Monts, Poutrincourt, La Tour, Denis, and others, men highly qualified
for the task of colonization, the results should be so trifling. Many
of the settlements were now desolate and abandoned, and none of them
prosperous. Nearly forty years before, D’Aulnay had besieged St. John
with a flotilla and five hundred men, and the defenders had been
probably numerous. The contests and discords of ambitious leaders
contributed, doubtless, to this unfavorable state of things; but the
incessant interferences and invasions which the English at Boston
carried on, must be considered as the chief causes of retarding the
progress of French settlement in Acadia.”
[409] [See Vol. III. chap. ix.—ED.]
[410] The grant from Sir William Alexander, dated in 1630, was recorded
at Boston in the Suffolk Registry of Deeds (liber iii. folio 276) in
1659. This was to secure an English registry, as the region, since
Sedgwick’s expedition in 1654, had become subject to England, and
seemed likely to continue so.
[411] [The contract, March 27, 1632, between Richelieu and De Razilly
for the reoccupation of Port Royal is in _Massachusetts Archives;
Documents Collected in France_ (i. 545); and (p. 584) his commission
to take possession and drive away British subjects, with (p. 586) his
acceptance.—ED.]
[412] Bradford, _History of Plymouth Plantation_, pp. 292, 332.
[413] Winthrop, _History of New England_, i. 109.
[414] The agreement for these vessels, dated June 30, 1643, between La
Tour and Edward Gibbons, is in the Suffolk Deeds, i. 7, 8 (printed by
order of the Board of Aldermen in 1880); and a mortgage of La Tour’s
fort or plantation to Gibbons, dated May 13, 1645, as security for
the payment of two thousand and eighty-four pounds, with interest, is
recorded on folio 10. Neither instrument was recorded until 1652.
[415] A copy of the agreement is in the _Plymouth Colony Records_, ix.
59, 60, and the Latin translation is in Hutchinson’s _Collection of
Original Papers_, pp. 146, 147.
[416] The marriage contract between La Tour and Madame d’Aulnay, which
is dated Feb. 24, 1653, was printed in the original French, for the
first time, in the _Transactions of the Literary and Historical Society
of Quebec_, iii. 236-241. An English translation is in Murdoch’s
_History of Nova Scotia_, i. 120-123.
[Illustration]
[417] [Among those whom the treaty of Breda released from military
service at Quebec, was the colonel of a regiment, Jean Vincent, Baron
de St. Castine, who now took to life among the Indians, and became
the son-in-law of Madockawando, or Matakando, the chief sachem of the
Eastern Indians. He afterward lived on the peninsula still bearing
his name, near the head of Penobscot Bay, at Fort Pentagöet,—a
defence which the French had built as early probably as 1626, on the
site possibly of an earlier fort, which may date to the time of the
Guercheville expedition in 1613. Some traces of Fort Pentagöet still
remain, representing probably the magazine and well. The English
surrendered it to the French in 1670. In 1674 a pirate ship
from Boston captured the post and took De Chambly and others
prisoners. (Frontenac, Quebec, Nov. 14, 1674, to the minister,
in _Massachusetts Archives; Documents Collected in France_,
ii. 287, 291.) A Dutch frigate captured the fort in 1676. Castine in
later years made Pentagöet the base of many warlike movements, in
league with his Indian friends, against the English, till his return
to France in 1708, when he left the “younger Castine,” a half-breed,
behind, who is also a character of frequent prominence in later days.
Cf. Wheeler’s _History of Castine_; Williamson’s _Maine_, i. 471, etc.
(with references); _Maine Hist. Coll_. iii. 124, vi. 110, and vii.,
by J. E. Godfrey, who also has a paper on the younger Castine in the
_Historical Magazine_, 1873. Cf. _Maine Hist. Coll._, vol. viii.; _Mag.
Am. Hist._ 1883, p. 365.—ED.]
[418] [For the relations of this expedition to the general events
of the harrowing war of that year, see chapter vii. of the present
volume.—ED.]
[419] [Kohl (_Discovery of Maine_, p. 234) thinks that the name
_Larcadia_ appeared first in Ruscelli’s map of 1561. The origin of
the name _Acadie_ usually given is a derivation from the Indian
_Aquoddiauke_, the place of the pollock (_Historical Magazine_, i. 84),
or a Gallicized rendering of the _quoddy_ of our day, as preserved in
Passamaquoddy and the like. Cf. Principal Dawson on the name, in the
_Canadian Antiquarian_, October, 1876, and _Maine Hist. Soc. Coll._
i. 27. The word _Acadie_ is said to be first used as the name of the
country in the letters-patent of the Sieur de Monts.—ED.]
[420] _Histoire de la Nouvelle France, contenant les navigations,
découvertes, et habitations faits par les Francois és Indes
Occidentales & Nouvelle France souz l’avoeu & l’authorité de noz Rois
Tres Chrétiens, et les diverses fortunes d’iceux en l’execution de ces
choses, depuis cent ans jusques à hui. En quoy est comprise l’Histoire
Morale, Naturelle & Geographique de la dite province. Avec les Tables
& Figures a’icelle. Par Marc Lescarbot, Avocat en Parlement, Temoin
oculaire d’vne partie des choses ici recitées._ A Paris, chez Jean
Milot, tenant sa boutique sur les degrez de la grand’ salle du Palais.
1609. 8vo. pp. 888.
[Lescarbot was in the country with De Monts, and again with
Poutrincourt in 1606-7. Charlevoix calls his narrative “sincere,
well-informed, sensible, and impartial.” The third book covers
Cartier’s voyage; the fourth and fifth cover those of De Monts,
Poutrincourt, Champlain, etc.; while the sixth is given to the natives.
The first edition (1609) is very rare. Rich in 1832 priced it at £1
1_s._ Recent sales much exceed that sum: Bolton Corney, in 1871, £27;
Leclerc, no. 749, 1,200 francs, and no. 2,836, 450 francs; Quaritch,
£40; another London Catalogue, in 1878, £45. Cf. Harrisse, _Notes sur
la Nouvelle France_, nos. 16 and 17; Sabin’s _Dictionary_, no. 40,169;
Ternaux-Compans, _Bibl. Amér._ no. 321; Faribault, pp. 86-87. There are
copies in the Carter-Brown (_Catalogue_, ii. 87) and Murphy collections.
This edition, as well as the later ones, usually has bound with it a
collection of Lescarbot’s verses, _Les Muses de la Nouvelle France_,
and among them a commemorative poem on a battle between Membertou, a
chief of the neighborhood, and the “Sauvages Armor-chiquois.”
The later editions of the history were successively enlarged; that of
1618 much extended, and of a different arrangement. The edition of 1611
is priced by Dufossé, 580 francs. There are copies in the Library of
Congress, and in the Murphy and Carter-Brown (_Catalogue_, ii. 117)
collections; cf. Harrisse, no. 23.
The edition of 1612 was the one selected by Tross, of Paris, in
1866, to reprint. There are copies in the Astor and Harvard College
Libraries; cf. Harrisse, no. 25; Field’s _Indian Bibliography_, no.
917; _Brinley Catalogue_, no. 103. It seems to be the same as the 1611
edition, with the errata corrected.
The edition of 1618 contains, additionally, the second voyage of
Poutrincourt; and entering into his dispute with the Jesuits, Lescarbot
takes sides against the latter. This edition is severally priced by
Leclerc, no. 2,837, at 850 francs; by Dufossé, at 950 francs. Rich
had priced it in 1832 at £1 10_s._ There are copies in the Library of
Congress and in the Carter-Brown (_Catalogue_, ii. 201) Collection;
cf. Harrisse, no. 31; Field’s _Indian Bibliography_, no. 915. Some
authorities report copy or copies with 1617 for the date.
It is somewhat doubtful if more maps than the general one and another
appeared in the original 1609 edition; Sabin and the _Huth Catalogue_
give three. In the 1611 edition there is reference in the text to three
maps; but another map (Port Royal) is often found in it, and the 1618
edition has usually the four maps. The _Huth Catalogue_ says that no
map belonged to the English edition; the map found in the Grenville
copy, as in the Massachusetts Historical Society copy, belonging to
the French original. Sabin, however, gives it a map. The general map
is reproduced in Tross’s reprint, in Faillon’s _Colonie Française
au Canada_, and in the _Popham Memorial_; and a part of it in the
_Memorial History of Boston_, i. 49. The _Catalogue_ of the Library
of Parliament (Canadian), 1858, p. 1614, shows two maps of the St.
Lawrence River and gulf, copied from originals by Lescarbot in the
Paris archives.
Among the other productions of Lescarbot is the _La Conversion des
Sauvages qui ont été baptistes dans la Nouvelle France cette anne
1610, avec un recit du Voyage du Sieur de Poutrincourt_, which Sabin
calls “probably the rarest of Lescarbot’s books;” cf. Harrisse, no.
21. Another tract, published in Paris in 1612—_Relation derniere de
ce qui c’est passe au voyage du Sieur de Poutrincourt en la Nouvelle
France depuis vingt mois en ça_, supplementing his larger work—has been
reprinted in the _Archives curieuses de l’Histoire de France_, vol. xv.
In 1618 he printed a tract—_Le Bout de l’an, sur le repos de la France,
par le Franc Gaulois_—addressed to Louis XIII., urging him to the
conquest of the savages of the west; _Sunderland Catalogue_, no. 4,933,
£10, 10_s._ It is translated in Poor’s Gorges in the _Popham Memorial_,
p. 140.
Another nearly contemporary account of the De Monts expedition is found
in Cayet’s _Chronologie Septenaire_ 1609 (Sabin’s _Dictionary_, vol.
iii. no. 11,627) a precursor of the _Mercure Française_, which for a
long while chronicled the yearly events. Cf. an English version from
the _Mercure_ in _Magazine of American History_, ii. 49.
Lescarbot’s account of the natives may be supplemented by that in
Biard’s _Relation_. Hannay (chap. ii.) and the other historians of
Acadia treat this subject, and Father Vetromile, S. J., at one time
a missionary among the present remnants of the western tribes of
Acadia, prepared an account of their history, which was printed in the
_Maine Hist. Coll._, vol. vii.; and in 1866 he issued the _Abnakis
and their History_. He died in 1881, and his manuscript _Dictionary
of the Abenaki Dialects_ is now in the archives of the Department of
the Interior at Washington; _Proceedings of the Numismatic Society
of Philadelphia_, 1881, p. 33; cf. also Maurault, _Histoire des
Abênaquis_. Williamson, _History of Maine_, vol. i. ch. xvii., etc.,
enlarges on the tribal varieties of the Indians of the western part of
Acadia, and (p. 469) on the Etechemins, or those east of the Penobscot;
and later (p. 478), on the Micmacs or Souriquois, who were farther
east. Williamson’s references are useful.
Shea, in his notes to _Charlevoix_, i. 276, says: “Champlain says the
Kennebec Indians were Etechemins. Their language differed from the
Micmac. The name Abenaki seems to have applied to all between the
Sokokis and the St. John; the language of these tribes, the Abenakis or
Kennebec Indians, the Indians on the Penobscot and Passamaquoddy, being
almost the same.”—ED.]
[421] _Nova Francia; or the Description of that Part of New France
which is one continent with Virginia. Described in the three late
Voyages and Plantation made by Monsieur de Monts, Monsieur de
Pont-Gravé, and Monsieur de Poutrincourt, into the countries called
by the Frenchmen La Cadie, lying to the Southwest of Cape Breton.
Together with an excellent severall Treatie of all the commodities
of the said countries, and maners of the naturall inhabitants of the
same. Translated out of French into English by P. E._ London: Printed
for Andrew Hebb, and are to be sold at the signe of the Bell in Paul’s
Church-yard, [1609.] 4to. pp. 307.
This volume is a translation of books iv. and vi. of Lescarbot’s larger
work; but it has been noted as a curious circumstance that the author’s
name does not appear on the titlepage, and is nowhere mentioned in
the volume. There are two copies in the library of the Massachusetts
Historical Society: one in the general library contains Lescarbot’s
map, and has manuscript notes by the late Rev. Dr. Alexander Young;
the other copy, in the Dowse Library, formerly belonged to Henri
Ternaux-Compans. It is without the map, but contains the Preface and
Table of Contents, which are not in the copy first mentioned. It is
from the same type, but has a slightly different titlepage and imprint;
the Dowse copy purporting to be published at London by George Bishop,
and bearing the date 1609. It was a common practice of the printers of
that time to sell copies of the same work with different titlepages,
each containing the name of the bookseller who bought the printed
sheets.
[This version was made at the instance of Hakluyt, and published with
the express intention of showing, by contrast, the greater fitness
of Virginia for colonization. Cf. _Bibliotheca Grenvilliana; Huth
Catalogue_, iii. 839; Sabin, x. 40,175; _Crowninshield Catalogue_, no.
398; _Griswold Catalogue_, no. 436; Field’s _Indian Bibliography_, no.
916; Harrisse, no. 19. Rich priced it in 1832 at £2 2_s._; a copy in
the Bolton Corney sale, in 1871, brought £37. There are other copies
in the libraries of Congress, New York Historical Society, Harvard
College, and in the Carter-Brown Collection (_Catalogue_, ii. 102);
cf. Churchill’s _Voyages_, 1745, vol. ii. Erondelle’s version is also
given in Purchas, vol. iv. A German version, abridged from the 1609
original, appeared at Augsburg in 1613, called _Gründliche Historey von
Nova Francia_. There is a copy in the Library of Congress, and in the
Carter-Brown Collection (_Catalogue_, vol. ii. no. 154). Cf. Harrisse,
no. 29; _O’Callaghan Catalogue_, no. 1,374; Brinley Catalogue, no.
105; Sabin’s _Dictionary_, x. 40,177. Koehler, of Leipsic, priced this
German edition in 1883 at 120 marks.—ED.]
[422] [The visits of the Jesuits to Acadia and Penobscot in 1611 are
recounted in Jouvency’s _Historiæ Societatis Jesu pars quinta_, Rome,
1710, drawn largely from the _Relations_.—ED.]
[423] [There are, of course, illustrative materials in Lescarbot and
Champlain, and on the English side in Purchas, Smith, and Gorges among
the older writers; cf. George Folsom’s paper in the _N. Y. Hist.
Soc. Coll._, 2d series, vol. i. Champlain’s language has led some to
suppose Argall had ten vessels with him besides his own; cf. Holmes,
_Annals_; Parkman, _Pioneers_; De Costa, in Vol. III. chap. vi. of this
History.—ED.]
[424] _Description Geographique et Historique des Costes de l’Amerique
Septentrionale. Avec l’Histoire naturelle du Païs. Par Monsieur Denys,
Gouverneur Lieutenant General pour le Roy, & proprietaire de toutes les
Terres & Isles qui sont depuis le Cap du Campseaux jusque au Cap des
Roziers. Tome I._ A Paris, chez Loüis Billaine, au second pillier de la
grand’ Salle du Palais, à la Palme & au grand Cesar. 1672. 16mo. pp.
267.
[Some copies have the imprint, “Chez Claude Barbin,” as in the Harvard
College copy. There are other copies in the Library of Congress and
in the Carter-Brown Collection (_Catalogue_, ii. 1,078). Sabin (vol.
v. no. 19,615) says it should have a map; but Harrisse (nos. 136,
137) says he has found none in eight copies examined. Cf. Stevens’s
_Bibliotheca Historica_ (1870), no. 562; _O’Callaghan Catalogue_, no.
767, both without the map; cf. Harrisse, no. 102. Charlevoix says of
Denys, “he tells nothing but what he saw himself.” There is a copy of a
Dutch version (1688) in Harvard College Library.—ED.]
[425] [Mr. Smith, the writer of the present chapter, has given a
succinct account of the relations of the rival claimants with the
Massachusetts people in the _Memorial History of Boston_, vol. i. chap.
vii., with references, p. 302. The general historians, from Denys and
Charlevoix, all tell the story; cf. _Historical Magazine_, iii. 315;
iv. 281, and various papers in the _Massachusetts Archives; Documents
Collected in France_, i. 599; ii. 1, 7, 9, 19, 25, 91. The _Rival
Chiefs_, a novel, by Mrs. Cheney, is based on the events. See Rameau,
_Une Colonie féodale_, p. xxxiii; Murdoch’s _Nova Scotia_, i. 120.—ED.]
[426] _Memorials of the English and French Commissaries concerning the
Limits of Nova Scotia or Acadia._ London: Printed in the Year 1755.
8vo. pp. 771.
[This volume is said to have been drawn up by Charles Townshend
(Bancroft, original ed., iv. 100), and is fuller than the corresponding
work previously issued in Paris under the title, _Mémoires des
Commissaires du Roi et de Ceux de sa Majesté Britannique sur les
Possessions et les droits respectifs des deux Couronnes en Amerique_.
4 vols. 4to. Paris, 1755. Another edition of this last appeared the
next year in 8 vols. 12mo, and again in three thick but small volumes
at Copenhagen in 1755 (_Carter-Brown Catalogue_, vol. iii. no. 1074,
etc.). The English edition above named contains the English case (both
in English and French), signed W. Shirley and W. Mildmay, and dated
at Paris, Sept. 21, 1750; and the French, signed by La Galissonière
and De Silhouette, and dated the same day. Then follows the English
memorial of Jan. 11, 1751, with the French reply (Oct. 4, 1751),
and the English rejoinder (Jan. 23, 1753). In these papers the maps
cited and examined are the English maps of Purchas, Berry, Morden,
Thornton, Halley, Popple, and Salmon, the Dutch maps of De Laet and
Visscher, and the French maps of Lescarbot, Champlain, Hennepin, De
Lisle, Bellin and Danville, De Fer (1705) and Gendreville (1719). The
rest of the volume is made of “Pièces Justificatives” brought forward
by each side. There were maps accompanying these respective editions,
setting forth the limits as claimed by the two sides, and marking by
lines and shadings the extent of the successive patents of jurisdiction
which follow down the region’s history. Jefferys and Le Rouge were
the engravers on the opposing sides. John Green was the writer of the
_Explanation_ accompanying the Jefferys map. There was another edition
in English of the case, printed at the Hague in 1756, under the title,
_All the Memorials of Great Britain and France since the Peace of
Aix-la-Chapelle_.
The contemporary literature of the controversy is extensive, and it all
goes over the historical evidence in a way to throw much light, when
separated from partisanship, on the history of Acadia. It may be said
to have begun with a work mentioned by Obadiah Rich, _A Geographical
History of Nova Scotia_, London, 1749 (Sabin, _Dictionary of Books
Relating to America_, vol. xiii. no. 56,135), of which a French
translation was published also in London (_Carter-Brown Catalogue_,
vol. iii. no. 1,064), and a German one the next year.
Jefferys printed in 1754, _The Conduct of the French with regard to
Nova Scotia, from its First Settlement to the Present Time_; and this
appeared in a French version in London (_Conduite des François_) in the
same year, with notes said to be written by Butel-Dumont.
The next year, Dr. William Clarke, of Boston, also reviewed the
historical claims from the discovery of Cabot, in his _Observations
... with regard to the_ [French] _Encroachments_, Boston, 1755,—a
tract also reprinted in London. There may be likewise noted Pidansat
de Mairobert’s _Discussion summaire sur les anciennes limites de
l’Acadie_, printed at Basel, 1755 (_Carter-Brown Catalogue_, vol. iii.
no. 1,035); Moreau’s _Mémoire_, Paris, 1756; and Jefferys’ _Remarks on
the French Memorials_, London, 1756. The last has two maps, setting
forth respectively the French and English ideas and claims of the
various occupancies and settlements under grant and charter; the
French map is reduced from the original of the commissioners, and it
may also be found in the _Atlas Ameriquain_ published at this time.
At a later period, when the identity of De Monts’ St. Croix became
an international question, the folio _Correspondence relating to the
Boundary between the British Possessions in North America and the
United States of America, under the Treaty of 1783_, was presented
to Parliament July, 1840, and included an historical examination of
the question, with maps and drafts from Lescarbot’s, Delisle’s, and
Coronelli’s maps. Cf. in this connection Nathan Hale’s review of the
history in the _North American Review_, vol. xxvi. In Shea’s edition of
_Charlevoix_, i. 248, there is a note on the various limits assigned by
early writers to Acadia.—ED.
[427] _Sir William Alexander and American Colonization. Including
three Royal Charters; a Tract on Colonization; a Patent of the County
of Canada and of Long Island; and the Roll of the Knights-Baronets of
New Scotland. With Annotations and a Memoir._ By the Rev. Edmund F.
Slafter, A.M. Boston: Published by the Prince Society. 1873. 4to. pp.
vii and 283.
[Mr. Slafter devotes a section of his monograph to the bibliography
of his subject. Alexander’s tract, _Encouragement to Colonies_, which
was printed in London in 1624 (some copies in 1625), and of which the
unsold copies were reissued in 1630 as _The Mapp and Description of
New England_, is printed entire by Slafter. The book is rare. Stevens,
_Nuggets_, no. 59, prices it at £21; cf. Sabin’s _Dictionary_, nos.
739, 740. The map which accompanied both editions is given by Slafter,
and in part in Vol. III. of the present work, and has been reproduced
elsewhere, as Slafter (p. 124) explains. Hazard, _Collections_, i.
134, 206, prints some of the documentary evidence, and the British
Museum _Catalogue of Manuscripts_ shows that the Egerton Manuscripts,
2,395, fol. 20-26, also touch the subject. In further elucidation,
see Thomas C. Banks, _Statement of the Case of Alexander Earl of
Stirling_, London, 1832, and his _Baronia Anglia Concentrata_, 1844,
and the various expositions of the claims to the earldom in the several
works referred to by Slafter, p. 115; and also Rogers, _Memorials of
the Earls of Stirling and House of Alexander_, i. chaps. iv. and v.
Mr. Slafter subsequently enlarged his statement regarding the _Copper
Coinage of the Earl of Stirling_, and issued it as a tract with this
title in 1874. Mr. C. W. Tuttle reviewed Mr. Slafter’s labors in _N. E.
Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, 1874, p. 106.—ED.]
[428] _A Geographical View of the District of Maine, with Particular
Reference to its Internal Resources, including the History of
Acadia, Penobscot River and Bay; with Statistical Tables showing the
Comparative Progress of Maine with each State in the Union, a List of
the Towns, their Incorporation, Census, Polls, Valuation, Counties, and
Distances from Boston._ By Joseph Whipple. Bangor: Printed by Peter
Edes. 1816. 8vo. pp. 102.
[429] _An Historical and Statistical Account of Nova Scotia, in two
Volumes. Illustrated by a Map of the Province and Several Engravings._
By Thomas C. Haliburton, Esq., Barrister-at-Law, and Member of the
House of Assembly of Nova Scotia. Halifax: Printed and published by
Joseph Howe. 1829. 8vo. pp. 340 and viii, 433 and iii.
[430] [Hannay, however, who followed Murdoch, freely acknowledges the
great value of Winthrop, in that “without his aid it would have been
impossible to give an accurate statement of the singular story of La
Tour.”—ED.]
[431] _A History of Nova Scotia, or Acadie._ By Beamish Murdoch, Esq.,
Q.C. Halifax, N. S.: James Barnes. 1865-1867. 3 vols. 8vo. pp. xv and
543, xiv and 624, xxiii and 613.
[Some later works deserve a word. Moreau’s _L’Acadie Françoise_ covers
the interval, 1598-1755, and draws upon the Paris archives.
Rameau’s _Une Colonie féodale en Amérique: L’Acadie_, 1604-1710,
published at Paris in 1877, is called by Parkman (_Boston Athenæum
Bulletin_, where his comments appear far too seldom) “a rather
indifferent book, carelessly written; containing, however, some facts
not elsewhere to be found about certain small settlements.” In the New
York _Nation_, nos. 652, 666, is a review, with Rameau’s rejoinder.
James Hannay’s _History of Acadia_, St. John, N. B., 1879, is a
well-compacted piece of work, somewhat unsatisfactory to the student,
however, through the absence of authorities. In his preface he pays a
tribute to the annals of Murdoch, and says he has attempted “to weave
into a consistent narrative the facts which Murdoch had treated in a
more fragmentary way.”—ED.]
[432] _Cours d’Histoire du Canada._ Par J. B. A. Ferland, Prêtre,
Professeur d’Histoire à l’Uni versité-Laval. Première Partie.
1534-1663. Québec: Augustin Coté. 1861. 8vo. pp. xi and 522.
[433] _Histoire du Canada, depuis sa Découverte jusqu’à nos Jours._ Par
F.-X. Garneau. Seconde Édition, corrigée et augmentée. Québec: John
Lovell. 1852. 3 vols. 8vo. pp. xxii and 377, 454, 410.
[434] _History of Canada, from the Time of its Discovery till the Union
Year_ (1840-1841). Translated from _L’Histoire du Canada_ of F.-X.
Garneau, Esq., and accompanied with illustrative notes, etc. By Andrew
Bell. Montreal: John Lovell. 1860. 3 vols. 8vo. pp. xxii and 382, 404,
442.
[435] _The First English Conquest of Canada: with Some Account of the
Earliest Settlements in Nova Scotia and Newfoundland._ By Henry Kirke,
M.A., B.C.L., Oxon. London: Bemrose & Sons. 1871. 8vo. pp. xi and 227.
[436] _Pioneers of France in the New World._ By Francis Parkman.
Boston: Little, Brown, & Co. 1865. 8vo. pp. xxii and 420. [Mme. de
Clermont-Tonnere has translated this and other of Mr. Parkman’s works,
but with liberties prompted no doubt by disagreements in matters of
religious faith. The _Pioneers_ was the earliest, chronologically, in
the series of _France and England in North America_,—a general title
under which Mr. Parkman has already told a large part of the story of
the French colonization in North America; but a later subject, the
struggle of the Indians under Pontiac after the final English conquest,
had before this engaged his pen. The characterization of later volumes
of this series belongs to other chapters, in which will also be found
further estimates of the other general historians here particularized.
The Abbé Casgrain published at Quebec in 1872 an essay on _Francis
Parkman_, pp. 89, with a lithographic portrait. Cf. a review by the
Comte Circourt in the _Revue des Questions Historiques_, xix, 616; and
references in Poole’s _Index to Periodical Literature_. The Editor
would take this occasion to express his constant obligations to Mr.
Parkman in the preparation of the present volume.—ED.]
[437] _Count Frontenac, and New France under Louis XIV._ By Francis
Parkman. Boston: Little, Brown, & Co. 1877. 8vo. pp. xvi and 463.
[438] Purchas, _His Pilgrimage_, London, 1614, p. 751.
[439] Named Ste. Claire, or St. Clare, after a Franciscan nun, but now
spelled St. Clair.
[440] Ontario, or Skanadario, native name for beautiful lake.
[441] Purchas, _His Pilgrimage_, London, 1614, p. 747. [Cf. Professor
Shaler’s Introduction to the present volume.—ED.]
[442] [See the note on the _Jesuit Relations_, following the succeeding
chapter, and L. H. Morgan on the Geographical Distribution of the
Indians, in the _North American Review_, vol. cx. p. 33.—ED.]
[443] See chapter ii.; also, a paper on the discovery of copper relics
near Brockville, in the _Canadian Journal_, 1856, pp. 329, 334.
[444] _Colonial State Papers._
[445] Chapter iii.
[446] [Cf. Parkman’s references on the fur-trade, given in his _Old
Régime in Canada_, p. 309.—ED.]
[447] Sagard, _Histoire du Canada_, Paris edition, 1865, pp. 589, 781;
Champlain, Paris edition, 1634, p. 220.
[448] Parkman, _Pioneers of France_, pp. 377, 378.
[449] Sagard, _Canada_, Paris edition, 1865, p. 717.
[450] Champlain, edition of 1632.
[451] Hubbard’s _New England_. [See vol. iii. chap. ix.—ED.]
[452] Fleet’s Journal, in Neill’s _Founders of Maryland_. Munsell,
Albany, 1876. [See vol. iii. chap. xiii.—ED.]
[453] See chapter iii.
[454] Rymer’s _Fœdera_, vol. xix.
[455] [This lake is shown in De Laet’s map of 1630, of which a
fac-simile is given in chapter ix.—ED.]
[456] Young’s “Voyage,” in 4 _Mass. Hist. Coll._, ix. 115, 116.
[457] Le Jeune to Vimont, in the _Relation_ of 1640, writes: “Some
Frenchmen call them the ‘Nation of Stinkers,’ because the Algonquin
word _Ouinipeg_ signifies ‘stinking water.’ They thus call the water of
the sea. Therefore these people call themselves ‘Ouinipegous,’ because
they come from the shores of a sea of which we have no knowledge; and
we must not call them the Nation of Stinkers, but the ‘Nation of the
Sea.’”
In the _Jesuit Relations_ of 1647-48 is the following: “On its shores
[Green Bay] dwell a different people of an unknown language,—that is to
say, a language neither Algonquin nor Huron. These people are called
the Puants, not on account of any unpleasant odor that is peculiar
to them, but because they say they came from the shores of a sea far
distant toward the west, the waters of which being salt, they call
themselves the ‘people of the stinking water.’”
[458] _Relation_ of 1643. [See note on the Jesuit Relations.—ED.]
[459] Outaouacs, or Ottawas, was a name applied to all the upper
Indians who came to Montreal or Quebec to trade. The _Relation_
of 1671 gives the origin of the name: “We have given the name of
Outaouacs to all the savages of these countries, although of different
nations, because the first who have appeared among the French have
been Outaouacs.” Francis Assikinach, an Indian, published in 1858-60,
various papers on the Odahwah legends and languages in the _Canadian
Journal_.
[460] Groseilliers—sometimes written Grozelliers and Groselliers—was
born in 1621, and in early life was a pilot. He married his second wife
on August 24, 1653, and had a large family by her,—Jean Baptiste, born
at Three Rivers, July 25, 1654; Marie Anne, August 7, 1657; Marguerite,
April 15, 1659; Marie Antoinette, June 7, 1661.
The Sieur Radisson was the son of Sebastien and Madeleine Hayet
Radisson. The St. Croix River of Minnesota is so called because as La
Sueur says a Frenchman of that name was drowned in the stream. Before
the year 1700 it is on the maps marked Madeleine, perhaps in compliment
to Radisson’s mother.
[461] _Relation_ of 1660: “Firent heureusement rencontre d’une belle
rivière, grande, large, profonde, et comparable, disent ils, à nostre
grande fleuve le Saint Laurent.”
[462] Duchesneau, Intendant of Canada, describes the Ottawas in these
words: “The Outawas Indians, who are divided into several tribes, and
are nearest to us, are those of the greatest use, because through them
we obtain beaver; and although they do not hunt generally, and have but
a small portion of peltry in their country, they go in search of it to
the most distant places, and exchange it for our merchandise. They are
the Themistamens [Temiscamings], Nepisseriens [Nipissings], Missisakis,
Amicouës, Sauteurs [Ojibways], Kiskakons, and Thionontatorons [Petun
Hurons].”—_N. Y. Coll. Doc._ ix. 160.
[463] Tailhan’s _Perrot_, p. 92.
[464] [See note on Jesuit Relations _sub anno_ 1662-1663.—ED.]
[465] [Given on a later page.—ED.]
[466] [Given on a later page.—ED.]
[467] [See note on the _Jesuit Relations_.—ED.]
[468] Franquelin’s map calls the stream at the extremity of Lake
Superior, which now forms a portion of the northern boundary of
Minnesota, Groseilliers.
[469] [There is a portrait of Talon in the Hotel Dieu at Quebec. It is
engraved in Shea’s _Charlevoix_, iii., and _Le Clercq_, ii. 61. His
instructions are dated March 27, 1665. His eagerness was not altogether
satisfactory to Colbert, who warns him, April 5, 1666, that the “King
would never depopulate his kingdom to people Canada.” Talon in return
(_Mass. Archives: Docs. Coll. in France_, ii. 189, 195), advocated
the purchase of New Netherland, so as to confine the English to New
England; but the English were about settling that question their own
way.
_A mémoire (1667) sur l’état présent du Canada_, probably by Talon,
is in Faribault’s _Collection de Mémoires sur l’histoire ancienne du
Canada_, Quebec, 1840. Faillon (vol iii. part iii.) enlarges upon the
zeal of Louis XIV. for the colony. The Bishop of Quebec meanwhile
had his apprehensions. He warns the home government against allowing
Protestants to come out. “Quebec is not very far from Boston,” he
says, “and to multiply the Protestants is to invite revolution.”
_Massachusetts Archives: Documents Collected in France_, ii. 233.—ED.]
[470] This may be the Péré, or Perray, whose name is given on
Franquelin’s map of 1688 to the Moose River of Hudson’s Bay. Bellin
says that it was named after a Frenchman who discovered it. In 1677 the
Sieur Péré was with La Salle at Fort Frontenac. Frontenac, in November,
1679, writes to the King that Governor Andros of New York “has retained
there, and even well treated, a man named Péré, and others who have
been alienated from Sieur de la Salle, with the design to employ and
send them among the Outawas, to open a trade with them.” The Intendant,
Duchesneau, writes more fully to Seignelay, “that the man named Péré,
having resolved to range the woods, went to Orange to confer with the
English, and to carry his beavers there, in order to obtain some wampum
beads to return and trade with the Outawacs; that he was arrested by
the Governor of that place, and sent to Major Andros, Governor-General,
whose residence is at Manatte; that his plan was to propose to bring
to him all the _coureurs de bois_ with their peltries.” After this he
seems to have been “a close prisoner at London for eighteen months”
(_N. Y. Col. Doc._, iii. 479). Governor Dongan, on Sept. 8, 1687, sends
Mons. La Parre to Canada “with an answer to the French Governor’s angry
letter.” Nicholas Perrot in the old documents is sometimes called Peré,
and this has led to confusion.
[471] Father Allouez, the first Jesuit to visit Green Bay, writes: “We
set out from Saut [Ste. Marie] the 3d of November [1669], according
to my dates; two canoes of Ponteouatamis wishing to take me to their
country, not that I might instruct them, they having no disposition to
receive the faith, but to soften some young Frenchmen who were among
them, for the purpose of trading, and who threatened and ill-treated
them.”
[472] Bancroft, giving reins to the imagination, wrote in his early
editions of “brilliantly clad officers from the veteran armies of
France” being present (_Hist. of the United States_, iii. 154).
[473] The “Procès Verbal” of Talon, as given by Margry and Tailhan,
mentions fourteen nations; among others: 1. Achipoés [Ojibways or
Chippeways]; 2. Malamechs; 3. Noquets; 4. Banabeoueks [Ouinipegouek,
or Winnebagoes?]; 5. Makomiteks; 6. Poulteattemis [Pottowattamies]; 7.
Oumalominis [Menomonees]; 8. Sassassaouacottons [Osaukees or Sauks?];
9. Illinois; 10. Mascouttins. The Hurons and Ottawas, at a later
period, conferred with the French and assented to the treaty; and this
would account for Talon’s assertion, as given in his report quoted in
the text, that there were seventeen tribes.
[474] Margry, i. 367.
[475] Margry, i. 322. La Salle writes in August, 1682: “The brother
Louis le Bohesme, Jesuit, who works for the Indians in the capacity of
gunsmith at Sault Ste. Marie, advised him [a deserter] to hide in the
house of the Fathers the goods which he stole from me.” (Margry, ii.
226.)
[476] [Cf. _Courcelles au lac Ontario_, in Margry’s _Découvertes et
établissements des Français dans l’Amérique septentrionale_, part i. p.
169; and _Relation du Voyage de M. de Courcelles au lac Ontario_, in
Brodhead’s _New York Colonial Documents_, vol. ix. p. 75.—ED.]
[477] Letter to Frontenac.
[478] [Given on a later page.—ED.]
[479] Shea, _Charlevoix_, iii. 177; Parkman, _Discovery of the Great
West_, p. 154.
[480] Mount Joliet is about sixty feet in height. The summit is two
hundred and twenty-five feet wide, and thirteen hundred long. It is
forty miles southwest of Chicago, in the vicinity of the city of
Joliet, Illinois.
[481] Joliet, in his letter written on the map prepared for Frontenac,
speaks of passing the years 1673 and 1674 in explorations of the
Mississippi valley. [See this letter in fac-simile on a later page.—ED.]
At the conclusion of his note to Frontenac, he alludes to the disaster
which happened a quarter of an hour before his arrival at the point
from which, in September, 1672, he had departed, in these words: “I had
avoided perils from savages, I had passed forty-two rapids, and was
about to land, with full joy at the success of so long and difficult an
enterprise, when, after these dangers, my canoe upset. I lost two men
and my box (_cassette_) in sight of, at the door of, the first French
settlements which I had left almost two years before.”
Marquette conveys the impression that Joliet returned with him to
Green Bay in September, 1673; but when, in a few weeks, he went back
to the Illinois country between Chicago and Lake Peoria, he found
several Frenchmen trading with the Indians, and among others mentions
La Taupine, or Pierre Moreau, who in 1671 was with Joliet at Sault Ste.
Marie. Near one of the upper tributaries of the Illinois on Joliet’s
map appears Mont Joliet. May Joliet not have traded in this vicinity
during the winter of 1673-1674, and may not Taupine and others have
been his associates?
[482] [Cf. narrative in chapter vii. A plan of this fort is given on a
later page.—ED.]
[483] Margry, i. 329.
[484] Ibid., i. 277.
[485] Du Lhut and Hennepin.
[486] Margry, i. 283.
[487] Ibid., i. 287.
[488] Ibid., i. 334.
[489] Margry, i. 333.
[490] Ibid., i. 337.
[491] _N. Y. Col. Docs._, ix. 104.
[492] Margry, ii. 252.
[493] La Salle and Hennepin both write _Du Luth_.
[494] _N. Y. Col. Docs._, ix. 795.
[495] Du Lhut’s letter to Seignelay, in Harrisse, speaks of the Izatys.
The Issati or Isanti—Knife Indians—was the name of an eastern division
of the Sioux that dwelt near Knife River, and perhaps made and traded
stone knives.
[496] _N. Y. Col. Docs._, ix. 132.
[497] Du Lhut’s letter, in Harrisse.
[498] Margry, ii. 252.
[499] Margry, ii. 251.
[500] Perhaps intended for Meshdeke Wakpa, River of the Foxes.
[501] Chapa Wakpa in the Sioux language is Beaver River.
[502] La Salle writes: “Michel Accault qui estoit le conducteur leur
fit présenter le calumet.” Margry, ii. 255.
[503] La Salle, who probably received his information from the leader,
Accault, gives a different version. [See the note on Hennepin on a
later page.—ED.]
[504] Harrisse makes the date of the letter 1685, at which time its
writer was near Lake Superior; Shea, in its translation appended to his
edition of _Hennepin_, retains the same date.
[505] He probably established the post near the Sioux at the portage of
the St. Croix River, which upon Franquelin’s map of 1688 is called Fort
St. Croix. The hostility of the Indians at the Bay may have led him to
seek the point by way of Lake Superior.
[506] Louis XIV. confusedly writes on July 31, 1684: “It also appears
to me that one of the principal causes of this war proceeds from the
man named Du Lhut having two Iroquois killed who assassinated two
Frenchmen on Lake Superior.”
[507] Tonty in Margry, i. 614.
[508] Margry, ii. 343.
[509] Bellin, in _Remarques sur la Carte de l’Amérique Septentrionale_,
Paris, 1755, writes: “In the eastern part of Lake Nepigon there is a
river by which one may ascend to the head of Hudson’s Bay. It is said
this was discovered by a Canadian named Perray, who was the first to
travel this route, and gave his name to the river.”
[510] Son of Groseilliers.
[511] Fort La Tourette. See Franquelin’s map of 1688 on a later page.
[512] Greyselon de la Tourette.
[513] De la Barre, Oct. 1, 1684; _N. Y. Col. Docs._, ix. 243.
[514] _N. Y. Col. Docs._, ix. 231.
[515] La Potherie.
[516] La Potherie, chap. xv. 165.
[517] Franquelin, in his map of 1688, as will be seen, marks the
hill where the French wintered as a few miles above the Black River,
probably _montagne qui trempe l’eau_. Major Long, in 1817, writes of
“high bluff-lands at this point towering into precipices and peaks,
completely insulated from the main bluffs by a broad flat prairie.”
[518] Franquelin’s map of 1688.
[519] Denonville, Nov. 12, 1685, _N. Y. Col. Docs._, ix. 263.
[520] The history of this soleil has been given by Professor J. D.
Butler, of Madison, in _Wisconsin Historical Society’s Collections_. In
1686 it was presented to the Jesuit mission at Depere, Wisconsin. In
1687 the mission-house was burned; in 1802 the soleil was ploughed up,
and is now in the vault of the Bishop of the Church of Rome at Green
Bay. See Shea’s _History of Catholic Missions_, p. 372.
[521] Nicholas Perrot married Marie Madeleine Raclot. His child
Francois was born at Three Rivers, Aug. 8, 1672; Nicolas was born in
1674; Clemence in 1676; Michel, in 1677; Marie, in 1679; Marie Anne, on
July 25, 1681; Claude, ——; Jean Baptiste in 1688; Jean, Aug. 15, 1690.
In his old age he resided at the seigniory, Becancour, not far from
Three Rivers, on the St. Lawrence. About the year 1718 he died.
[522] Tonty had been ordered to raise a party of Illinois and attack in
the rear, while Denonville was charging in front; but he could not find
enough men, and therefore joined Du Lhut, his cousin.
[523] [See chap. vii.—ED.]
[524] Denonville, Aug. 25, 1687. _N. Y. Col. Docs._ ix.
[525] La Hontan writes: “I am to go along with M. Dulhut, a Lyons
gentleman, and a person of great merit, who has done his King and his
country very considerable service. M. de Tonti makes another of our
company.” Joutel in his Journal mentions that Tonty reached his post in
the Illinois country October 27, 1687.
[526] The post at Wisconsin River was called Fort St. Nicholas,
suggested by Perrot’s baptismal name. In August, 1683, Engelran wrote
to Governor de la Barre from Mackinaw: “M. de Boisguillot fulfils
faithfully the duties of the position which has been assigned him
during the absence of those who are under your command.” Le Sueur says
St. Croix River was called from a Frenchman, and it is thought the
River St. Pierre was named in compliment to Pierre Le Sueur.
[527] Sir Edmund Andros, the successor of Dongan as governor of New
York, and subsequently governor also of New England.
[528] [See chap. iii.—ED.]
[529] [See chap. vi.—ED.]
[530] [Cf. also Benjamin Sulte’s papers, _Mélanges_, published at
Ottawa, in 1876, and the Note on the _Jesuit Relations, sub anno_ 1640
and 1642-1643.—ED.]
[531] [See the Note on the _Jesuit Relations, sub anno_ 1645-1646.—ED.]
[532] [For an account of these general sources, see the Note following
chap. vii., and the statements regarding Margry’s labors on a
subsequent page.—ED.]
[533] [Cf. Shea’s _Charlevoix_, iii. 165, _Historical Magazine_, ix.
205; and the Note on the _Jesuit Relations_.—ED.]
[534] [See the Note on the _Jesuit Relations_.—ED.]
[535] In Margry’s _Découvertes_, etc.
[536] In his _Notes pour servir à l’Histoire, etc., de la Nouvelle
France_.
[537] The bibliography of Hennepin is examined in a later note.
[538] There have been papers on the ancient mining on Lake Superior, by
Daniel Wilson, in _The Canadian Journal_, New Series, i. 125, and by A.
D. Hager, in the _Atlantic Monthly_, xv. 308.
[539] The North American Missions of the Catholics, particularly those
of the West among the Hurons, etc., have been followed by A. J. Thébaud
in _The Month_, xxxiii. 480; xxxv. 352; xxxvi. 168, 524; xxxvii. 228;
xl. 379; xli. 60; xlii. 379; xliii. 337; and they of course make an
important part of Dr. Shea’s _History of the Catholic Missions among
the Indian Tribes of the United States_. See the Note elsewhere in the
present volume on “The Jesuit Relations.”
[540] Cf. “Early Notices of the Beaver in Europe and America,” by D.
Wilson, in _The Canadian Journal_, 1859, p. 359; “French Commerce in
the Mississippi Valley, 1620-1720,” in the _American Presbyterian
Review_, iv. 620; v. 110.
[541] Cf. “Early French Forts in the Mississippi Valley,” in the
_United States Service Magazine_, i. 356.
[542] Field, no. 1,081, who calls it the best of the books on Western
history; Thomson’s _Ohio Bibliography_, no. 842.
[543] Mr. Perkins also published a paper on “French Discovery in the
Mississippi Valley” in _The Hesperian_ (Columbus, Ohio), iii. 295; cf.
papers by R. Greenhow, in _De Bow’s Review_, vii. 319.
[544] Made mainly about 1856, by P. L. Morin.
[545] There is a memoir of Colonel Thorndike in Hunt’s _Merchants’
Magazine_, ii. 508.
[546] An excellent bibliographical summary of the sources of the
history of these early Western explorations, by Mr. A. P. C. Griffin,
appeared in the _Magazine of American History_, 1883, also separately.
The account of the sources of La Salle’s discoveries given in Edouard
Frère’s _Manuel du Bibliographe Normand_ is scant. Mr. John Langton’s
paper on “The Early Discoveries of the French in North America,”
printed in _The Canadian Journal_, 1857, p. 393, enumerates some of the
early maps. Dr. George E. Ellis’s “French Explorations in the West,” in
the _North American Review_, cx. 260, is a review of Parkman; and J.
H. Greene’s “Early French Travellers in the West,” in _Ibid._, xlviii.
63, is a review of Sparks’s _Life of Marquette_, which is one of the
volumes of his _American Biography_.
[547] Margry, i. 81.
[548] _La Salle_, p. 450.
[549] _Histoire de la Colonie Française_, iii. 305.
[550] _Notes_, etc., no. 200.
[551] _Catalogue_, 1858, p. 1615.
[552] _Histoire de la Colonie Française_, vol. iii. p. 284.
[553] _N. Y. Col. Docs._, ix. 66. Margry (i. 73) gives various papers
indicating the views of Talon on western exploration.
[554] Vol. i. p. 112.
[555] He edited it for the Historical Society of Montreal in 1875. An
English translation of part of it is given in Mr. O. H. Marshall’s
_First Visit of La Salle to the Senecas in 1669_, which was privately
printed in 1874.
[556] A heliotype of it is given in the note on “The Jesuit Relations,”
following chapter iv., _sub anno_ 1670, 1671. There is in the Kohl
Collection (Department of State) what Kohl calls the “Jesuits’ map of
Lac Supérieur;” but he gives it a somewhat later date, and says it is
found in the Bibliothèque Nationale at Paris. In the same Collection
are maps of the Mississippi, dated 1670, and credited to “Thornton and
Moll.”
[557] Parkman, _La Salle_, p. 452.
[558] _Découvertes_, etc., i. 376; cf. also p. 101.
[559] Cf. also Colonel Charles Whittlesey’s paper on “The Discovery of
the Ohio River by La Salle, 1669-1670,” in no. 38, _Western Reserve and
Northern Ohio Historical Society’s Tracts_. Dr. Shea thinks the legend
“pour aller,” etc., was placed on the map by others.
[560] _Découvertes_, etc., ii. 285. The literature of this controversy
is reviewed on a later page. Parkman thinks that La Salle crossed the
Chicago portage and struck the upper waters of the Illinois, but did
not descend that river, and suggests that the map called in a later
sketch “The Basin of the Great Lakes” is indicative of this extent of
La Salle’s exploration in the mere beginning of the Illinois River
which it gives. Others reject the “Histoire” altogether, as Hurlbut
does in his _Chicago Antiquities_, p. 250, not accepting Parkman’s view
that La Salle was at Chicago in 1669 and 1670. Dr. Shea holds it was
the St. Joseph’s River which La Salle entered.
[561] Shea (_Mississippi Valley_, p. lxxix) and Margry have done much
to make known Joliet’s personal history. Margry has papers concerning
him in the _Journal général de l’instruction publique_, and in the
_Revue Canadienne_, December, 1871; January and March, 1872. Cf.
Ferland, _Notes sur les registres de Notre Dame de Québec_, 2d ed.,
Quebec, 1863; Faillon, _Histoire de la Colonie Française_; Parkman, _La
Salle_, pp. 49, 66.
[562] There has been a controversy over the point of Marquette’s being
at Chicago. Cf. Dr. Duffield’s oration at Mackinaw, Aug. 15, 1878; H.
H. Hurlbut on _Father Marquette at Mackinaw and Chicago_,—a paper read
before the Chicago Historical Society, Oct. 15, 1878; A. D. Hager’s
_Was Father Marquette ever in Chicago?_ which is replied to by Hurlbut
in his _Chicago Antiquities_, p. 384; also see _Historical Magazine_,
v. 99.
[563] _Notes_, etc., p. 322.
[564] In the _N. Y. Col. Docs._ (ix. 116), and in Margry, i. 257. See
also Shea’s _Mississippi Valley_, p. xxxiii; Tailhan’s _Perrot_, p. 382.
[565] Vol. i. p. 259.
[566] This has appeared in the _Mémoires du Congrès des Américanistes_,
1879; and in the _Revue de Géographie_, February, 1880. The original
manuscript of the map is priced in Leclerc, _Bibliotheca Americana_,
no 2,808, at 1,500 francs. Gravier gave a colored fac-simile of it in
connection with his essay, and the same fac-simile is also given in the
_Magazine of American History_, 1883. This fac-simile is of a reduced
size; but some copies were also reproduced of the size of the original.
[567] The Jesuit _Relations_ call it the “Grande Rivière” and the
Messi-sipi; Marquette calls it “Conception;” and in 1674 it was called
after Colbert. See an essay on the varying application of names to the
Western lakes and rivers in Hurlbut’s _Chicago Antiquities_.
[568] The _Relation_ of 1666, and other of the early writers, record
the reports from the Indians of a great salt-water lying west, where
now we know the Pacific flows. A collation of some of these references
has been given in Andrew McF. Davis’s elaborate paper on “The Journey
of Moncacht-Apé,” in the _Proceedings_ of the American Antiquarian
Society, new series, ii. 335.
[569] Cf. Parkman, _La Salle_, p. 25.
[570] Parkman, _La Salle_, pp. 25, 450. A sketch of it is given
herewith as “The Basin of the Great Lakes.”
[571] No. 214.
[572] Vol. i. pp. 259-270.
[573] This is printed in the _Mission du Canada_, i. 193, and
translated in the _Historical Magazine_, v 237.
[574] Pages 231-257.
[575] He repeated this fac-simile later in his edition of the
_Relation_ of 1673-1679. The engraving of this map given in Douniol’s
_Mission du Canada_ has a small sketch of an Indian cabin on it which
does not belong to it. Cf. Harrisse’s _Notes sur la Nouvelle France_,
pp. 142, 610; Shea’s edition of Charlevoix’s _New France_, iii. 180;
and Parkman’s _La Salle_, p. 451. There are other reproductions of
this map in Blanchard’s _History of the Northwest_; Hurlbut’s _Chicago
Antiquities_; and in the _Annual Report of the United States Chief of
Engineers_, 1876, vol. iii. A sketch is given herewith. Kohl credits
four maps, dated 1673, to Marquette, as given in the Collection in the
State Department at Washington, of which use has also been made in the
present essay.
[576] Again in 1861 in Douniol’s _Mission du Canada_, ii. 241, edited
by Martin.
[577] See the note on the _Jesuit Relations, sub annis 1673-1675_.
[578] There are copies in Harvard College, Lenox, and Carter-Brown
Libraries. Copies of Thevenot vary much in the making up. See
_O’Callaghan Catalogue_, no. 2,245; Stevens, _Bibliotheca Historica_,
no. 2,068; _Brinley Catalogue_, no. 4,522; _Sparks Catalogue_, no.
2,592. Some copies have the date 1682; and the _Sunderland Catalogue_,
no. 12,409, shows one with “Paris, I. Moette, 1689,” pasted over a
1682 imprint. A distinction must be kept in mind between this octavo
_Recueil de voyages_, and Thevenot’s folio _Relations des divers
voyages curieux_. The _Sobolewski Catalogue_ (nos. 4,112-4,113)
compares Brunet’s collation.
[579] Of Thevenot’s text a defective translation was published in
London in 1698, as a supplement to an English version of Hennepin.
Later and better renderings are in the _Historical Magazine_, August,
1861, and in part ii. p. 277, etc., of French’s _Historical Collections
of Louisiana_, accompanied by a fac-simile of a map by Delisle
showing the routes of the early explorers. This section of Thevenot
was reprinted (125 copies) in fac-simile, with the map, in Paris in
1845, for Obadiah Rich. There is a copy of this reprint in the Sumner
collection in Harvard College Library, and in the Carter-Brown and
Lenox libraries, and the latter library has devoted no. iii. of its
_Contributions to a Catalogue_ (1879) to the “Voyages of Thevenot.”
The _MSS. de la Bibliothèque impériale_, viii. 2d part, p. 11, note
1, shows a notice of the life of Thevenot. Harrisse, _Notes_, p.
140, compares the claims of several manuscripts of this narrative of
Marquette.
[580] _Notes_, no. 202.
[581] _La Salle_, p. 452. From this Parkman copy the annexed sketch,
to which the title, “Mississippi Valley, 1672-1673,” is given, has
been taken. Another copy is given in the _Catalogue_ of the Library of
Parliament, 1858, p. 1615, no. 16.
[582] _Sparks Catalogue_, p. 175. Shea (_Mississippi Valley_, p. lxxv)
thinks that the routes of going and returning were inserted by an
editor. This Thevenot-Marquette map is rare. Dufossé has variously
priced copies of the _Recueil_ with the map at 150, 180, and 200
francs. Leclerc (no. 566) priced one at 325 francs.
[583] The contemporary account of Marquette’s death is given in the
_Relation_ of that year, and in the “Récit de la mort du P. Marquette,”
as published in the _Mission du Canada_. Cf. Shea’s _Charlevoix_, iii.
182, note; but Charlevoix’ account varies, and Parkman says it is a
traditionary one, and that traces of the tradition were not long since
current (_La Salle_, p. 72). Cf. “Romance and Reality of the Death of
Marquette, and the Recent Discovery of his Remains,” by Shea, in the
_Catholic World_, xxvi. 267, and “Father Marquette’s Bones” in the
_Canadian Antiquarian_, January, 1878. In 1877 some human bones were
found on the supposed site of the mission chapel at St. Ignace. Of
Marquette’s successors in the Illinois mission, see Shea’s _Catholic
Missions_, App., and _Wisconsin Historical Society’s Collections_, iii.
110.
[584] The claim was reinforced by Judge John Law in a paper on “The
Jesuit Missionaries in the Northwest,” printed in the _Wisconsin
Historical Collections_, vol. iii., with replies and rejoinders; Dr.
Shea taking issue with him in a paper called “Justice to Marquette,”
which originally appeared in the _Catholic Telegraph_, March 10, 1855.
Parkman credits Shea also with a refutation in the _New York Weekly
Herald_, April 21, 1855. The Jesuits alleged to have been on the
affluents of the Mississippi thus early were Dequerre, Drocoux, and
Pinet.
[585] _Wisconsin Historical Collections_, vii. 111.
[586] Printed in New York in 1879.
[587] _200e anniversaire de la découverte du Mississipi par Jolliet et
le P. Marquette. Soirée littéraire et musicale à l’Université Laval, 17
juin, 1873._ Québec, 1873. One of the latest studies on the subject is
by the Père Brucher, _Jacques Marquette et la découverte de la vallée
du Mississipi_, Lyons, 1880,—which had originally appeared in the
_Études réligieuses_. Cf. also R. H. Clarke in the _Catholic World_,
xvi. 688; _Knickerbocker Magazine_, xxxix. 1; etc.
[588] But the King, May 17, 1674, was warning Frontenac not to foster
discoveries. _Mass. Archives: Documents collected in France_, ii. 283.
[589] Shea, in his _Le Clercq_, ii. 199, says: “La Salle has been
exalted into a hero on the very slightest foundation of personal
qualities or great deeds accomplished;” and in his _Peñalosa_, p. 22,
he finds it not easy to conceive how intelligent writers have exalted a
man of such utter incapacity.
[590] Cf. E. Jacker, in “La Salle and the Jesuits,” in _American
Catholic Quarterly_, iii. 404.
[591] Margry (i. 271) gives various papers on La Salle’s first visit
to Paris, when he got the seigniory of Fort Frontenac, together with
La Salle’s “Proposition” and the subsequent “Arrest,” his “Lettres
Patentes,” and “Lettres de Noblesse.”
[592] Margry (i. 301) gives Frontenac’s letter to Colbert, 1677,
relating to La Salle and his undertakings.
[593] Margry (i. 329) gives La Salle’s petition for further discovery,
and the royal permission (p. 337).
[594] Margry (i. 421) gives the papers of La Salle’s financial
management from 1678 to 1683; and further (ii. 7) gives various papers
relating to La Salle’s movements in 1679.
[595] The exact position of this extemporized ship-yard is in dispute.
Parkman puts it at Cayuga Creek, on the east side of the river, and
gives his reasons. _La Salle_, p. 132.
[596] _Historical Magazine_, viii. 367.
[597] Parkman, _La Salle_, p. 169. This first vessel of the lakes
has been the subject of some study. Hennepin gives a view of her
building in his _Voyage curieux_, 1711 edition, etc., p. 100. Mr. O.
H. Marshall has published, as no. 1 of the publications of the Buffalo
Historical Society, a tract of thirty-six pages, called _The Building
and Voyage of the “Griffin,”_ printed in 1879, giving in it a map of
Niagara and its vicinity in 1688. Margry prints (i. 435) a “Relation
des découvertes et des voyages du Sieur de la Salle, 1679-1681,”
which he calls the Official Report of the transactions of this period
made to the minister of the marine, and thinks it drawn up from La
Salle’s letter by Bernou, and that Hennepin used it. Shea considers
the question an open one, and that the Report may perhaps have been
borrowed from Hennepin. A note on Hennepin and his contributions to the
historical material of this period is on a later page.
[598] The principal portages by which passage was early made by canoes
from the basin of the lakes to that of the Mississippi were five in
number:—
1. By Green Bay, Lake Winnebago, and the Fox River to the Wisconsin,
thence to the Mississippi,—the route of Joliet.
2. By the Chicago River, at the southwest of Lake Michigan, to the
Illinois, thence to the Mississippi. This appears in the earliest maps
of Joliet and Marquette, and is displayed in the great 1684 map of
Franquelin, of this part of which Parkman gives a drawing in his _La
Salle_, which with various later ones is repeated in Hurlbut’s _Chicago
Antiquities_.
3. By the St. Joseph River, at the southeast corner of Lake Michigan,
to the Kankakee, and so to the Illinois. This was La Salle’s route.
4. By the St. Joseph’s River to the Wabash (Ouabache); thence to the
Ohio and Mississippi.
5. By the Miami River from the west end of Lake Erie to the Wabash;
thence to the Ohio and Mississippi.
A paper by R. S. Robertson in the _American Antiquarian_, ii. 123,
aims to show that this last portage was known to Allouez as early as
1680, and had perhaps been indicated by Sanson in his map of Canada as
early as 1657. It would seem to have been little frequented, however,
because of the danger from the Iroquois parties, but was reopened in
1716. Regarding La Salle’s connection with this portage, see a letter
by Mr. Parkman quoted by Baldwin in his _Early Maps of Ohio_, p. 7, and
letters of La Salle in Margry’s _Découvertes_, etc. Cf. H. S. Knapp’s
_History of the Maumee Valley from 1680_, Toledo, 1872 (P. Thomson’s
_Bibliography of Ohio_, no. 681). The southern shore of Lake Erie was
the latest known of all the borders of the great lakes.
Margry in his fifth volume has two papers on the routes of these early
explorers,—“Postes de la route des Lacs au Mississipi (1683-1695),”
and “Postes dans les Pays depuis le Lac Champlain jusqu’au Mississipi
(1683-1695).” The series of the Great Lakes show the following heights
above tide-level at New York: Ontario, 247 feet; Erie, 573 feet; Huron
and Michigan, 582 feet; Superior, 602 feet. The Mississippi at St. Paul
is 80 feet above Superior.
[599] Parkman examines the evidence in favor of this site in a long
note in his _La Salle_, p. 223.
[600] There is some dispute about the origin of this name. Le Clercq
says it was so designated “on account of many vexations experienced
there;” others say it was a reminiscence by Tonty of the part he
had taken in the siege of Crèvecœur in the Netherlands. Cf. Shea’s
_Hennepin_, p. 175.
[601] He now addressed to Frontenac, Nov. 9, 1680, a “Relation sur
la nécessité de poursuivre le découverte du Mississipi,” which is
given in Thomassy’s _Géologie pratique de la Louisiane_, Paris, 1860,
App. B. p. 199. It is translated in the _Historical Magazine_, v. 196
(July, 1861). Margry (ii. 32) gives a letter of La Salle, in which
he describes his operations and the obstacles he encountered in the
Illinois country in founding Fort Crèvecœur, etc.; and (p. 115) another
letter on the expedition (Aug. 22, 1680, to the autumn of 1681).
[602] Margry (ii. 164) gives a fragmentary letter of La Salle
describing the country as far as the mouth of the Missouri; and (p.
196) another detached fragment, in La Salle’s hand, describing the
rivers and peoples of the new region.
[603] Margry, ii. 181.
[604] The “Procès verbal de prise de possession de la Louisiane, 9
Avril, 1682,” is in Margry, ii. 186; in Gravier’s _La Salle_, App. p.
386; and in Boimare’s _Texte explicatif pour accompagner la première
planche historique relative à la Louisiane_, Paris, 1868. The English
of it is given by Sparks and in French’s _Hist. Coll. of Louisiana_,
vol. i. and vol. ii.
[605] Zénobe Membré’s letter, “de la Rivière de Mississipi, le 3 Juin,
1682,” is given in Margry (ii. 206); and also (ii. 212) the letter
of La Salle, dated at Fort Frontenac, Aug. 22, 1682, detailing his
experiences.
[606] _Géologie pratique de la Louisiane_, p. 9. Cf. Harrisse, _Notes_,
etc., no. 698. It is translated in French’s _Hist. Coll. of Louisiana
and Florida_, 2d ser., ii. 17. Thomassy also printed in 1859 a tract
of twenty-four pages, _De la Salle et ses relations inédites de la
découverte du Mississipi, avec carte_.
[607] Parkman’s _La Salle_, p. 276.
[608] Membré’s narrative is translated in Shea’s _Discovery of the
Mississippi_, p. 165. Cf. Shea’s _Charlevoix_, vol. iii. There is also
a separate letter of Membré in _Hist. Coll. of Louisiana_, ii. 206,
and other documents. Cf. the annotations in Shea’s _Charlevoix_ and
_Le Clercq_; Falconer’s _Discovery of the Mississippi_, London, 1844;
and the account from the _Mercure gallant_, May, 1684, in Margry,
ii. 355; who also (i. 573) gives Tonty’s “Relation écrite de Québec,
le 14 Novembre, 1684,” which Margry thinks was addressed to the Abbé
Renaudot; it covers La Salle’s undertakings from 1678 to 1683.
[609] Margry, i. 547. See the account of the La Salle celebration in
_Magazine of American History_, February, 1882, p. 139. Margry (ii.
263) groups together various contemporary estimates of La Salle’s
discovery, including the accusations of Duchesneau (p. 265), and the
defence of La Salle (p. 277) by a friend, addressed to Seignelay, and
La Salle’s own estimates of the advantages to grow from it, in a letter
dated at “Missilimakanak, Octobre, 1682.”
[610] Margry (ii. 302) prints some of De la Barre’s accusations against
La Salle, and shows the effects of them on the King (p. 309); and
gives also La Salle’s letters to De la Barre (p. 312), one of them
(p. 317) from the “portage de Checagou, 4 Juin, 1683.” De la Barre,
addressing the King (p. 348), defends himself (Nov. 13, 1684) against
the complaints of La Salle.
[611] Parkman has given an abstract (_La Salle_ p. 458) of the
pretended discoveries of Mathieu Sagean, who represents that he started
at this time with some Frenchmen from the fort on the Illinois on an
expedition in which he ascended the Missouri to the country of a King
Hagaren, a descendant of Montezuma, who ruled over a luxurious people.
The narrative is considered a fabrication. Mr. E. G. Squier found the
manuscript in the Bibliothèque Nationale at Paris, and bringing home
a copy, it was printed by Dr. Shea, with the title, _Extrait de la
relation des aventures et voyage de Mathieu Sâgean. Nouvelle York: à
la Presse Cramoisy de J. M. Shea_. 1863, 32 pages. Cf. Field, _Indian
Bibliog._, no. 1,347; Lenox, _Jesuit Relations_, p. 17; and _Historical
Magazine_, x. 65.
There are some papers by J. P. Jones on the earliest notices of the
Missouri River in the _Kansas City Review_, 1882.
[612] Margry (ii. 353) groups various opinions on La Salle’s discovery
incident to his return to France in 1684.
[613] _Notes_, etc., nos. 209, 213-218. Harrisse also cites no. 229,
a _Carte du Grand Fleuve St. Laurens dressee et dessignee sur les
memoires et observations que le Sr. Jolliet a tres exactement faites en
barq et en canot en 46 voyages pendant plusieurs années_. It purports
to be by Franquelin, and is dated 1685. See _Library of Parliament
Catalogue_, 1858, p. 1615, no. 17.
[614] Parkman, _La Salle_, p. 455; this is Harrisse’s no. 219; cf. his
no. 223.
[615] _Notes_, etc. (1872), no. 222.
[616] _La Salle_, pp. 295, 455, where is a fac-simile of the part
showing La Salle’s colony on the Illinois; and _Géologie pratique de la
Louisiane_, p. 227.
[617] Harrisse, no. 223.
[618] Harrisse, no. 234; Parkman, p. 457.
[619] This also, according to Harrisse, is now missing; but the
_Catalogue_ (1858, p. 1616) of the Library of Parliament (Ottawa) shows
a copy as sent by Duchesneau to Colbert, and it has been engraved in
part for the first time in Neill’s _History of Minnesota_, 4th ed.,
1882. Another copy is in the Kohl Collection (Department of State) at
Washington. A copy of Neill’s engraving is given herewith.
[620] _Notes_, etc., nos. 240, 248, 259.
[621] Ibid., no. 231.
[622] Ibid., no. 232. There is a copy in the Library of Parliament at
Ottawa (Catalogue, 1858, p. 1616). Harrisse (nos. 248, 259) assigns
other maps to 1692 and 1699.
[623] _La Salle_, p. 457.
[624] These two maps are in the Poore Collection in the State Archives
of Mass. Cf. Harrisse, nos. 359, 361, 362; and Parkman (_La Salle_, p.
142), on the different names given to Lake Michigan.
[625] Parkman, _La Salle_, p. 454; _Library of Parliament Catalogue_,
p. 1615, no. 18. Harrisse (nos. 236, 237) gives other maps by
Raffeix. The Kohl Collection (Department of State) gives a map of the
Mississippi of the same probable date (1688), from an original in the
National Library at Paris. See the Calendar of the Kohl Collection
printed in the _Harvard University Bulletin_, 1883-84.
[626] Harrisse, _Notes_, etc., no. 237.
[627] Parkman, _La Salle_, p. 454.
[628] _Notes_, etc., p. xxv and no. 241.
[629] See the third page following.
[630] _Notes_, no. 202.
[631] Margry, iii. 17, etc.
[632] Margry (ii. 359) gives La Salle’s Memoir of his plans against the
mines of New Biscay, together with letters (p. 377) of Seignelay, etc.,
pertaining to it, and the Grants of the King (p. 378), and La Salle’s
Commission (p. 382).
[633] Margry (ii. 387) prints various papers indicative of the
vexatious delays in the departure of the expedition and of La Salle’s
difficulties (pp. 421, 454, etc.), together with his final letters
before sailing (p. 469). Various letters of Beaujeu written at Rochelle
are in Margry (ii. 397, 421, etc.).
[634] Margry (ii. 485) gives letters of Beaujeu and others concerning
the voyage. A fragmentary Journal of the voyage by the Abbé Jean
Cavelier is also given in Margry (ii. 501), besides another Journal (p.
510) by the Abbé d’Esmanville.
[635] Margry (ii. 499) gives an account of this capture.
[636] Margry (ii. 521) gives some letters which passed between La Salle
and Beaujeu after they reached the Gulf.
[637] Margry (ii. 555) prints an account of the loss of the “Aimable.”
[638] Margry (ii. 564, etc.) prints some letters which passed between
La Salle and Beaujeu just before the latter sailed for France, and
Beaujeu’s letter to Seignelay on his return (p. 577).
[639] This map is still preserved in the Archives Scientifiques de la
Marine, and a sketch of it is in the text. Thomassy (p. 208) cites it
as “Carte de la Louisiane avec l’embouchure de la Rivière du S^r de
la Salle (Mai, 1685), par Minet,” and giving a sketch, calls it the
complement of Franquelin. Shea thinks it was drawn up from La Salle’s
and Peñalosa’s notes. Cf. Shea’s _Peñalosa_, p. 21; Harrisse, _Notes_,
etc., nos. 225, 227, 228, 256-258, 260, 261, 263, who says he could not
find on it the date, Mai, 1685, given by Parkman and Thomassy; Gravier,
_La Salle_; and Delisle, in _Journal des Savans_, xix. 211. Margry (ii.
591) prints some observations of Minet on La Salle’s effort to find the
mouth of the Mississippi.
[640] Dr. Shea puts the settlement on Espirito Bay, where Bahia now is.
[641] See his Relation of this voyage in Falconer’s _Discovery of the
Mississippi_, etc.
[642] This is Parkman’s statement; but Shea questions it. Margry (i.
59) gives various notices concerning le Père Allouez, who was born in
1613, and died in 1689.
[643] See Brodhead’s _History of New York_, ii. 478, and references,
and the text of the preceding chapter.
[644] Margry, iii. 553.
[645] Harrisse (no. 261) mentions a sketch of the Mississippi and its
affluents, the work of Tonty at this time, which is preserved in the
French Archives.
[646] Margry, iii. 567.
[647] Margry, ii. 359; iii. 17; translations in French, _Historical
Collections of Louisiana_, i. 25; ii. 1; and in Falconer’s _Discovery
of the Mississippi_, London, 1844.
[648] He refers to evidences in Margry, ii. 348, 515; iii. 44, 48, 63.
Cf. Shea’s _Peñalosa_ and his _Le Clercq_, ii. 202. In this last work
Shea annotates the narrative of La Salle’s Gulf of Mexico experiences,
and makes some identifications of localities different from those of
other writers. Cf. also _Historical Magazine_, xiv. 308 (December,
1868).
[649] There is an English translation in Falconer’s _Discovery of the
Mississippi_, and in French’s _Historical Collections of Louisiana_, i.
52.
[650] Margry, i. 571.
[651] Joutel says it had a map; but later authorities have not
discovered any. Cf. Harrisse, _Notes_, etc., no. 174; Leclerc, no.
1,027 (130 francs); Dufossé (70 and 100 francs); Carter-Brown, vol. ii.
no. 1,522. It was reprinted as “Relation de la Louisiane” in Bernard’s
_Recueil des voyages au Nord_, Amsterdam, 1720, 1724, and 1734, also
appearing separately. An English translation appeared in London, in
1698, called _An Account of Monsieur de la Salle’s last Expedition and
Discoveries in North America_, with _Adventures of Sieur de Montauban_
appended. (Harrisse, no 178; Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 1,542; Brinley,
no. 4,524.) This version was reprinted in the _N. Y. Hist. Coll._, ii.
217-341.
[652] _La Salle_, p. 129.
[653] See vol. iii. pp. 89-534, and p. 648, for an account of the
document.
[654] _La Salle_, 397; cf. Shea’s _Charlevoix_, i. 88-90.
[655] Joutel, according to Lebreton (_Revue de Rouen_, 1852, p. 236),
had served since he was seventeen in the army.
[656] Harrisse, no. 750. The book is rare; there are copies in the
Boston Public, Lenox, Carter-Brown (vol. iii. no. 117), and Cornell
University (_Sparks’s Catalogue_, no. 1,387) libraries. Cf. Sabin, vol.
ix. p. 351; Brinley, no. 4,497; Leclerc, no. 925 (100 francs); Stevens,
_Bibliotheca Historica_, 1870, no. 1,036; Dufossé, nos. 1,999, 3,300,
and 9,171 (55 and 50 francs); O’Callaghan, no. 1,276.
The book should have a map entitled _Carte nouvelle de la Louisiane et
de la Rivière de Mississipi ... dressée par le Sieur Joutel_, 1713. A
section of this map is given in the _Magazine of American History_,
1882, p. 185, and in A. P. C. Griffin’s _Discovery of the Mississippi_,
p. 20.
In 1714 an English translation appeared in Paris, as _A Journal of the
last Voyage perform’d by Monsr. de la Sale to the Gulph of Mexico, to
find out the Mouth of the Mississipi River; his unfortunate Death, and
the Travels of his Companions for the Space of Eight Hundred Leagues
across that Inland Country of America, now call’d Louisania, translated
from the Edition just publish’d at Paris_. It also had a folding map
showing the course of the Mississippi, with a view of Niagara engraved
in the corner. Cf. Harrisse, no. 751; Lenox, in _Historical Magazine_,
ii. 25; Field, _Indian Bibliography_, no. 808; Menzies, no. 1,110;
Stevens, _Historical Collections_, vol. i. no. 1,462; Carter-Brown,
vol. iii. no. 55; Brinley, no. 4,498 (with date 1715). There are copies
in the Boston Public, the Lenox, and Cornell University libraries. This
1714 translation was issued with a new title in 1719 (Carter-Brown,
vol. iii. no. 244; Field, no. 809), and was reprinted in French’s
_Historical Collections of Louisiana_, part i. p. 85. A Spanish
translation, _Diario historico_, was issued in New York in 1831.
Dumont’s _Mémoires historiques sur la Louisiane_, Paris, 1753, with
a map, was put forth by its author as a sort of continuation of the
Journal published by Joutel in 1713.
Shea speaks of Hennepin’s _Nouveau Voyage_ as “a made-up affair of no
authority.” It is translated in French’s _Historical Collections of
Louisiana_, part i. p. 214; in the _Archæologia Americana_; and of
course in Shea’s _Hennepin_; cf. _Western Magazine_, i. 507.
[657] The Library of Parliament _Catalogue_, p. 1616, no. 30, gives
a map, copied from the original in the French Archives, which shows
the spot of La Salle’s assassination. La Salle’s route is traced on
Delisle’s map, which is reproduced by Gravier.
[658] This portion of his Journal is translated in the _Magazine of
American History_, ii. 753; and Parkman thinks it is marked by sense,
intelligence, and candor.
[659] Translated into English in Shea’s _Discovery of the Mississippi_,
p. 197, and in his edition of _Le Clercq_, where he compares it with
Joutel. Parkman cannot resist the conclusion that Douay did not always
write honestly, and told a different story at different times. _La
Salle_, p. 409.
[660] Vol. iii. p. 601.
[661] _La Salle_, p. 436.
[662] Shea printed it from Parkman’s manuscript in 1858, and translated
it, with notes, in his _Early Voyages up and down the Mississippi_. It
is called _Relation du voyage entrepris par feu M. Robert Cavelier,
Sieur de la Salle....Par son frère, M. Cavelier, l’un des compagnons
de voyage_. Shea says of it in his Charlevoix, iv. 63, that “it is
enfeebled by his acknowledged concealment, if not misrepresentation;
and his statements generally are attacked by Joutel.” Cf. Margry, ii.
501.
[663] Cf. Joutel, Charlevoix, Michelet, Henri Martin, and Margry in his
_Les Normands dans les vallées de l’Ohio et du Mississipi_. Parkman
modified his judgment between the publication of his Great West and his
_La Salle_.
[664] Page 294.
[665] Page 208.
[666] Vol. iii. p. 610.
[667] Page 25. Cf. French, _Historical Collections of Louisiana_, 2d
series, p. 293.
A few miscellaneous references may be preserved regarding La Salle and
the Western discoveries:—
The paper by Levot in the _Nouvelle biographie générale_; one by
Xavier Eyma, in the _Revue contemporaine_, 1863, called “Légende
du Meschacébé;” Th. Le Breton’s “Un navigateur Rouennais au xvii^e
siècle,” in the _Revue de Rouen et de Normandie_, 1852, p. 231; a
section of Guerin’s _Les navigateurs Français_, 1846, p. 369; the
Letters of Nobility given to La Salle, printed by Gravier in his
Appendix, p. 360; where is also his Will (p. 385), dated Aug. 11,
1681, which can also be found in Margry, and translated in _Magazine
of American History_, September, 1878 (ii. 551), and in Falconer’s
_Discovery of the Mississippi_; a picture of his 1684 expedition,
by Th. Gudin, in the Versailles Gallery; a paper on the discoveries
of La Salle as affecting the French claim to a western extension
of Louisiana, in the _Journal_ of the Royal Geographical Society,
xiii. 223; paper by R. H. Clarke in the _Catholic World_, xx. 690,
833; “La Salle and the Mississippi,” in _De Bow’s Review_, xxii. 13.
Gravier has furnished an introduction (69 pages) on “Les Normands sur
le Mississipi, 1682-1727,” to his fac-simile edition (1872) of the
_Relation du voyage des dames Ursulines de Rouen à la Nouvelle Orléans_
(100 copies) of Madeleine Hachard, following the original printed at
Rouen in 1728 (Maisonneuve, _Livres de fond_, 1883, p. 30).
[668] He seems to have begun to make his copies in 1842, led to it by
the work he had done when employed by General Cass.
[669] “Découverte de l’acte de naissance de Robert Cavelier de la
Salle,” in the _Revue de Rouen_, 1847, pp. 708-711, and others
mentioned elsewhere.
[670] Preface to eleventh edition of Parkman’s _La Salle_.
[671] From a copperplate by Van der Gucht in the London (1698) edition
of Hennepin’s _New Discovery_. The Margry picture has unfortunately
deceived not a few. It has been reproduced in the Carter-Brown
Catalogue, and in Shea’s edition of Le Clercq’s _Établissement de la
Foi_; and Mr. Baldwin speaks of the determination which its features
showed the man to possess!
[672] The curious reader interested in M. Margry’s career among
manuscripts may read R. H. Major’s Preface (pp. xxiv-li) to his _Life
of Prince Henry of Portugal_, London, 1868. Mr. Major has clearly got
no high idea of M. Margry’s acumen or honesty from the claim which this
Frenchman has put forth, that the instigation of Columbus’s views came
from France. Cf. Major’s _Select Letters of Columbus_, p. xlvii.
[673] Margry is not able to refer to the depository of this document,
as it is not known to have been seen since Faillon used it. The copy of
it made for Sparks is in Harvard College Library. See a translation of
part in _Magazine of American History_, ii. 238.
[674] This method of supplying Canadian mothers is the subject of some
inquiry in Parkman’s _Old Régime_, p. 220.
[675] Papers on Hennepin and Du Lhut are in the _Minnesota Hist. Soc.
Coll._, vol. i. Du Lhut’s “Mémoire sur la Découverte du pays des
Nadouecioux dans le Canada,” is in Harrisse, no. 177, and a translation
is in Shea’s _Hennepin_.
[676] Shea (_Le Clercq_, ii. 123) notes a valuable series of articles
on Hennepin by H. A. Rafferman, in the _Deutsche Pionier_, Aug.-Oct.,
1880.
[677] [See chapter iv.—ED.]
[678] This was not the only missionary labor in New France during the
period already noticed. In 1619 some Recollect Fathers of the province
of Aquitaine in France, at the instance of a fishing company which
had establishments on the Acadian coast, came over to minister to the
French and labor among the Indians. Their field of labor included Nova
Scotia, New Brunswick, and Gaspé; but of the results of their attempts
to instil an idea of Christianity into the minds of the Micmacs, we can
give no details. One of their number, Father Sebastian, perished in the
woods in 1623, while on his way from his post at Miscou to the chief
mission station on St. John’s River. Three surviving Fathers joined the
Recollects at Quebec in 1624 by order of their provincial in France,
and took part in their ministry till Kirk arrived.
[679] [It was printed in 1833, in the _Memoirs_ of the American
Academy. His strong box, captured at the same time, was for a while
(1845-1855) in the keeping of the Massachusetts Historical Society
(_Proceedings_, ii. 322; iii. 40). Pickering, who edited the dictionary
when printed, submitted to the same Society (_Proceedings_, i. 476)
some original papers concerning Rale, preserved in the _Massachusetts
Archives_, and these were used by Convers Francis in his _Life of
Ralle_ in Sparks’s _American Biography_. Cf. also 2 _Mass. Hist. Coll._
viii. 2511 and Proceedings, iii. 324. An account of his monument is
in the _Historical Magazine_, March, 1858, p. 84, and June, 1871, p.
399.—ED.]
[680] The Abenaki missions on the St. Lawrence and in Maine were
continued, however; and a remnant of the tribe still adhere to the
Catholic faith at Indian Old Town, on the Penobscot, as they did in
the days of Rale and of Orono, their chief, who led them to fight
beside the Continentals in the Revolution. They are now known as the
Penobscots and Passamaquoddies, but are dwindling away.
[681] [Harrisse, _Notes sur la Nouvelle France_, no. 62, says the
book is hard reading, which explains the little use made of it by
historians. Chevalier, in his introduction to the Paris reprint by
Tross, in 1864-66, arraigns Charlevoix for his harsh judgment of
Sagard. The original is now rare and costly. Tross, before securing a
copy to print from, kept for years a standing offer of 1,200 francs.
There are copies in the Harvard College and Carter-Brown (vol. ii.
no. 437) libraries. Rich, in 1832, priced it at £1 16_s._; Quaritch,
in 1880, prices it at £63; and Le Clerc (no. 2,947), with the Huron
music in fac-simile, gives 1,200 francs. Dufossé (_Americana_, 1876 and
1877-78) prices copies at 1,200 and 1,500 francs; cf. Crowninshield,
no. 948, and Field’s _Indian Bibliography_, no. 1,344.
Of the _Grand Voyage_ of 1632, there are copies in Harvard College and
Carter-Brown libraries, and in the Library of Congress. Other copies
were in the Crowninshield (no. 949), Brinley (no. 143), and O’Callaghan
(no. 2,046) sales. Harrisse (_Notes_, etc., no. 53) says that after
the Solar sale, where it brought 320 francs, it became an object for
collectors; and Dufossé, in 1877, priced it at 550 francs; Ellis &
White, the same year, at £42; Quaritch, at £36; Rich, fifty years ago,
said copies had brought £15. Cf. Field, no. 1,341. This book was also
reprinted by Tross in 1865.—ED.]
[682] [This translation, of which only 250 copies were printed, was
made by Dr. Shea. He introduces it with “A Sketch of Father Christian
Le Clercq,” which includes a bibliographical account of his works. The
book supplements in a measure Sagard’s _Histoire du Canada_, since that
had given the earlier labors as this portrays the later works of the
Recollects, or at least more minutely than Sagard. The Recollects had
been recalled to Canada to thwart the Jesuits, and Le Clercq reached
Quebec in 1673, and was assigned in 1675 to the vicinity of the Bay of
Gaspé as a missionary field; and it is of his labors in this region
that we learn in his _Nouvelle relation de la Gaspésie_, which was
printed in Paris in 1691 (cf. Harrisse, _Notes_, 170; Field, _Indian
Bibliography_, 902; Ternaux, 176; Faribault, 82; Lenox, in _Historical
Magazine_, ii. 25; Dufossé, _Americana_, 1878, 75 and 100 francs;
Sabin, vol. x. p. 159; Stevens, _Bibliotheca Historica_, 1870, no.
1,113; _Brinley Catalogue_, 102; Le Clercq, _Bibl. Amer._, 746, 140
francs; Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 1,415; O’Callaghan, no. 1,360), and
Le Clercq refers his readers to the present work for a continuation of
the story, but it does not contain it, that portion being suppressed,
as Dr. Shea thinks. The Jesuits are bitterly satirized by Le Clercq
in the concluding part of the first volume, and in the second of the
_Établissement_. Shea’s collation of the _Nouvelle Relation_ does
not correspond with the Harvard College copy, which has 28 instead
of 26 preliminary leaves. See also Sabin’s _Dictionary_, vol. x. no.
39,649; Field’s _Indian Bibliography_, no. 903; Harrisse, _Notes sur
la Nouvelle France_, no. 170; Boucher de la Richarderie, vi. 21;
Faribault, p. 82.
The original edition of the _Établissement_ had two varieties of title,
one bearing the author’s name in full, and the other concealing it by
initials. It is very rare with either title, but copies can be found
in the Carter-Brown Library (see _Catalogue_, no. 1,413), and in the
Sparks Collection at Cornell University (see _Sparks Catalogue_, no.
1,482). Dr. Shea notes other copies in Baron James Rothschild’s library
at Paris, and in the Abbé H. Verreau’s collection at Montreal. Mr.
Stewart tells me there are copies in the libraries of Laval University,
of the Quebec Government, Of the Literary and Historical Society of
Quebec, and of Parliament, at Ottawa. The Leno Library has a copy of
what seems the same edition, with the title changed to _Histoire des
colonies françoises_, Paris and Lyons, 1692. Mr. Lenox (_Historical
Magazine_, January, 1858), following Sparks and others, claimed that
the 1691 edition was suppressed; but Harrisse (_Notes_, etc. p. 159)
disputes this in a long notice of the book, in which he cites _Œuvres
de Messire Antoine Arnould_, Paris, 1780, xxxiv. 720, to the contrary.
Le Clercq’s book should have a map, “Carte generalle de la Nouvelle
France,” which is given in fac-simile in vol. ii. of this translation.
It includes all North America, except the Arctic regions, but,
singularly, omits Lake Champlain.
President Sparks wrote in his copy: “An extremely rare book.... It is
peculiarly valuable as containing the first original account of the
discoveries of La Salle by two [Recollect] missionaries who accompanied
him. From this book, also, Hennepin drew the account of his pretended
discovery of the Mississippi River.” See the bibliographical notice in
Shea’s _Discovery and Explorations of the Mississippi Valley_, p. 78.
Sparks, in his _Life of La Salle_, first pointed out how Hennepin had
plagiarized from the journal of Father Membré, contained in Le Clercq.
See further in Shea’s _Mississippi Valley_, p. 83 _et seq._, where
Membré’s journal in Shea’s translation from Le Clercq was printed for
the first time, and the note on Hennepin, following chap. viii. of the
present volume. Harrisse, _Notes_, etc., p. 160, points out what we owe
to this work for a knowledge of La Salle’s explorations. Cf. Parkman’s
_La Salle_; Field’s _Indian Bibliography_, no. 903, with a note
touching the authorship; Brunet, _Supplement_, i. 810, noting copies
sold,—Maisonneuve, 250 francs; Sóbolewski, 150 thalers; Tross (1873),
410 francs; Dufossé, 600 francs; Le Clercq, no. 2,833, 1,500 francs.
The bibliographers are agreed that others than Le Clercq were engaged
in the _Établissement_, and that the part concerning Frontenac was
clearly not by Le Clercq. Charlevoix says Frontenac himself assisted in
it; and it is Shea’s opinion that extraneous matter was attached to Le
Clercq’s account of the Recollect missions, to convert the book into an
attack in large part on the Jesuits.—ED.
[683] Champlain’s _Voyages_, Prince ed. iii. 104 _et seq._
[684] _Establishment of the Faith_, i. 200, 346.
[685] [See a note on the bibliography of Hennepin, following chap.
viii. of the present volume.—ED.]
[686] [S. Lesage, in the _Revue Canadienne_, iv. 303 (1867), gives a
good summary of the Recollect missions.—ED.]
[687] [An annotated bibliography of the _Relations_ follows this
chapter.—ED.]
[688] Harrisse, no. 122. The book has been priced by Leclerc at 500
francs, and by Quaritch at £16 16_s._ Field does not mention it in his
_Indian Bibliography_.
[689] See chap. v.; and cf. _Historical Magazine_, ix. 205, and Shea’s
_Charlevoix_, iii. 165. Also later _Sub_ 1655-56.
[690] Cf. Wilson on Mines in _Canadian Journal_, May, 1856.
[691] See _Mgr. de St. Valier et L’Hôpital Général de Quebec_. Quebec,
1882.
[692] This son, François Louis, entered the army, and was killed while
in the service of King Louis, in Germany.
[693] A plan of this fort was sent by M. Denonville to France, on
the 13th November, 1685. A copy may be seen in Faillon’s _Histoire
de la Colonie Française_, iii. 467, entitled “Fort de Frontenac ou
Katarakourg, construit par le Sieur de la Salle.” A sketch after
Faillon is given on another page, in the editorial note on La Salle
appended to chapter v.
[694] [Dr. Hawley says, in a note in his _Early Chapters of Cayuga
History_, page 15, that this name is derived from _onnonte_, a
mountain, and was given by the Hurons and Iroquois to Montmagny,
governor of Canada, 1636-1648, as a translation of his name (_mons
magnus_), and was applied to his successors, while the King of France
was called _Grand Onontio_.—ED.]
[695] [See narrative in chap. vi. Margry (i. 195) gives the “Voyage du
Comte de Frontenac au lac Ontario, en 1673,” with letters appertaining.
Cf. _N. Y. Col. Doc._, ix. 95.—ED.]
[696] Abbé Salignac de Fénelon was a half brother of the author of
_Télémaque_. Hildreth appears in doubt about him, and says: “Could
this have been the Abbé and Saint Sulpitian priest of the same name,
afterward so famous in the world of religion and letters? If so, his
two years’ missionary residence in Canada seems to have been overlooked
by his biographers. Yet he might have gathered there some hints for
_Telemachus_.” See the “Note on the Jesuit Relations,” _sub anno_
1666-1667. Perrot’s character is drawn in Faillon (iii. 446) from the
Sulpitian side.
[697] [Margry (i. 405) gives an account of the deliberations on the
selling of liquor to the savages, which were held at Quebec Oct. 10,
1678.—ED.]
[698] Auteuil’s house was situated about two leagues away from Quebec.
Villeray went to the Isle of Orleans, and Tilly took up his quarters at
the house of M. Juchereau, of St. Denis, near Quebec.
[699] [Duchesneau issued in 1681, at Quebec, a Memoir on the tribes
from which peltries were derived. An English translation of this is in
2 _Pennsylvania Archives_, vi. 7.—ED.]
[700] See chap. iv.
[701] [A _Mémoire_ (Nov. 12, 1685) _du Marquis de Denonville sur l’État
du Canada, 12 Novembre_, is in Brodhead, _N. Y. Col. Docs._, ix. 280;
and an English translation is in 2 _Pennsylvania Archives_, vi. 24.
Various other documents of this period are referred to in the _Notes
Historiques_ of Harrisse’s _Notes_, etc.—ED.]
[702] [Cf. chap. vi. For this campaign against the Senecas, see Shea’s
_Charlevoix_, iii. 286 (and his authorities); Parkman’s _Frontenac_
(references p. 156); Denonville’s Journal, translated in _N. Y. Col.
Docs._, vol. ix.; St. Vallier, _État Présent_; Belmont, _Histoire du
Canada_; La Hontan; Tonty; Perrot; La Potherie; and the statements of
the Senecas, in _N. Y. Col. Docs._, vol. iii. Squier’s _Aboriginal
Monuments of New York_ gives a plan of the Seneca fort; and O. H.
Marshall identifies its site in 2 _N. Y. Hist. Coll._, vol. ii.—ED.]
[703] [Margry (i. 37) gives a statement, made in 1712 by Vaudreuil and
Bégon, collating the _Relations_ from 1646 to 1687, to show the right
of the French to the Iroquois country. Denonville’s _Mémoire_ (1688),
on the limits of the French claim, is translated in 2 _Pennsylvania
Archives_, vi. 36. The _Mémoire_ of the King, addressed to Denonville,
explanatory of the claim, is translated in French’s _Historical
Collections_, 2d series, i. 123. The _Catalogue_ of the Canadian
Parliament, 1858, p. 1617. no. 39, shows a large map of the French
possessions, defining their boundaries by the English, copied from an
original in the French archives. The claim was pressed of an extension
to the Pacific. See Greenhow’s _Oregon_, p. 159.—ED.]
[704] [There is in the _Massachusetts Archives: Documents collected
in France_, iv. 7, a paper dated Versailles, 10 Mai, 1690, entitled
“Projet d’une Expédition contre Manat et Baston,” which is accompanied
by a map showing the coast from New York to the Merrimack, in its
relation to Lakes Champlain and Ontario. The English towns are marked
“bourg;” only “Baston” is put down by name. See Notes following chap.
iv.—ED.]
[705] [French armed vessels had also attacked Block Island, _Historical
Magazine_vii. 324.—ED.]