Snow-shoes, 331.
Soenrese, 284.
Soil, endurance of, ix;
peculiarities, xii, xxvi.
Soissons, Count de, 123.
Solar Eclipse (1663), 310.
Sorel, 336.
Souel, Père, 289.
Source, Thaumur de la, 316.
Sourin, 139.
Sourinquois, 150, 152.
South Carolina, population of, xxviii;
upland districts, xxix.
South Company, 444, 452.
South Mountains, xxv.
South River (Delaware), 423.
South Sea, 42, 175;
Joliet to discover the, 179.
_See_ Pacific.
Southampton, Earl of, 110.
Spagnola, 34, 46.
_See_ Hayti.
Spalding, Archbishop, _Miscellanea_, 299.
Spaniards, their commerce preyed upon by the French, 5, 6;
early on the northeast coast, 9, 10;
in the Gulf of St. Lawrence, 74;
in the Hudson, 433.
Sparks, Jared, 367;
_Life of La Salle_, 242;
_Life of Marquette_, 220;
manuscripts, 160.
Speed, _Prospect_, 378;
map of Delaware Bay, 482;
map, 384.
Spiring, Peter, 445, 499;
autog., 445.
Spirito Santo Bay, 251.
Spirito Santo, Rio de, 98.
Sprinchorn, K. S., 500, 502.
Squier, _Aboriginal Monuments of New York_, 348.
Stadaconna, 52, 54, 304,
(Tadacona), 87.
Standish, Miles, 144.
Starbäck, C. G., 502.
Starved Rock, 226.
Staten Island, 436, 441.
Stature, comparative, xvi.
Steendam, Jacob, 432.
Stevens, Henry, buys Muller’s Collection, 439.
Stewart, George, Jr., “Frontenac and his Times”, 317.
Stiddem, T., 500.
Stiernman, A. A. von, _Samling_, 494.
Stiles, _History of Brooklyn_, 441.
Stille, Olaf, 461, 500.
Stille, O. P., 452.
Stirling, Earldom of, 155.
Stobnicza map, 36.
Stöcklein, _Brief-Schriften_, 316.
Stoddard’s _Sketches of Louisiana_, 254.
Stone, W. L., _New York_, 440.
Stone Age, 53.
Strahl, Gustaf, 452.
Street, Alfred B., _Frontenac_, 361.
Strickland, W. P., _Old Mackinaw_, 199.
Strozzi Library, 17.
Stuart, James, at Cape Breton, 128.
Stuyvesant, Peter, 404, 464;
arrives, 405;
autog., 406;
attacks the Swedes, 467, 478;
portrait, 441;
his house, 441;
pear-tree, 442;
hisjourney to Esopus, 442.
Subercase, 351.
Sulpitians, 205, 266, 275, 290, 309, 329, 360;
martyrs, 305;
authorities, 294.
Sulte, Benjamin, _Histoire des Canadiens-Français_, 368;
on Nicolet, 196;
_Mèlanges_, 138.
Sun. _See_ Solar.
Superior, Lake, 261;
Jesuits’ map of, 205, 313;
heliotype of, 313;
Whitney’s _Geological Report of_, 313;
map, (1656), 391, (1683), 249;
early described, 165;
maps of, 208, (1674), 212, 214, 215, 218, (1697), 251, 252;
reached, 168;
called Tracy, 206;
traders on (1658), 309, (upper lake), 260;
map, (1688), 230, (Tracy), 232, 233, (1709), 258.
_See_ Great Lakes.
Susquehanna River, 165.
Susquehannahs, 298.
Svedberg, Bishop, _America illuminata_, 493.
Svedberg, Jesper, 493.
Svedberg, J. D., _Dissertatio_, 493.
Svenson, Jacob, 453, 474, 502.
Swamps, xiii.
Swanenburg, 408.
Sweden, South Company of, 403.
Swedenborg, Emmanuel, 493.
Swedes on the Delaware, 404, 443.
_See_ New Sweden.
Swiss in Tennessee, xix.
Sylvanus’ map, 36.
Sylvius, L., 425.
Tablelands, iv.
Tadenac, Lake, 80, 97, 377.
Tadoussac, 143, 269, 303, 312, 384;
Champlain at, 104;
plan of, by Champlain, 114;
missions, 265, 302, 315.
Taignoagny, 50, 52.
Tailhan, J., 246;
edits Perrot, 197, 298, 359.
Tallemant des Réaux, 357.
Talon, 172, 333, 366;
and Frontenac, 321, 322;
and Western explorations, 205;
his house, 354.
Tamaroas, 288.
Tanner, _Societas Jesu_, 306.
Tarcotte, L. P., _Histoire de l’ile Orléans_, 308.
Taylor, James W., _History of Ohio_, 198.
Teananstayae mission, 276, 277.
Tehgahkwita, 283.
Teissier, F., _Les Français au Canada_, 368.
Temistitan, 40, 42, 93.
_See_ Mexico;
Timistitan.
Temperature, range of, xii.
Temple, Sir Thomas, 145, 161.
Terceira, Island, 1.
Ternaux-Compans, _Archives des Voyages_, 63;
_La Nouvelle Swède_, 496.
Thébaud, A. J., 199, 297.
Thevenot, gives Marquette’s narrative, 219;
_Recueil de Voyages_, 219, 294;
gives map, 220.
Thevet, André, 30;
his claim, 11;
his _Singularitez de la France_, 30, 31, 50;
his _Cosmographie_, 30, 66;
_Grand Insulaire_, MS., 66, 68;
map (1575), 79, 95.
Thomas, Gabriel, map of, 482.
Thomassy, _De la Salle_, 225;
_Géologie pratique de la Louisiane_, 224;
_Les papes géographes_, 19, 40;
on the Verrazano map, 19.
Thompson, B. F., _Long Island_, 441.
Thomson, P. G., _Bibliography of Ohio_, 198.
Thorndike, Colonel Israel, 201.
Thorne, Robert, his map, 45.
Thornton, J. W., _Ancient Pemaquid_, 159.
Thoulet, J., 200, 245;
his map, 200.
Three Rivers, 166, 308, 312;
mission, 267, 271, 274;
site of, 311.
Thule, 97.
_See_ Thyle.
Thurloe, _State Papers_, 430.
Thury, Pierre, 160, 269, 274;
_Relation_, 159.
Thyle, 84.
_See_ Thule.
Ticonderoga, 119.
Tiele, P. A., _Mémoire bibliographique_, 439, 442;
_Nederlandsche Pamfletten_, 439.
Tienhoven, Van, 420.
Tienpont, A. J., 398.
Tierra del Fuego, 43.
Tillage, labor of, in New England, xii.
Tilly, 335.
Timistitan, 46.
_See_ Temistitan.
Tin mines, viii.
_See_ Mines.
Tinicum, 454.
Tinot, Cape, 75.
Tionontates, 276.
Tobacco, 168;
introduced into France, 32;
in New Sweden, 454, 458, 459, 462;
its influence, xiv;
in Virginia, xxvii, 475.
Toledo, Historical and Geographical Society of, 198.
Tonty, Henri, 188, 194, 225, 347;
joins La Salle, 182;
autog., 182;
at Crèvecœur, 224;
with Denonville, 193;
seeks La Salle, 238;
tries to rescue his colony, 239;
on Lake Michigan, 223;
sketch of the Mississippi, 239;
disowns the _Dernières découvertes_, 240.
Toreno, Nuño Garcia de, map (1534), 37, 91.
Torkillus, Reorus, 449, 458.
Tortugas, 42.
Townshend, Charles, 154.
Tracy, attacks the Mohawks, 283, 312;
voyage of, 310;
autog., 311.
Tracy, Lake, 206.
Trigant, 302.
Trinity Fort, 473;
view of, 473;
the Dutch before, 478;
captured by the Dutch, 479.
Trouvé, 267;
autog., 266.
Troyes, Chevalier de, 345.
Trübner’s Literary Record, 439.
Turcotte, Louis P., _Les Archives du Canada_, 366.
Turenne, 318.
Turgis, Charles, 268.
Turkey (bird), xv.
Turner, Nathaniel, on the Delaware, 451.
Tuttle, C. W., 155;
_History of Canada_, 368;
(with Durrie, D. S.), _History of Iowa_, 199;
_History of Michigan_, 199;
_Wisconsin_, 199.
Ulpius, Euphrosynus, his globe, 19, 28, 40, (fac-simile), 42, 76, 81,
82, 414.
Ulster County Historical Society, 409.
“Union”, ship, 400.
_United States Catholic Magazine_, 306.
Upland, 455;
records of, 498.
Upper Canada, Historical Society of, 368.
Uricoechea, _Mapoteca Colombiana_, 375.
Ursulines, 272, 308;
in Quebec, 314, 354.
Usselinx, Willem, 396, 403, 415, 443, 490, 491, 499, 502;
his writings, 416, 418;
autog., 443;
_Argonautica Gustaviana_, 417, 490;
_Advice_, etc. 417.
Utrecht, treaty of, 135.
Uzielli’s _Elenco_, etc., 38.
Vaaz, Jhan, 87.
Vaillant, 349.
Valck, his maps, 385.
Valentine, D. T., _New York_, 440;
_New York City Manual_, 418.
Vallard, Nicolas, map, 76, 86.
Van Bogardt, Jost, 450.
Van Curler, Arent, 312.
Van Dyck, G., 453, 454, 462;
autog., 454.
Van Horst, M. M., 450.
Van Hulst, Felix, _Notice sur Hennepin_, 247.
Van Loon, _Zee-Atlas_, 376;
map of New Netherland, 482.
Van Meteren, Emanuel, 416;
_Histoire_, 424.
Van Rensselaer, Kilian, arrives, 419;
his family, 419.
_See_ Rensselaer.
Van Sweeringen, G., 498.
Van Twiller, Wouter, 401;
autog., 401.
Vann Vliet, C., 449.
Vandeput, Captain, 411.
Van den Bosch, 425.
Van der Aa, map of New Holland, 438.
Van der Donck, Adrien, 416, 491;
account of, 419;
autog., 419;
_Beschrijvinge_, etc., 420;
life and family, 420;
his writings, 419;
his _Vertoogh_, 419;
his map, 500.
Van der Kemp, Francis, 412.
Van der Wulf, J. K., _Tractaten_, 439.
Varennes, 336.
Vaudreuil, 347, 351;
attacks the Oneidas, 355.
Vaugondy, Robert de, 375;
_Histoire de la Géographie_, 375.
Vaulx, Jacques de, map, 79;
_Œuvres_, 79.
Vega, Garcilasso de la, 255.
Velasco, 74.
Vemey, Abbé, 359.
_Verheerlickte Nederlant_, 422.
Verenderye, La, 289.
Vermillion Sea, 175, 178, 179, 185, 208, 209, 228.
_See_ California, Gulf of.
Verrazano, Giovanni da, 415, 416;
account of, 5;
his landfall, 6;
in New York Harbor, 7;
returns to Dieppe, 9;
in the St. Lawrence, 9;
authorities on his voyage, 17, 18;
his letter, 17;
autog., 25;
influence of, in later maps, 19;
his sea, 38, 89;
maps derived from, 17, 18;
doubt regarding the voyage, 18.
Verrazano, Hieronimo da, his map, 18, 25, 26, 37.
Verreau, Abbé, 205, 222, 246, 302, 314, 366;
_Abbés de Fénelon_, 312.
Vetromile on the Indians of Acadia, 150;
_Abnakis_, 150.
Vicuna, xv.
Viegas, Gasper, chart of, 46.
Viel, Nicholas, 265.
Viele, Arnold, 340.
Viele, E. L., 435.
Viger, Jacques, 303, 366.
Vignal, Guillaume, 283, 305;
murdered, 310;
autog., 310.
Vignan, Nicholas de, 123, 124.
Villebon, 160;
autog., 160.
Villegagnon, 11, 31, 66.
Villeneuve, 354.
Villeray, 334, 335, 354.
Villieu, 160.
Vimont, _Relations_, 302, 303, 305.
Vincennes (Ind.), Catholic Archbishop of, 299.
Vincent, Francis, _History of Delaware_, 499.
Virginia, 101, 377;
fitness for colonization, 151;
Hall’s map of, 374;
Swedish map of, 485;
water front, xxvii;
tobacco its staple, xxvii.
Virginians of English stock, xvii;
their physique, xvii;
increase of population, xix.
Visscher, C. J., 376, 418.
Visscher, N., _Atlas minor_, 375, 438;
map by, 390;
map of New Sweden, 467;
map of New Netherland, 438;
map, sketch of, 385.
Vitelleschi, 301.
Vitray, 354.
Viverius, 102.
Volpellio, map (1556), 90, 99.
Von Murr, his _Behaim_, 18.
Von Sybel, _Historische Zeitschrift_, 502.
Vos haven, 391.
Voyageurs, 164.
Vries, de, David Pietersen, 400, 401.
Wabash, 232;
called Ouabach, 224, 237, 261.
Wadsworth, Benjamin, 355.
Wagenaar, Jean, _Vaderlandsche Historie_, 425.
Walker, A., “A forgotten Hero”, in _Frazer’s Magazine_, 66.
Wallabout, 400.
Walley, John, 353;
autog., 364;
his narrative of the attack on Quebec, 363.
Walloons in New Netherland, 400.
Walruses, 30.
Wampum, 55.
Warburton, Eliot, _Conquest of Canada_, 364.
Warwick, Earl of, his grant, 401.
“Warwick”, ship, 165, 412.
Wasa, 462.
Washburn, J. D., on Verrazano, 18.
Wassenaer, N. J. de, 424;
_Hist. Verhael_, etc., 416, 424.
Watson, J. F., _Annals of New York_, 440;
_Annals of Philadelphia_, 440.
Watson, History of _Essex County, N. Y._, 125.
Watteau, Père, 288.
Weise, _History of Troy_, 435.
Wells, Edward, _New Sett of Maps_, 393.
Wells (Me.), attacked, 160;
Bourne’s _History_, 160.
West India Company (Dutch), 396, 397, 398, 402, 410, 414;
its records, 410, 431;
established, 416, 424, 425;
object of, 418;
history of, 418;
its flag, 418;
hostile feeling against, 422, 423.
West Indies, Champlain in, 133.
Western Reserve and Northern Ohio Historical Society, 198.
Westminster, treaty of, 145.
Weymouth, George, 110.
Whale, white, 52.
Wheeler, _History of Castine_, 147.
Whipple, Joseph, _Geographical View_, 155.
White, John, his map, 45.
White Mountains, iv.
White Sand Island, 50, 51.
Whitelock in Sweden, 476.
Whitelocke, Bulstrode, _Journal_, 495.
Whittlesey, Colonel Charles, 207, 242.
Wieser, _Magalhâes-Strasse_, 45.
Willem Hendrick, Fort, 408.
Willemsen, S., 463.
Willemstadt, 408.
Williams, J. F., _History of St. Paul_, 199.
Williams, Roger, and the Dutch, 428.
Williamson, _History of Maine_, 138.
Willis, William, _Portland_, 159.
Wilmere, Alice, 134.
Winchester, Colonel W. P., 367.
Winckelmann, H. J., 426.
Windebanke, Sir Francis, 448.
Winnebago, Lake, 224.
Winnebagoes, 167, 175.
Winnipeg, 166.
Winsor, Justin, “Baron La Hontan”, 257;
bibliography of the _Jesuit Relations_, 295;
“Cartography of the Northeast Coast of North America”, 81;
“Father Hennepin”, 247;
“General Atlases”, 369;
“Joliet, Marquette, and La Salle”, 201;
“Maps of Eastern Coast of North America”, 33;
“Maps of the Seventeenth Century”, 377.
Winthrop, Fitz-John, expedition against Montreal, 352;
autog., 364.
Winthrop, John, 456;
_History of New England_, 156;
his Journal, 156, 428, 495;
editions of, 428.
_Winthrop Papers_, 364.
Wiquefort, _Ambassadeur_, 424.
Wisconsin, Historical Society, 199;
bibliography of, 199;
histories, 199.
Wisconsin River, 167, 184, 196, (Miskonsing), 209, 232, 251, 252,
(Ouariconsing), 258.
Wolfe, J. D., 19.
Wolfenbüttel MS., 46.
Wolfgang, S., _Atlas minor_, 376.
Wrangel, H., 453.
Wright, Edward, _Certaine Errors of Navigation_, 369, 385.
Wuttke, H., _Geschichte der Erdkunde_, 38, 88.
Wyandots, 267, 286;
country of, 298.
Wytfliet, Cornelius, _Descriptionis Ptolemaicæ augmentum_, 101, 369;
fac-simile of title, 370;
map (1597), 79, 100.
Yates and Moulton, _History of New York_, 431.
Yazoos, 268.
Yonkers, 419.
York (Me.), captured, 160.
Young, Rev. Alexander, D.D., 151.
Young (Yong), Captain Thomas, 165.
Yucatan, 40, 41, 42, 46.
Yucatanet, 27.
Yucatania, 67.
Zaltieri map (1566), 93.
_Zee-Atlases_, 376.
Zeehelm, H. G., 486.
_Zeitschrift für allgemeine Erdkunde_, 35.
Zeni, 101.
Zipangu, 41.
_See_ Cipango.
Zorzi, _Paesi_, etc, 12.
Zurla, P., _Antiche mappe_, 414;
_di Marco Polo_, 82.
Zuyder Zee, 391.
Zwanendael, 400, 402, 418.
FOOTNOTES:
[1] Egypt may perhaps afford an exception; but it is probable that
the germs of its civilization came from Asia. All its relations are
essentially Asiatic.
[2] It is likely that some part of the Aryan folk found their way to
the Pacific shore in Corea and elsewhere; but the Aryan migrations
setting to the East must have been uncommon, and the chance of
Caucasian blood reaching America by this route small.
[3] I have elsewhere (Introduction to the _Memorial History of Boston_)
noticed the fact that this difficulty in clearing the glaciated soils
led the early settlers of New England to use the poorer soils first.
Along the shore and the rivers there is a strip of sandy terrace
deposits, the soils of which are rather lean, but which are free from
boulders, so that the labor of clearing was relatively small. All, or
nearly all, the first settlements in the glaciated districts were made
on this class of soils.
[4] The slow progress of our agricultural exports during the first two
hundred years of the history of this country, is in good part to be
explained by the stubborn character of the soil which was then in use.
The only easily subdued soils in use before 1800 were those of Virginia
and Maryland. The sudden advance of the export trade in grain during
the last fifty years marks the change which brought the great areas
of non-glaciated soils of the Mississippi Valley and the South under
cultivation.
[5] It is an interesting fact that while America has given but one
domesticated animal to Europe, in the turkey, it has furnished a number
of the most important vegetables, among them maize, tobacco, and the
potato. The absence of strong domesticable animals in America doubtless
affected the development of civilization among its indigenous people.
The buffalo is apparently not domesticable. The horse, which seems to
have been developed on North American soil, and to have spread thence
to Europe and Asia, seems to have disappeared in America before the
coming of man to its shores. The only beast which could profitably be
subjugated was the weak vicuna, which could only be used for carrying
light burdens. But for the help given them by the sheep, the bull, and
the horse, we may well doubt if the Old-World races would have won
their way much more effectively than those of America had done.
[6] See for special information on these points the _Investigations
in the Military and Anthropological Statistics of American Soldiers_.
By Benjamin Apthorp Gould, Cambridge, 1869, p. 655. It is impossible
to give here any sufficient extracts from this voluminous report. The
reader is especially referred to chapters viii., ix., and x., for
confirmation of the general statements made above.
The following table, compiled from Dr. Gould’s report, is extracted
from the “General Account of Kentucky” in my _Reports of Progress of
Kentucky Geological Survey_, new series, Frankfort, Kentucky, 1877,
vol. ii. p. 387:—
TABLE OF MEASUREMENTS OF AMERICAN WHITE MEN COMPILED FROM REPORT OF
THE SANITARY COMMISSION, MADE FROM MEASUREMENTS OF THE UNITED STATES
VOLUNTEERS DURING THE CIVIL WAR. BY B. A. GOULD.
Key to the table:
A - MEAN CIRCUMFERENCE OF CHEST.
B - Full inspiration. Inches.
C - After each inspiration.
D - Mean circumference around forehead and occipit.
E - Proportion of tall men in each 100,000.
-------------------------------------+-------+-----------+-----+------
MEAN HEIGHT. | | A | |
---------------------+-------+-------| Mean |-----+-----| |
| | |weight | | | D | E
| |Height | in | | | |
NATIVITY. |No. of | in |pounds.| B | C | |
| men. |Inches.| | | | |
---------------------+-------+-------+-------+-----+-----+-----+------
New England |152,370| 67.834| 139.39|36.71|34.11|22.02| 295
N. Y., N. J., Penn. |273,026| 67.529| 140.83|37.06|34.38|22.10| 237
Ohio, Indiana |220,796| 68.169| 145.37|37.53|34.95|22.11| 486
Mich., Mo., Illinois | 71,196| 67.822| 141.78|37.29|34.04|22.19| 466
Seaboard Slave States| ... | ... | 140.99|36.64|34.23|21.93|(*)600
Kentucky, Tenn. | 50,334| 68.605| 149.85|37.83|35.30|22.32| 848
Free States west of | | | | | | |
Miss. R. | 3,811| 67.419| ... |37.53|34.84|21.97| 184
British Maritime | | | | | | |
Provinces | 6,320| 67.510| 143.59|37.13|34.81|22.13| 237
Canada | 31,698| 67.086| 141.35|37.14|34.35|22.11| 177
England | 30,037| 66.741| 137.61|36.91|34.30|22.16| 103
Scotland | 7,313| 67.258| 137.85|37.57|34.69|22.23| 178
Ireland | 83,128| 66.951| 139.18|37.54|35.27| ... | 84
Germany | 89,021| 66.660| 140.37|37.20|34.74|22.09| 106
Scandinavia | 6,782| 67.337| 148.14|38.39|35.37|22.37| 221
---------------------+-------+-------+-------+-----+-----+-----+------
* Slave States, not including Kentucky and Tennessee.
[7] The following statement concerning the history of this brigade
during the campaign of 1864 was given me by my friend, General Fayette
Hewett, who was adjutant of the command:—
“On the 7th of May, 1864, the Kentucky Brigade marched out of Dalton
1140 strong. The hospital reports show, that, up to September 1, 1,850
wounds were taken by the command. This includes the killed; but many
were struck several times in one engagement, in which case the wounds
were counted as one. In two battles over 51 per cent of all engaged
were killed or wounded. During the whole campaign there were not more
than ten desertions. The campaign ended with 240 men able to do duty;
less than 50 were without wounds.”
[8] It is worth while to notice that this Dutch colony never had
the energetic life of the English settlements, which may be in part
attributed to the effort to fix the Continental seigniorial relations
upon the land. It failed here as it failed in Canada, but it kept
both colonies without the breath of hopeful, eager life which better
land-laws gave to the English settlements. Nothing shows so well
the perfect unfitness of all seigniorial land-systems to the best
development of a country as the entire failure which met all efforts to
fix it in American colonies.
[9] [See Vol. III. chap. i.—ED.]
[10] [See Vol. II. chap. i.—ED.]
[11] [We have no record of the results from this expedition, if it
ever took place. Navarrete, Viages, iii. 42. Charlevoix says, “It is
constantly admitted in our history that our kings paid no attention to
America before 1523 [1524],” when Francis I. authorized the expedition
of Verrazano. Shea’s _Charlevoix_, i. 107.—ED.
[12] [Cattle, which many years later were found on Sable Island, were
supposed to be descendants of some which Léry landed there. Lescarbot,
_Nouvelle France_, 1618, p. 21, is said to be the only authority for
this expedition. Cf. Shea’s _Charlevoix_, i. 107; Kohl, _Discovery of
Maine_, p. 203; D’Avezac in _Nouvelles Annales des Voyages_, 1864, vol.
iii. p. 83; _Harper’s Monthly_, xxxiv. 4.—ED.]
[13] [See Vol. II. for accounts of the predatory excursions against the
Spaniards.—ED.]
[14] [Some, however, have thought it to be Martha’s Vineyard. Cf.
Brodhead’s _New York_, i. 57; _Hist. Mag._, ii. 99; _Mag. of Amer.
Hist._, February, 1883, p. 91.—ED.]
[15] [It is accepted by Asher, in his introduction to his _Henry
Hudson_. An ancient cannon found in the St. Lawrence has even been
connected with a shipwreck experienced by Verrazano there. Cf. Amable
Berthelot, _Dissertation sur le Canon de Bronze trouvé en 1826 sur un
banc de Sable dans le Fleuve Saint Laurent_. Quebec, 1827.—ED.]
[16] Lok’s translation, fol. 317.
[17] See Vol. II.
[18] _Paesi nouamente retrouati, et nouo Mondo da Alberico Vesputio
Florentino intitulato._ The volume has often been catalogued under the
name of Vespucius (the only name that appears upon its titlepage).
It has been ascribed to Zorzi on the authority of a note by Humboldt
in his _Examen critique_, iv. 79. Harrisse, in describing the book
(_Bibliotheca Americana vetustissima_, no. 48, pp. 96^d-99), accepted
this statement; but in the Appendix to the volume, at p. 469, he
says that M. d’Avezac has pointed out that Zorzi collected only some
additional manuscript matter in a copy in the Magliabechian Library.
Harrisse, therefore, in the _Additions_ to his _Bibliotheca_, published
in 1872, reinserts the title (no. 26, pp. 34-38), and credits the
volume to Montalboddo. There is a copy in Harvard College Library,
dated Nov. 17, 1508, which is supposed to be of the second edition. The
work was translated into French, German, Dutch, and Latin. There is a
bibliography of the book in the papers on “Ptolemy’s Geography,” _sub
anno_ 1511, in the _Bulletin of Harvard University_, 1882-1883. [Cf.
Vol. II. Index, and _Bib. Am. Vet. Add._ nos. 48, 71.—ED.]
[19] _Jean et Sébastian Cabot_, pp. 256-266.
[20] _Primera y segunda parte de la historia general de las Indias, con
todo el descubrimiento y cosas notables que han acaecido dende que se
ganaron ata el año de 1551._ Folio. [See Vol. III. p. 27.—ED.]
[21] Chap. xxxvii. fol. 43, ed. of Antwerp, 1554.
[22] _Historia general de los hechos de los Castellanos en las
islas y tierra firme del Mar Oceano._ 4 vols. folio. Madrid, 1601-1615.
[23] _Delle navigationi et viaggi, raccolte da M. Gio.
Battista Ramusio._ 3 vols. folio. Venice, 1550-1559.
[24] _Tratado que compôs o nobre & notauel capitão Antonio
Galuão, dos diuersos & desuayrados caminhos, por onde nos tempos
passados a pimenta & especearia veyo da India as nossas partes, & assi
de todos os descobrimentos antigos & modernos, que sũo feitos ate a era
de mil & quinhentos & cincoenta. Com os nomes particulares das pessoas
que os fizeram: & em que tempos & as suas alturas, obre certo muy
notauel & copiosa._ There is no date on the titlepage, but the colophon
says that the book was “printed in the house of John Barreira, printer
to the King our Lord, the 15th of December, 1563.”
[25] _The Discoveries of the World, from their first originall
unto the year of our Lord 1555._ 4to, London, 1601.
[26] [Cf. _Carter-Brown Catalogue_, vol. i. no. 241; vol. ii.
no. 1; vol. iii. no. 469; Sabin, _Dictionary_, vol. vii. p. 143.—ED.]
[27] _Chronica do felecissimo Rey D. Manoel, dividada en 4 partes_, folio.
Lisbon, 1565-1567.
[28] _Discoveries of the World_ (Hakluyt Society’s ed.), pp. 182, 183.
The amended translation reads: “He traversed the greater part of Europe
by his own free will; a thing worthy of praise and remembrance, since
he enlightened his country with many things unknown to her.”
[See Vol. II. on the bibliography of Galvano—ED.]
[29] I cite from the third edition, published at Lisbon in 1749,
apparently an exact reprint of an earlier one. Its title reads:
_Chronica de serenissimo senhor Rei D. Manoel, escritas por Damião de
Goes_. A copy is in the Boston Public Library.
[30] _De rebus Emmanuelis, regis Lusitaniæ virtute et auspiciis gestis
... libri duodecim._ Folio. Cologne, 1571. There were several editions
of this work (1581, 1597, etc.), and it was translated into French
quite early; into Dutch in 1661-1663; into English by James Gibbs in
1752, and into Portuguese in 1804. Harvard College Library has a copy
of the edition of Cologne, 1586, which contains, in addition to the
History, a long Preface and Commentary by Metellus Sequanus about the
discoveries and navigations of the Spanish and Portuguese.
[31] [Peschel, who did conspicuous service in this field, was born
in 1826, and died in 1875. Georg Ebers delivered a “Denkrede” at
his death, which is printed, accompanied by a portrait, in the
_Jahresbericht des Vereins für Erdkunde in Leipzig_, 1875.—ED.]
[32] _Die Entdeckung Amerikas_, note 115, p. 93. [See Vol. III. p.
217.—Ed.]
[33] Ibid., notes 119, 120, p. 93.
[34] [Cf. also Lafitau, _Histoire des découvertes ... des Portugais
dans le Nouveau Monde_. Paris, 1733. 2 vols. 4to.—ED.]
[35] _Compte rendu_ of the Congress, i. 232-324 and 469-480.
[36] [There is a sketch of this chart on a later page.—ED.]
[37] _Discovery of Maine_, p. 181. [See Vol. III. p. 56.—ED.]
[38] _Navigationi_, iii. 423-433.
[39] _Recherches sur les voyages et découvertes des navigateurs
Normands._ 8vo, Paris, 1832. M. Estancelin gives (pp. 216-240) a
translation of the Italian version of the great captain’s discourse. He
thinks that it may have been written by Pierre Mauclerc, the astronomer
of the “Sacre,” one of Parmentier’s vessels; but MM. d’Avezac and
Margry attribute it to Pierre Crignon, who was also of Parmentier’s
company. See Introduction to the _Bref Récit_ of Jacques Cartier, p.
vii; and Margry’s _Les Navigations Françaises_, pp. 130, 199. The
Journal of the Sumatra voyage was found by M. Estancelin among the
papers of a M. Tarbé at Sens, who inherited it from his brother, a
merchant at Rouen; see _Recherches_, pp. 191, 192. M. Harrisse (_Jean
et Sébastien Cabot_, pp. 301-303) describes two other manuscripts
relating to Parmentier’s voyage, the more important of which will be
published in the series of Voyages of which the Cabot is the first
volume. Cf. Murphy, _Verrazzano_, p. 85; Hakluyt, _Westerne Planting_,
p. 197.
[40] _Eusebii Chronicon_, Paris, 1512, fol. 172; cf. Murphy’s
_Verrazzano_, p. 62. Stephanus was the printer of this _Chronicon_, and
1511 is found in some copies, or in what is, perhaps, another edition.
Cf. Harrisse, _Bib. Am. Vet._ no. 71; _Additions_, nos. 43, 54; Muller
(1872), no. 571.
[41] Margry, _Les Navigations Françaises_, appendix, ii. 371 _et seq._
[42] Shea’s _Charlevoix_, i. 106. See the Editorial Note at the end of
this chapter.
[43] _Navigationi_, iii. 420-423.
[44] _Collections_, 2d ser., i. 37-68.
[45] _Divers Voyages_ (Hakluyt Society’s ed.), pp. 55-90; _Principal
Navigations_, iii. 295-300; again in the 1809 edition. Hakluyt omits
this narrative in his single volume of _Navigations_, published in
1589. [On the Hakluyt publications, see Vol. III., Index.—ED.]
[46] Pages 197-228. It is also reprinted by Murphy in his _Verrazzano_,
and by Conway Robinson in his _Discoveries_. The Italian was given in
1853 in the _Archivio Storico Italiano_, v. ix, Appendix, with an essay
on Verrazano by Arcangeli.
[47] Lescarbot, Charlevoix, and others speak of it. The earliest
French mention in print is said to be that of Belleforest, in his
_Histoire universelle du monde_, 1570. It was repeated in his 1575
edition; and more at length in his _Cosmographie universelle de
tout le monde_. Ribault, whose expedition took place in 1562, and
Laudonnière (1564-1565) both speak of it. But the work of the latter
was not printed until 1586, and it has been supposed that the _editio
princeps_ of Ribault is the English translation published in 1563.
Hakluyt’s statement, in his _Discourse concerning Westerne Planting_
(Maine Historical Society, 2d ser., ii. 20), that Ribault’s narrative
was “extant in printe bothe in Frenche and Englishe,” makes it quite
possible, however, that the mention in Belleforest is not the earliest
printed one. Cf. Shea’s _Charlevoix_, i. 107.
Among the English authors Hakluyt should be particularly mentioned. He
speaks in the Dedication of his _Divers Voyages_ (Hakluyt Society’s
ed., p. 11) of Verrazano having been “thrise on that coast” [the
American], and of an “olde excellent mappe which he gaue to king Henrie
the eight;” giving also a representation of Lok’s map, made “according
to Verazanus plat.” In his _Discourse on Westerne Planting_, first
published by the Maine Historical Society in 1877, he says (pp. 113,
114): “There is a mightie large olde mappe in parchemente, made, as yt
shoulde seme, by Verarsanus ... nowe in the custodie of Mr. Michael
Locke;” and again, of “an olde excellent globe in the Queenes privie
gallory at Westminster, which also semeth to be of Verarsanus makinge.”
Herrera condenses the account of the voyage from the letter published
by Ramusio; De Barcia (_Ensayo chronologico para la historia general
de la Florida_, 1723) also gives it. This latter identifies Verrazano
with the corsair, Juan Florin. Dr. Kohl gives an interesting account
of Verrazano’s voyage, with a valuable Appendix on maps, in the eighth
chapter of his _Discovery of Maine_.
[48] [See accounts of Mr. Smith in the _N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._,
1873, p. 89, and the American Antiquarian Society’s _Proceedings_,
April, 1871. There has been some discussion of the controversy in
the same publication by Charles Deane and J. D. Washburn, April and
October, 1876. Cf. Duyckinck, _Cyc. of Amer. Lit. Supplement_, pp. 7,
157.—ED.]
[49] See Judge Daly’s letter in the _Journal_ of the American
Geographical Society, vol. iii. p. 80.
[50] [Harrisse has enumerated the sources in his _Cabots_, p. 279.
De Costa’s bibliography first appeared in the _Magazine of American
History_, January, 1881.—ED.]
[51] Third series, vol. xxvi. pp. 48-68; cf. also his note to M.
Gravier in the _Compte rendu_ of the “Américanistes,” 1877, p. 536.
[52] This Appendix is printed in the _Atti_, xv. 355-378.
[53] [It is worthy of note that Ortelius in 1570, aiming to enumerate
all available maps for his purpose, makes no mention of any map by
either of the Verrazanos.—ED.]
[54] Fifth series, xxxv. 269-272. The communication runs through four
numbers of the _Annales_, beginning with that of October, 1852; its
title is _Les papes géographes et la cartographie du Vatican_. These
papers were published separately the same year under the same title.
[55] _Verrazano the Navigator_, pp. 124, 125.
[56] The article was reprinted as a chapter of the author’s _Verrazano
the Explorer_.
[57] Vol. vi. pp. 203, 204. Mr. Murphy reproduces this map in his
_Voyage of Verrazzano_, p. 114.
[58] This paper forms a chapter of _Verrazano the Navigator_, pp.
64-82. [An extract from this globe is given on a later page.—ED.]
[59] _Discovery of Maine_, pp. 290-299; _Verrazano the Navigator_, pp.
140-142; _Verrazano the Explorer_, pp. 50-56.
[60] _The Voyage of Verrazzano_, pp. 8, 9.
[61] Ibid., p. 10.
[62] Ibid., p. 14. Cf. De Costa, p. 21, n. 3.
[63] Ibid., pp. 25, 26.
[64] Mr. Major has deciphered the following legend on this map, which
settles its date: “Faictes à Arques par Pierre Desceliers, presb^{re}
1546.” See Harrisse’s _Jean et Sébastien Cabot_, p. 216, and also a
sketch of the map on a later page.
[65] _Voyage of Verrazzano._, p. 69.
[66] Ibid., pp. 76-79.
[67] Ibid., pp. 126-133.
[68] _Voyage of Verrazzano_, p. 145.
[69] [He calls it “A Chapter in the Early History of Maritime
Discovery in America.” Scholars regret that his death, Dec. 2, 1882,
prevented the completion of such a comprehensive work, which was to
be the crowning labor of his literary life. There are accounts of Mr.
Murphy (with portraits) in Stiles’s _Brooklyn_, ii. 266; _New York
Genealogical and Biographical Record_, January, 1883; _Democratic
Review_, xxi. 78; xl. 193. His library was particularly rich in
editions of Ptolemy and other early works of geography and exploration.
Cf. Duyckinck, _Cyc. of Amer. Lit. Supplement_, 154.—ED.]
[70] Major, in _Geographical Magazine_, iii. 188.
[71] _Voyage of Verrazzano_, pp. 139, 163.
[72] _Revue critique_, January, 1876.
[73] M. Desimoni also prints these documents; _Atti_, xv. 176.
[74] _Verrazano the Explorer_, preface.
[75] See Hakluyt’s _Discourse on Westerne Planting_, printed by the
Maine Historical Society and also Mr. Deane’s note at p. 216 of that
volume.
[76] _Verrazano the Explorer_, pp. 14-19, 21, n. 3.
[77] Ibid., pp. 9-12.
[78] _Atti_, xv. 124, 146, 147.
[79] _Geographical Magazine_, iii. 187.
[80] _Geographical Magazine_, iii. 187.
[81] _Discovery of Maine_, p. 253; and cf. also Desimoni in _Atti_, xv.
120.
[82] _Verrazano the Explorer_, p. 35.
[83] _Discovery of Maine_, p. 269.
[84] See _post_, p. 29.
[85] Vol. x. 1866, p. 229.
[86] _Jean et Sébastien Cabot_, pp. 284-287; Harrisse cites the
passages about Gomez.
[87] _Geographical Magazine_, iii. 187.
[88] Dr. De Costa considers this question of the deduction of the
letter from the Ribero map, and gives on one sheet a sketch of the
coast from the Verrazano map, and the same coast according to Ribero.
See _Verrazano the Explorer_, pp. 22-25. M. Desimoni devotes a section
of his paper to the same question. _Atti_, xv. 126-130.
[89] Martyr, _Opus epistolarum_, ed. 1530, fol. cxciiii.
[90] _Verrazano the Explorer_, p. 44.
[91] [There is an interesting memoir on the history of the successive
French flags in the _Revue des questions historiques_, x. 148, 404;
xvii. 506.—ED.]
[92] For Mr. Brevoort’s account and description of this map, see his
_Verrazano the Navigator_, pp. 122-139.
[93] [The Editor has traced the cartographical history of the Western
Sea in a Note following this chapter.—ED.]
[94] _Verrazano the Explorer_, pp. 43-63.
[95] _Atti_, xv. 169-176. In a “revised extract from the Verrazano map,
1881,” prepared after the publication of his book, Dr. De Costa accepts
all, or very nearly all, of M. Desimoni’s corrections, which are,
however, not of much moment.
[96] [These legends are shown on the fac-simile of Desimoni’s
reproduction, given on a later page.—ED.]
[97] M. Desimoni’s paper is printed in the _Atti_ of the Genoese
Society, xv. 355-378. Mr. Brevoort was the first in this country to
call attention to this Maggiolo map, in the _Magazine of American
History_ for February, 1882. He furnished a second article on the
subject in the number of the following July. This map is given on a
later page.
[98] _Oviedo de la natural hystoria de las Indias. Con preuilegio de la
S. C. C. M._ On the verso of the titlepage, _Sumario de la natural y
general istoria de las Indias, que escriuio Gōçalo Fernādez de Oviedo,
alias de Valdes, natura de la villa de Madrid, vezino y regidor de la
cibdad de santa Maria del antigua del Darien_, etc. The colophon states
that the book was printed, at the author’s cost, by “Remō de Petras,”
at Toledo, and finished Feb. 15, 1526. There is a copy in Harvard
College Library.
[99] _The Decades of the newe Worlde, or west India, ... wrytten in
the Latine tounge by Peter Martyr of Angleria, and translated into
Englysshe by Rycharde Eden._ 4to, London, 1555. This volume contains
Martyr’s first three decades, a translation of Oviedo’s _Sumario_, and
parts of Gomara, Ramusio, Pigafetta, Americus Vespucius, Münster, and
others. My citation is from fols. 213, 214.
[100] _De orbe nouo Petri Martyris ab Angleria Mediolanensis
Protonotarii Cæsaris Senatoris decades._ Folio, _Complutum_ (Alcala),
1530.
[101] _Opus episcolarū Petri Martyris ... nūc pmū et natū & mediocri
cura excusum._ Folio. Copies of both books are in Harvard College
Library.
[102] _Dec._ vi. c. 10, fol. xc. The translation is from Lok’s _De orbe
novo_. 4to, London, 1612, fol. 246.
[103] Dec. viii. c. 10, fol. cxvii; Lok’s translation, fol. 317.
[104] _Opus epistolarum_, book xxxvii. fol. 199.
[105] _Hist. gen. de las Indias_, Antwerp, 1554, c. xl. fol. 44.
[106] _Hechos de las Castellanos_, Madrid, 1730; Dec. iii. p. 241.
[107] _Galvano_ (Hak, Soc. ed.), p. 167.
[108] See _ante_, p. 24.
[109] Chap. viii. There are other modern examinations of these
accounts, more or less minute, in Biddle’s _Cabot_, book ii. chap.
8; in Asher’s Introduction to his _Henry Hudson_, p. lxxxvii; in
Buckingham Smith’s paper, 1866, before the New York Historical Society,
epitomized in _Hist. Mag._, x. 229, and p. 368 for authorities; in
Murphy’s _Verrazzano_, p. 117; and in Brevoort’s _Verrazano_, p. 80.
Harrisse, in his _Cabot_, p. 282, gives the authorities.
[110] See Harrisse, _Bib. Amer. vetus._, nos. 134, 192, 215, and p.
249. The whole voyage was published in French at Paris, _l’an ix._
(1801). Gomez’ desertion is told at p. 43 of this edition. An English
translation of Pigafetta is in Pinkerton’s _Collection of Voyages_,
London, 1808-1814, vol. xi. p. 288 _et seq._ [Cf. the chapter on
Magellan in Vol. II.—ED.]
[111] _Coleccion de los viages y descubrimientos que hicieron
por mar los Españoles._ 5 vols., Madrid, 1825-1837. See on this point
his _Noticia historica_ to the _Viages menores_ in vol. iii.
[112] _Navarrete_, iii. 77.
[113] Ibid., pp. 122-127.
[114] Ibid., pp. 153-160.
[115] Ibid., p. 179.
[116] _Coleccion de documentos ineditos relativos al
descubrimiento, conquista y organizacion de las antiguas posessiones
españolas de America y Oceania._ 22 vols., 8vo, Madrid, 1864-1874. This
Agreement is in the last volume, pp. 74-78.
[117] New York and London, 1843, pp. 417-419.
[118] [See Vol. III. p. 16; and the present volume, chap.
viii.—ED.]
[119] _Discovery of Maine_, p. 302.
[120] _Discovery of Maine_, pp. 307-315. [Cf. the Editorial Note on the
maps, 1535-1600, following the succeeding chapter.—ED.]
[121] _Les singularitez de la France antarctique, autrement nommée
Amerique; & de plusieurs terres & isles découvertes de nostre temps.
Par F. André Thevet, natif d’Angoulesme._ 4to. Paris, 1558. [Copies
are worth between three and four hundred francs,—Maisonneuve in 1881
pricing it at 400 francs. Quaritch held a copy in 1883 at so high
a price as £60. The cuts are well done, and Gaffarel thinks them
the work of Jean Cousin.—ED.] _La cosmographie vniverselle d’André
Thevet, cosmographe dv roy. Illustrée de diuerses figures des choses
plus remarquables vevës par l’auteur, et incogneües de noz anciens &
modernes._ 2 vols., folio, Paris, 1575. It has 204 pages on America;
cf. _Carter-Brown Catalogue_, vol. i. no. 599. Mr. Brevoort says
that he has a copy of the _Singularitez_ with the date 1557; see his
_Verrazano_, p. 112. [Another copy of this date (1557) is shown in
the _Huth Catalogue_, vol. iv. p. 1464, which says that its collation
agrees with Brunet’s collation of the copies dated 1558. A copy of the
1557 date brought $17 in Boston in 1844. Both books are in the Astor
Library.—ED.]
[122] [Published at Anvers, 1558. The cuts are but poor copies of those
in the Paris edition; cf. Bernard’s _Geofroy Tory_, Paris, 1865, p.
320. Leclerc thinks it rarer than the Paris edition of the same year,
because Ternaux does not mention it. (_Brinley Catalogue_, vol. i. no.
150.) Harvard College Library has this edition, which Quaritch prices
at £7 7_s._—ED.]
[123] _Historia dell’ India America detta altramente Francea
antartica_, Venice, 1561. There were other editions in 1567 and 1584.
[This edition is worth about £5. Cf. _Carter-Brown Catalogue_, vol. i.
no. 236; Muller (1877), no. 3,194; Stevens, _Historical Collections_,
vol. i. no. 995. The _Carter-Brown Catalogue_, vol. i. no. 359, says
the 1584 is the 1561 edition with a new title. There is a copy in the
Astor Library.—ED.]
[124] _The New found Worlde, or Antarctike_, London, 1568. [There
is a copy in Harvard College Library. Field (_Indian Bibliography_,
no. 1,547) says it has sold for ten guineas. It is in Gothic letter,
and has a portrait of Thevet. _Carter-Brown Catalogue_, vol. i. no.
272.—ED.]
[125] De Thou, _Histoire de France_, liv. xvi.
[126] At pages 415-420. Wytfliet had also adopted it.
[127] _Northmen in Maine_, pp. 63-79; cf. J. H. Trumbull in _Historical
Magazine_, April, 1870, p. 239, confirming De Costa.
[128] Vol. III. p. 197.
[129] See Vol. III. p. 209.
[130] _Verrazano_, p. 29.
[131] For 1855, p. 374; and for 1856, pp. 17, 18, 319-324.
[132] He later published in the _Zeitschrift für allgemeine Erdkunde,
neue Folge_, vol. xv., an account of discovery in the Gulf of Mexico,
1492-1543.
[133] This was earlier in the possession of Professor Henry, of the
Smithsonian Institution, in whose _Report_ for 1856 Dr. Kohl printed
a plan for a Cartographical Depot, in connection with the Government.
Cf. also _American Antiquarian Society’s Proceedings_, October, 1867;
April, 1869; April, 1872.
[134] He had already, in 1861, published a _Geschichte der Entdeckungs
Amerikas_,—a popular account which was translated by R. R. Noel as a
_Popular History of the Discovery of America_, and published in London
in 1862.
[135] Vol. III. p. 8.
[136] The Waldseemüller (Ptolemy) map of 1513, called sometimes “The
Admiral’s map,” and known to have been engraved several years earlier,
is believed to have been on sale in 1507 (Lelewel, ii. 143), and to
have been really drawn in 1501-1504. La Cosa is said to have complained
of Portuguese explorations in that neighborhood in 1503. [This new
Cantino map has since been described in Vol. II.]
[137] Cf. also Harrisse’s _Cabots_, pp. 141, 162; Kohl, _Discovery of
Maine_, p. 177; J. A. Schmeller’s “Ueber einige ältere handschriftliche
Seekarten” in the _Abhandlungen der Akademie der Wissenschaften_, iv.
247.
[138] Vol. II.
[139] Vol. III. p. 212.
[140] Ibid. p. 13.
[141] Now pronounced the work of another. See _The Literary Works of
Leonardo da Vinci, compiled and edited from the original manuscripts by
Jean Paul Richter_, London, 1883, where (vol. ii. p. 224) it is said
that the Marchese Girolamo d’Adda has brought proof to this end.
[142] Vol. III. p. 214.
[143] Ibid.
[144] Ibid. p. 201.
[145] This chart is given in the atlas (no. iv.) to Kunstmann’s
_Entdeckung Amerikas_; in Stevens’s _Notes_, etc., pl. v.; in H. H.
Bancroft’s _Central America_, vol. i. 133 (erroneously); and in part
in Kohl’s _Discovery of Maine_, pl. x. A portion of it is sketched in
Vol. III. p. 56. Harrisse (_Cabots_, p. 167) puts it after Balboa’s
visit to Panama in 1516-1517, and before 1520, because it shows no
trace of Magellan’s Straits. A map of Laurentius Frisius, 1525 (_Kohl
Collection_, no. 102), represents the southern part of what appears
to be Greenland, with an island marked “Terra laboratoris” lying
west of its extreme point, while the edge of “Terra nova contemti”
(Corterealis) is seen further west.
[146] In Kohl’s _Die beiden ältesten General-Karten von Amerika_, with
a section in his _Discovery of Maine_. Harrisse ascribes it to Nuño
Garcia de Toreno. A full consideration of this and of the Ribero map
belongs to Vol. II.
[147] _Magazine of American History_, 1883, p. 477. For Maiollo’s
cartographical skill, see Heinrich Wüttke’s “Geschichte der Erdkunde”
in the _Jahresbericht des Vereins für Erdkunde in Dresden_, 1870,
p. 61. There are other notes of Maiollo’s work in the _Giornale
Ligustico_, 1875; in D’Avezac’s _Atlas hydrographique de_ 1511, p. 8;
in Uzielli’s _Elenco_, etc.; and in Harrisse’s _Cabots_, p. 166.
[148] Vol. III. p. 218. Harrisse, _Cabots_, p. 188, gives a
considerable essay on Agnese’s maps. Agnese lived and worked at Venice
from 1536 to 1564.
[149] _Verrazzano_, p. 103.
[150] See Vol. III. pp. 199, 201; cf. also the Münster map of 1544, as
given by Lelewel, _Géographie du Moyen-Âge_, pl. 46.
[151] See the preceding text, and Vol. III., p. 214.
[152] Cf. also Lelewel, p. 170; Peschel, _Geschichte der Erdkunde_, p.
371; H. H. Bancroft, _Central America_, i. 148.
[153] _Géographie du Moyen-Âge, Epilogue_, p. 219.
[154] _Les Papes géographes_, pp. 26, 65; cf. Lelewel, ii. 170.
[155] Mr. Brevoort has given an account of this collection in his
_Verrazano_, p. 122.
[156] But compare Morton (_New English Canaan_, Adams’s edition, p.
126), who says, “What part of this mane continent may be thought to
border upon the Country of the Tartars, it is yet unknowne.” This was
in 1636-37.
[157] Vol. III. pp. 39, 40. Perfect copies of the _Divers Voyages_ are
very rare, and its two maps are often wanting. The two British Museum
copies have them, but the Bodleian copy has only the Lok map, and the
Carter-Brown copy is in the same condition; other copies are in Harvard
College Library (map in fac-simile), in the Murphy Collection, and in
Charles Deane’s. The Lok map is given in fac-simile, somewhat reduced,
in the _Carter-Brown Catalogue_, i. 288; and (full-size) in the reprint
of the _Divers Voyages_ by the Hakluyt Society. A sketch of it is given
in Kohl’s _Discovery of Maine_, p. 290, and in Fox Bourne’s _English
Seamen_. It of course mixes with Verrazano’s plot much other and later
information.
[158] Vol. III. p. 123.
[159] See also what is called “The Jomard map of 155-(?)” delineated on
a later page.
[160] Lelewel, pl. 46; H. H. Bancroft’s _Central America_, i. 144.
An engraved map by Bordone, in 1534, represents what seems to be
North America, calling the vaguely rendered northeastern coast “Terra
delavoratore,” while a passage to the west separates a part of South
America.
[161] See Vol. III. p. 214.
[162] Lelewel, pl. 46.
[163] See Vol. III. p. 17.
[164] Kohl, in a marginal note, thinks this may refer to Verrazano; he
dates the map about 1530.
[165] There is a copy in the Kohl Collection.
[166] _Cabots_, p. 185.
[167] Paris, 1867, p. 20.
[168] Dr. Kohl (p. 326) says that Alezay was an island near the present
Prince Edward, and that the latter was called Brion, having one of its
capes named “Orleans,” still found on old maps. But Orleans is also
found on the mainland of New Brunswick. Prince Edward Island appears on
the Henri II., or the Dauphin’s map (1546), as “Alezay.” The “Cabot”
map (1544) calls Prince Edward Island “y^a de S. Juan.” Allefonsce
(1542), in maps and Relations, calls it “Saint Jehan.” At this point
the student should consult Hakluyt, iii. 205.
[169] Thevet, in his _Singularitez de la France antarctique_, Anvers,
1558 (f. 147), says that the people found here were almost contrary to
the first, as well in language as in manner of life (“tant en langue
que maniere de viure”). See Shea’s _Charlevoix_, i. 113. Thevet had
consulted the _Discours du voyage_ at p. 53.
[170] See Vol. III. pp. 185, 186.
[171] Hakluyt says that the Indian name of the island (vol. iii. p.
214) was Natiscotec; while Jean Allefonsce invariably makes the mistake
of calling it Ascension Island.
[172] In 1642 the Sieur Maissonneuve selected the site for Montreal;
see Champlain’s _Œuvres_, 1870 (_Des Savvages_), ii. 39. On Norumbega,
see the present work, Vol. III. p. 169. On Hochelaga, also, see
Professor Dawson’s _Fossil Men and their Modern Representatives: an
Attempt to Illustrate the Characters and Conditions of Prehistoric Men
in Europe by those of the American Race_. London, Hodder & Stoughton,
1880, chaps. ii. and iii. By his excavations, Dr. Dawson has brought to
light relics of the Hochelagans, whose ethnic relations he has studied,
finding evidence which convinces him that they were representatives
of a decaying nation to which the Eries and others belonged, and that
originally they were connected with the Mound-Builders. He uses their
history in combating some views entertained respecting the antiquity of
the Stone Age.
[173] Professor Dawson, speaking of the account in the narrative, which
says “that the most precious thing that they have in all the world they
call _esurguy_, which is white, and which they take in the said river
in cornifats,” explains that _esurguy_ is “probably a vulgar local name
for some shell supposed to resemble that of which these Indians made
their wampum. I would suggest that it may be derived from _cornet_,
which is used by old French writers as a name for the shells of the
genus Voluta, and is also a technical term in conchology. In this case
it is likely that the esurguy was made of the shells of some species
of Melania or Paludina, just as the Indians on the coast used for
beads and ornaments the shells of _Purpura lapillus_ and of Dentalium,
etc. It is just possible that Cartier may have misunderstood the mode
of procuring these shells, and that the [his] statement may refer to
some practice of making criminals and prisoners _dive_ for them in the
deeper parts of the river.”—_Fossil Men_, etc., p. 32, n.
[174] When Champlain was at Quebec he thought that he identified the
site of Cartier’s fort, where he found hewn timber decayed and several
cannon balls near the St. Charles and the Lairet. _Œuvres_, iii. 155.
[Lescarbot and Sagard also mention the remains. Faillon (_Histoire
de la Colonie Française_, i. 496) discusses the site of Cartier’s
wintering-place. Lemoine (_Picturesque Quebec_, p. 484) speaks of the
remains of one of Cartier’s vessels being discovered in 1843, some
parts of which were carried to St. Malo.—ED.]
[175] _The Voyage of Verrazzano_, p. 163, and _Verrazano the Explorer_,
p. 25.
[176] Buckingham Smith’s _Coleccion de varios documentos_, Londres,
1851, p. 107; also Harrisse, _Jean et Sébastien Cabot_, p. 146.
[177] Possibly he had only three; see _Coleccion_, etc., p. 107. That
he had five is the statement of Hakluyt. The Spaniards understood that
Cartier had thirteen ships, Smith’s _Coleccion_, p. 107. Hakluyt is
perhaps in error where he asserts that it was agreed to build five
ships. Two of the ships actually sailing with this Expedition were the
“Great Hermina” and the “Emerilon.”
[178] [In the Archives of St. Malo (1538) is a record of the baptism
of three savages brought there by Cartier. _Massachusetts Archives,
Documents collected in France_, i. 367. Faillon (_Histoire de la
Colonie Française_, i. 524) believes that the Indians found on the
St. Lawrence were Iroquois, who were succeeded in Champlain’s time
by Algonquins. Bonnetty in the _Annales de philosophie Chrétienne_,
September, 1869, has discussed the question: “Quels étaient les
sauvages que rencontra Cartier sur les rives du Saint-Laurent.” Captain
J. Carleill, in his undated tract (of about 1583) called _Discourse
upon the Entended Voyage to ... America_ (_Carter-Brown Catalogue_,
vol. i. no. 350), refers to Cartier’s abduction of the Indians as
putting “the whole countrey people into such dislike with the Frenche,
as neuer since they would admit any conversation or familiaritie with
them, until of late yeares.”—ED.]
[179] It might indeed be supposed that Roberval, instead of reaching
Canada in the autumn of 1541, wintered on the Atlantic coast, and thus
met Cartier at Newfoundland in 1542. Indeed, Sir William Alexander
says, in his _Encouragement to Colonies_ (p. 15), that Roberval
lived “one winter at Cape Breton;” but for the statement he gives no
authority, while his style is loose, and by Cape Breton he probably
meant Canada, since Roberval would have sailed direct from Cape Breton
to the St. Lawrence, instead of circumnavigating Newfoundland.
[180] Hakluyt, in his translation of Allefonsce (iii. 242), reads:
“Fort of France Roy, built in August and September, 1542.” The
manuscript of Allefonsce, however, does not give the year, though the
fact is stated. Hakluyt may have put in the date.
[181] _Premier établissement de la foy dans la Nouvelle France._ Paris,
1691, i. 12, 13.
[182] Murphy’s _Voyage of Verrazzano_, p. 39, n. On the sense of the
terms _discoperto_ and _decouverte_, see _Verrazano the Explorer_, pp.
39, 40.
[183] Allefonsce says: “Ces terres tiennent à la Tartarie, et pense que
ce se soit le bout de l’Asie selon la rondeur du monde.” The commission
of Francis I. to Cartier reads: “Des terres de Canada et Ochelaga,
faisant un bout de l’Azie du costé de l’Occident.” Ramé’s _Documents
inédits_, p. 13.
[184] The entire manuscript, so far as it relates to America, was
copied for the writer, with all the maps, by a competent person, under
the supervision of the late M. d’Avezac. This copy was used in Mr.
Henry C. Murphy’s _Voyage of Verrazzano_, published in New York in 1875.
[185] Garneau, in his _Histoire du Canada_, heads one of his chapters,
“Abandon temporaire du Canada, 1543-1603.”
[186] Cf. _Édits, ordonnances royaux, etc., du Conseil de l’État du Roi
(1540-1578) concernant le Canada_. 2 vols. 1803-1806. Quebec; revised
edition, 1854, 1855.
[187] See page 13 of _Documents authentiques et inédits pour servir
a l’histoire de la marine Normande et du commerce Rouennais, pendant
les xvi^e et xvii^e siècles_. Par E. Gosselin, Greffier Archiviste de
Palais de Justice de Rouen. Rouen, Imprimerie de Henry Boissel, 1876.
8vo, pp. xv, 173. Also his _Nouvelles glanes historiques_. Rouen, 1873,
p. 7.
[188] _Documents_, p. 13.
[189] Ibid.
[190] Ibid., p. 14: “5 Louchets à 12 solz pièce; 50 houseaux à 10 solz
pièce; 25 manes à 16 solz pièce; 25 haches à faire bois à 12 solz
pièce; 50 serpes à couper bois à 6 solz pièce,—le tout pour porter en
la Nouvelle France, ou le Roy envoie presentment pour son service.”
[191] _Documents_, p. 14.
[192] See _Inventio Fortunata_, B. F. De Costa, p. 12.
[193] See Hakluyt’s _Discourse of Westerne Planting_, p. 26; and _Cabo
de Baxos_, p. 6; also, a note on the Cardinal, by M. Gravier, in the
_Magazine of American History_, ix. 214.
[194] Lescarbot’s _Nouvelle France_, pp. 422-426.
[195] _Discourse_, etc., p. 26.
[196] _Principal Navigations_, iii. 236.
[197] Hakluyt in his third volume gives accounts of several English
voyages to the St. Lawrence, 1593-1597.
[198] Navarrete, _Bibliotheca maritima_, i. 396.
[199] [There is a view of this manor in the _Relation originale_,
Paris, 1867. In the _Massachusetts Archives, Documents collected in
France_, i. 263, is a paper on the genealogy of Cartier, by M. Cunat,
of St. Malo, communicated to Mr. Poore by M. d’Avezac. This and various
other copies of papers (many of which have of late years been printed)
relating to Cartier are preserved in the office of the Régistraire de
la Province de Québec. In 1883 the Chambre of the Province ordered a
list made of the documents relating to Canadian history in that office,
which was in March furnished by the secretary, J. Blanchet, and printed
as no. 62 of the legislative documents. It shows about one thousand
documents from the time of Cartier to the American Revolution.—ED.]
[200] See _Transactions_ of the Quebec Literary and Historical Society,
1862, which contains valuable articles (p. 141).
[201] Edition of 1728; dec. iii. l. x. cap. 9.
[202] Vol. iii. p. 809.
[203] Herrera (_Historia general_, Madrid, 1601, dec. ii. l. v. c. 3,
seemingly under the year 1519) reports “fifty ships, Spanish, French,
and Portuguese, fishing;” but the true date is 1527. Oviedo indicates
the date in his _Historia general de las Indias_ (Madrid, 1851),
611. See Brevoort’s _Verrazano the Navigator_, pp. 147, 148, and the
_Northmen in Maine_, on Rut’s voyage, p. 55.
[204] _Nouvelle France_, 1612, p. 22.
[205] Cf. J. B. Gilpin, _Lecture on Sable Island_, Halifax, 1858, 24
pages.
[206] Vol. iii. fol. 369.
[207] [Cf. Harrisse, _Notes_, etc., no. 5. There are copies of this
in the Carter-Brown Library (_Catalogue_, vol. i. no. 331); in the
Huth Collection (_Catalogue_, vol. i. p. 267); and in the Grenville
Collection, British Museum. This narrative was followed by Pinkerton
and Churchill in their _Voyages_.—ED.]
[208] Vol. iii. p. 201.
[209] The following is the title: _Discours dv voyage fait par le
Capitaine Iaqves Cartier aux Terres-neufues de Canadas, Norembergue,
Hochelage, Labrador, et pays adiacens, dite nouuelle France, auec
particulieres mœurs, langage, et ceremonies des habitans d’icelle.—A
Roven, de l’imprimerie de Raphæl du Petit Val, Libraire et Imprimeur
à l’Ange Raphæl_, M.D.XCVIII., _avec permission du Roy_. This has
been reprinted at Quebec in the _Voyages de découverte au Canada_,
1534-1552, published under the direction of the Literary and Historical
Society, Cowan, 1843, and at Paris by Tross, 1865. It is followed in
Ternaux-Compans (_Archives des voyages_, Paris, 1840), and is used in
Lescarbot’s _Histoire de la Nouvelle France_, livre iii. chaps. 2-5;
and of this last text Harrisse (p. 2) says, “Ce n’est qu’une médiocre
reproduction de celui de Petit-Val,” a publisher of Rouen.
[210] See Harrisse’s _Notes pour servir_, etc., Paris, 1872, p. 11.
Harrisse found copies in the National and Sainte-Geneviève libraries of
Paris, and says it follows a text not now known; and that Hakluyt in
his _Principall Navigations_ followed still another text.
[211] _Relation originale du voyage de Jacques Cartier au Canada en
1534: Documents inédits sur Jacques Cartier et le Canada (nouvelle
série), publiés par H. Michelant et A. Ramé, accompagnés de deux
portraits de Cartier, et de deux vues de son manoir._ Paris, Tross,
1867. The original manuscript bears the erroneous date of 1544.
[212] _Ante_, p. 49.
[213] In neither of these narratives do we find any reference to those
who preceded Cartier in the New Land; nor even, except in two cases, is
there a passing allusion to contemporary voyages; yet both Normans and
Bretons were active. Again, there is no mention of any map or chart.
The Normans and Bretons probably sailed to the banks of Newfoundland
before Cabot made _Prima Vista_. An early mention of their voyages
is that of the _Gran Capitano Francese_ of 1539, found in Ramusio
(_Raccolta_, 1556, iii. 359), where they are spoken of as frequenting
the northern parts thirty-five years before, and giving a well-known
headland its present name of Cape Breton. [This “gran capitano” is
held by Estancelin in his _Navigateurs Normands_ to be Jean Parmentier
of Dieppe, and Pierre Crignon is named as the writer of the somewhat
confused _routier_ and narrative given in Ramusio. Cf. Shea’s
_Charlevoix_, i. 132; Major’s _Early Voyages to Terra Australis_,
Introduction; and Murphy’s _Verrazzano_, p. 85. Harrisse (_Cabots_,
p. 249) also discusses the question of the Capitano’s identity.—ED.]
Ramusio also (iii. 359) refers to Jean Denys and the pilot Gamort, of
Rouen, who sailed to Newfoundland in a ship of Honfleur about the year
1506. Ramusio (iii. 359) also mentions that Thomas Aubert of Dieppe
voyaged thither in the “Pensée” in 1508.
Gosselin shows that in 1508 other ships sailed to Newfoundland, and
that they were generally of a tonnage from sixty to ninety tons. “I
cite, among others,” he says, “‘Bonne-Aventure,’ Captain Jacques de
Rufosse; the ‘Sibille’ and the ‘Michel,’ belonging to Jehan Blondel;
and then the ‘Marie de Bonnes Nouvelles,’ equipped by Guillaume
Dagyncourt, Nicolas Duport, and Loys Luce, associated citizens, the
command of the ship being given to Captain Jean Dieulois” (_Documents_,
etc., p. 13). In view of those cases, which appear to be a few of many,
how poor is the appearance of that scepticism which has so long led
writers to look askance at the statements of Ramusio concerning Aubert
and the “Pensée”! The records of Normandy and Brittany are doubtless
rich in facts relating to obscure points of American history.
[There is in Mr. Parkman’s Collection (vol, i. p. 89), among the copies
made for him in France by Mr. Poore, a map of the St. Lawrence Gulf,
with the route of Cartier in 1534 pricked out. The map is signed N.
B.; and I suppose it to have been made by Bellin, the map-maker who
supplied Charlevoix with his maps. Faillon (_Histoire de la Colonie
Francaise_, i. 523) argues that all three of the _Relations_ as we have
them were the work of Cartier himself. Ramé gives a copy of an ancient
register at St. Malo, said to be in Cartier’s hand, which preserves the
names of his companions.—ED.]
[214] “_Brief Recit & succincte narration de la nauigation faicte es
ysles de Canada, Hochelage, & Saguenay, & autres, auec particulieres
meurs, langaige, & cerimonies des habitans a’icelles; fort delectable
à veoir_ [vignette]. _Avec priuilege. On les uend a Paris au second
pillier en la grand salle du Palais, & en la rue neufue Nostredame
a l’enseigne de lescu de frāce, par Ponce Roffet dict Faucheur, &
Anthoine le Clerc, frères_, 1545.” Reprinted at Paris by Tross in
1863, with a collation of the three manuscripts in the Bibliothèque
Nationale, which are described in an “Introduction historique par
M. d’Avezac,” substantially reprinted in Malte Brun’s _Annales des
voyages_, July, 1864. These manuscripts are numbered, according to
Harrisse (_Cabots_, p. 79), “Fonds Moreau, 841,” and “Fonds français,
5,589, 5,644, 5,553.” The Tross reprint is also accompanied by a
fac-simile of a plan of Hochelaga, taken from the version of Ramusio,
and a map of “Nova Francia” (given on another page), used by the
Italian editor to illustrate an accompanying piece, the “Discorso d’vn
gran Capitano” (iii. 352) shown in _Verrazano the Explorer_ (p. 54) to
have been modelled in part from the map of Verrazano. There appears to
be but one copy of the _Brief recit_, 1545, known at present. This is
in the Grenville Collection in the British Museum. A second copy was
found by Tross, and was lost in the ship on its way to America. Muller
at one time advertised a copy at $125. See Sabin, _Dictionary_, vol.
iii. no. 11,138; Harrisse, _Bibliotheca Americana Vetustissima_, no.
267. It is reprinted in Kerr’s (vol. vi.) and Pinkerton’s (vol. xii.)
_Voyages_.
[215] In vol. iii.
[216] Page 3.
[217] Vol. iii. p. 212.
[218] Hakluyt speaks of “the Frenche originall which I sawe in the
King’s Library at Paris, in the Abbay of St. Martine,” and says that
Donnaconna had been in “his barke” to that “contrie where cynamon and
cloves are had.” See Hakluyt’s _Westerne Planting_, p. 112.
[219] Vol. iii. p. 232.
[220] Vol. iii. p. 240.
[221] Page 412.
[222] Edition of 1883, vol. i. p. 17.
[223] “The division of authority between Cartier and Roberval defeated
the undertaking. Roberval was ambitious of power, and Cartier desired
the exclusive honor of discovery. They neither embarked in company nor
acted in concert. In May, 1541, Cartier sailed from St. Malo. Arrived
at the scene of his former adventures, near the site of Quebec, he
built a fort; but no considerable advances in geographical knowledge
appear to have been made. The winter passed in sullenness and gloom.
In June, 1542, he and his ships returned to France, just before
Roberval arrived with a considerable reinforcement. Unsustained by
Cartier, Roberval accomplished no more than a verification of previous
discoveries. Remaining about a year in America, he abandoned his
immense vice-royalty.”
There is, however, no good proof of these charges. At the time when
Roberval is represented as contending with Cartier, the former must
have been in Canada. We have no proof of any conflict of authority.
Facts recited in the present chapter do not appear to have been known
to Mr. Bancroft. Kohl (_Discovery of Maine_, p. 343) appears to have
known nothing beyond what is found in Hakluyt with reference to the
meeting at St. John’s. Parkman (_Pioneers of France_, p. 202, edition
of 1882) says that Roberval sailed for Canada in April, 1542, and that,
soon after reaching St. John’s, “he descried three other sail rounding
the entrance to the haven, and with wrath and amazement recognized the
ships of Cartier.... The Viceroy ordered him to return; but Cartier
escaped with his vessels under cover of night, and made sail for
France.” See also Gay’s _Popular History of the United States_, i. 188;
and, on these voyages, _Biographie des Malouins célèbres_, Paris, 1824;
_St. Malo illustré par ses marines_, by Cunat, Paris, 1857; _Biographie
Bretonne_, by Livot, Vannes, 1858. Also, D’Avezac’s edition of the
voyage of 1545, Paris, 1863, f. xiii. This author does not appear to
have known that Roberval sailed in 1541, instead of 1542. Hatton, in
his _Newfoundland_, London, 1883, p. 14, also goes very wide of the
mark.
[224] Harrisse, _Notes_, pp. 243-253.
[225] Ibid.
[226] Ibid., pp. 259-264.
[227] Ibid., pp. 254-258.
[228] Ibid., pp. 268-271.
[229] Ramé, _Documents inédits_, p. 12; and the _Transactions of the
Quebec Literary and Historical Society_, 1862, p. 116.
[230] Documents _inédits_, p. 12; _Transactions_, etc., p. 120.
[231] Gosselin’s _Nouvelles glanes historiques Normandes_ (Rouen,
1873), p. 4; forming a limited edition of _Documents inédits_.
[232] Harrisse, _Jean et Sébastien Cabot_, p. 212.
[233] Hakluyt, iii. 232.
[234] _Nouvelles glanes_, p. 6.
[235] Ibid., p. 6.
[236] Ibid., p. 6.
[237] Ibid., p. 6, and Hakluyt, iii. 240.
[238] Hakluyt, iii. 241.
[239] Harrisse, _Notes_, p. 272.
[240] _Cosmographie_ of Allefonsce; Hakluyt, iii. 241.
[241] Ibid., p. 240.
[242] _Transactions_, 1862, p. 93.
[243] Ibid., p. 241.
[244] _Transactions_, p. 90.
[245] “Jacques Cartier, après avoir réclamé 4,500 livres pour
_L’Hermine et L’Emerillon_, ajoute: ‘Et on ce qui est du tiers navise,
mettre pour 17 mois qu’il a été au dit voyage du dit Cartier, _et
pour huit mois qu’il a été à retourner quérir le dit Robertval au dit
Canada_, au péril de nauleige, ce seront 2,500 livres, et pour les deux
autres qui fuerint au dit voyage, six mois à cent livres le mois, sont
douze cent livres.’” (_Transactions_, etc., 1862, p. 93.) See also
_Documents inédits_, p. 28.
[246] _Transactions_, p. 93. Harrisse (_Jean et Sébastien Cabot_, p.
215) suggests that Cartier brought Roberval home in the month of June,
1544. This, however, was not so, as Cartier had actually returned prior
to April 3, 1544.
[247] _Transactions_, p. 94.
[248] Cf. A. Walker on “A Forgotten Hero” in _Fraser’s Magazine_, 1880,
p. 775.
[249] Shea’s _Charlevoix_, i. 131; also, Le Clercq, _Établissement de
la foy_, i. 14.
[250] An episode in the voyage of Roberval, not alluded to by Hakluyt,
is preserved in Thevet’s _Cosmographie universelle_, Paris, 1575.
Thevet drew his accounts of New France partly from the navigators
and partly from his imagination, deliberately inventing facts where
he deemed it necessary, being upon the whole a mendacious character.
Nevertheless he was well acquainted with Roberval and Cartier,
and is said to have lived six months with the latter at St. Malo.
[_The Northmen in Maine_, by Dr. De Costa, p. 63, and _Biographie
universelle_, 1826-1827, vol. xxv.; also, vol. xlix. on Villegagnon.]
This episode covers the case of Roberval’s niece, who in 1541 went on
the voyage with him, becoming the victim of a young man who followed
her from France. As punishment, she was put ashore with her old nurse
on an island called the Isle of Demons, which figures prominently in
the map found in the Ptolemy of Ruscelli, her lover being allowed to
join them. On this island both of her companions died. After more than
two years she was rescued by a fishing-vessel, and carried to France.
Her story was first told in the _Heptameron_ of Marguerite, published
at Paris in 1559, forming number lxvii: “Extrême amour et austérité
de femme en terre étrange.” Thevet, in his _Cosmographie_ (ii. 1019),
recasts the story, and says that he had the account from the princess
herself, who, in a little village of Périgord, met the young woman,
who had sought an asylum there from the wrath of her uncle Roberval.
In his _Grand insulaire_, a manuscript preserved in the Bibliothèque
Nationale, Paris (Harrisse, _Notes_, p. 278), which antedates his
_Cosmographie_, Thevet also has a version of the story. In the latter
work it is given in connection with the fabulous account of a Nestorian
bishop. It is illustrated by a picture of the woman on the Isle of
Demons shooting wild beasts.
[251] Vol. iii. p. 232.
[252] [There have been various theories regarding the origin of
the name _Canada_, for which see Faillon, _Histoire de la Colonie
Française_, i. 14; Warburton’s _Conquest of Canada_ (New York edition),
i. 54; _Historical Magazine_, i. 153, 188, 217, 315, 349, and ii.
23; B. Davis in _Canadian Naturalist_, 1861; _Magazine of American
History_, 1883, p. 161; and Canniff’s _Upper Canada_, p. 3. There seems
to have been a belief in New England, at a later day, that “Canada” was
derived from William and Emery de Caen (Cane, as the English spelled
it), who were in New France in 1621, and later. Cf. Morton’s _New
English Canaan_, Adams’s edition, p. 235, and Josselyn’s _Rarities_,
p. 5; also, J. Reade in his history of geographical names in Canada,
printed in _New Dominion Monthly_, xi. 344.—ED.]
[253] Pages 87, 88, 105.
[254] This began with Charlevoix, who (Shea’s edition, i. 129) says:
“The King, by letters-patent inserted in the _Etat ordinaire des
guerres_, in the Chambre des Comptes at Paris, dated Jan. 15, 1540,
declares him Lord of Norimbequa, Saguenay, Newfoundland, Belleisle,
Carpon, Labrador, Great Bay, and Baccalas, giving him all these places
with his own royal power and authority.” This is questioned by Parkman
(_Pioneers of France_, p. 197); and in his note to Charlevoix’s
statement, Dr. Shea says that Parkman “confounds his commission and
patent,” referring to Lescarbot’s edition of 1618, which, however, does
not bear out the statement, recalled later. Allefonsce says (Hakluyt,
iii. 239), “The extension of all these lands upon just occasion is
called New France. For it is as good and temperate as France, and in
the same latitude.”
[The appellation of _New France_, according to Parkman (_Pioneers of
New France_, p. 184), was earliest applied, just succeeding the voyage
of Verrazano; and the Dutch geographers, he says, are especially
free in the use of it, out of spite to the Spaniards. Faillon, in
his _Histoire de la Colonie Française_, i. 511, errs in tracing its
earliest use to Cartier’s second _Relation_, where, writing in the
third person, he says, “aux terres neuves, par lui [nous?] appellées
Nouvelle France.” Shea, in his _Charlevoix_, ii. 20, finds the “Nova
Gallia” of the globe of Euphrosynus Ulpius (1542) as early a use as any
of those which he records. Charlevoix himself had not traced it back of
Lescarbot (1609).—ED.
[255] See chap. xii. of _La historia general de las Indias y nueuo
mundo, con mas la conquista del Peru y de Mexico: agora nueuamente
añadida y emendada por el mismo autor, con una tabla muy cumplida de
los capitulos, y muchas figuras que en otras impressiones no lleva.
Venden se en Caragoça en casa de Miguel de Çapila mercader de’ libros.
Año de 1555._
[256] 1857, vol. ii. p. 317.
[257] Harrisse, in his _Jean et Sébastien Cabot_ (Paris, 1882, p.
206), quotes from _La grande insulaire_ of Thevet a manuscript in the
Bibliothèque Nationale, showing that he was detained a prisoner at
Poitiers by Francis I.; while in his _Cosmographie universelle_, folio
1021, he says it was “pour la prinse de quelques naviere d’Espaigne.”
Allefonsce was a privateer, or “corsair,” and was so zealous in his
work, that, to propitiate Spain, the King was obliged to put him in
prison. He probably gave too much offence to the king’s enemies.
[258] Vol. iii. p. 240.
[259] It might appear that Allefonsce was dead at the time; his
_Cosmographie_ was finished in 1545, as the finishing touch was given
by Paulin Secalart. The lines referred to are as follows:
“La mort aussi n’a point craint son effroy, Ses gros canons, ses darts,
son feu, sa fouldre, Mais l’assaillant l’a mis en tel desroy, Que rien
de luy ne reste plus que poudre.”
[260] See also Harrisse, in _Jean et Sébastien Cabot_, p. 203, on
Allefonsce.
[261] _The Northmen in Maine_, p. 131; and Lescarbot, _Nouvelle
France_, p. 46. Bergeron, in his _Voyages faits principalments en Asie,
dans les XII., XIII., XIV., et XV. Siècles, a La Haye_, 1735, part ii.
p. 5, criticises the misprints of proper names in this volume.
[262] This work is preserved in the Manuscript Department of the
Bibliothèque Nationale, Paris, no. 676, under Secalart. It is a stout
paper folio, 9 × 13 inches, written on both sides. This rude specimen
of penmanship was originally designed for Francis I., like the book
of John Rotz now in the British Museum. It contains 194 leaves; the
titlepage is wanting. On what now forms the second leaf of the third
page is found the following: “Jehan allafonsce—:—Paulin secalert,” with
the motto: “Pouvre et Loil.”
[Illustration]
It is signed “Nous Jehan allefonsce et Paulin Secalert.” Underneath is
the date. “Paulin” might, perhaps, be read “Raulin.” The first line
of every page is in red, the initials forming grotesque human faces.
The work abounds in flourishing capitals, and the text is difficult
to decipher. The maps are rude sketches, intercalated to illustrate
the text, and washed with yellowish, reddish, and greenish tints. The
islands are chiefly in gold, though some are red and green. At the
end of the volume is a map of France with the royal arms. On a map of
England is a rude representation of London. There are also four pages
of plans and diagrams, relating chiefly to London and Bordeaux. The
legends on the maps are written in a brown tint, much faded, though
upon the whole the volume is in a good state of preservation. Cf.
“L’hydrographie d’un découvreur du Canada,” in Margry’s _Navigations
Françaises._
[263] It will be remembered (Hakluyt, iii. 6) that Cabot’s _Prima
Vista_ was near “the Island of St. John.” On the map is the fabulous
island of St. John out at sea, and the real St. John, now Prince
Edward, is in the Gulf of St. Lawrence. On this subject Hakluyt
appears to have been confused. In his _Principal Navigations_ (iii.
625) he speaks of “the isle of Iohn Luis or John Alverez in 41;” and
in a marginal note says, “This is a very commodious Isle for us on
our way to Virginia.” On page 627 he defines the position further,
saying: “From Bermuda to the Isle of St. Iohn Luis or John Alverez
320 [leagues]. From the Isle of Iohn Luis or Alverez to Flores 320.”
This appears to have been one of the flying islands. See _Magazine of
American History_, viii. 510; _The Northmen in Maine_, p. 139. See also
Harrisse’s _Cabots_, p. 275.
[264] Mr. Murphy, in his _Voyage of Verrazzano_, p. 38, mistranslated
the text, reading _ung_ as _cinq_, and making the latitude 45° instead
of 41°. The original manuscript reads, “Le dict cap est par le quarente
et ung degrez,” and overturns Mr. Murphy’s hastily formed theory. See
also _Verrazano: a Motion for a Stay of Judgment_. New York, 1876, p.
10.
[265] In his narrative as given by Hakluyt (iii. 239): “I doubt not but
Norumbega [River] entreth into the Riuer of Canada, and vnto the Sea of
Saguenay.” Again, “from the entrance of Norumbega [at the Penobscot]
vnto Florida are 300 leagues.”
[266] This may have been done by those Portuguese who disputed the
title, and whose quarrels with the French were composed at Newfoundland
by Roberval. _Ante_, p. 57; and Hakluyt, iii. 240.
[267] _Voyages avantureux_, Poitiers, 1559.
[268] “Premier livre de la description de tous les ports de mer de
lunivers. Avec summaire mention des conditions differentes des peoples
et addresse pour le rang de ventz propres a naviguer.” By Jehan
Maillord, Mallert, or Mallard, preserved in the Bibliothèque Nationale,
Paris, and quoted by Harrisse, _Jean et Sébastien Cabot_, pp. 223-227.
[269] Hakluyt, vol. iii.; see Vol. III. of the present work, pp. 171,
187.
[270] Here, indeed, it may prove of interest to give their respective
descriptions of the same region. Vumenot writes: “La terre n’est
pas fort haute, elle est bien labouree, et est garnie de ville et
Chasteaux, ilz adorent le Soliel et la lune. D’icy tourne la coste au
sud-sudoest et au sud, jusque un cap qui est haute terre, et ha une
grand isle de terre basse, et trois ou quatre petits isles.”
This is a description of Cape Cod and the neighboring coasts, which, in
the verse of Maillard, appear in the same way:—
“Ils ont chasteaux et villes quilz decorent Et le Soliel et la lune
ilz adorent En ce pays leur terre est labouree Non terroy hault mais
assez temperee Dicy la coste ainsy comme jai sceu Au susseroest elle
tourne aussy au su Plus de cent lieux et jusque au cap va terre Qui se
congnoist en une haulte terre Qui a vne isle en terre basse grande Et
troys ou quatre isleaux a sa demande Et de ce cap a lisle se dit.”
Harrisse says that Maillard based his description upon the manuscript
of Allefonsce, and not on the printed work, saying that the former was
“begun in 1544 and finished in 1546;” whereas the manuscript itself
shows that it was “finished the 24th day of November, 1545.” It is
also said that Francis I., for whom Maillard wrote, died March 31,
1547, while the _Voyages avantureux_ did not appear until 1559, which
seems to have been the case; yet the verses agree with the printed work
instead of the manuscript of Allefonsce, and bear no relation to the
manuscript other than that borne by the book. We speak here, of course,
only of that part of Maillard’s performance given in _Jean et Sébastien
Cabot_. In several cases Maillard makes a point not in the book; as,
for instance, where (line 131) he says of the Norumbega peltry,—
“De maint marchant bien cherement requise;”
but this statement is not found in the manuscript of Allefonsce itself.
That Maillard wrote these verses describing our coast after the
corresponding portion of _Voyages avantureux_ had been composed, might
seem to be indicated by the fact that the substance of a line omitted
after line 28 is found in the prose version of 1559, as follows: “Tous
le gens ceste terre ont queue,” which is an allusion to the old story
told in the manuscript of Allefonsce, who says that towards the north,
“in some of these regions are people with pig’s tails and faces,”—a
statement which the printed work reduces so as to read, “All the
people of this land have _queue_.” This was overlooked by the poet or
transcriber.
The connection between Maillard’s work and the printed narrative is
curious, for the two pieces show a common origin, while two different
writers, independently of one another, could not have produced two
versions so much alike; though it should be noted that at line 138
Maillard spoils the sense by writing “vne isle,” instead of “une
grand ville,” as in the printed book,—unless, indeed, he intended to
discredit the story of the “great city” of Norumbega, which Allefonsce
in his manuscript simply styles “une ville.” There is no necessity
for supposing that Maillard ever saw the manuscript of Allefonsce.
He may have used the manuscript of the printed volume of 1559, if it
was in existence in the time of Francis. It certainly was written
March 7, 1557, when the printing was authorized. It is a curious fact
that in 1578 one Thomas Mallard, or Maillard, published an edition of
Allefonsce at Rouen: _Les voyages avantvreux dv Capitaine Iean Alfonce,
Sainctongeais: Contenant les Reigles & enseignmens necessaires a la
bonne & seure Nauigation. Plus le moyen de se gouuerner, tart enuers
les Barbares, qu’autres nations d’vne chacune contrée, les sortes de
marchandises qui se trouuent abondamment à icelles: Ensemble, ce qu’on
doit porter de petit prix pour trocquer avec iceux, afin d’en tirer
grand profit. A Rouen, chez Thomas Mallard, libraire: pre le Palais
deuant l’hostel de ville_, 1578. Evidently Jehan Maillard, the poet,
had some unexplained connection with the volume that appeared in 1559.
[271] Vol. iii. p. 237.
[272] “Les terres allant vers Hochelaga sont de beaucoup meilleures
et plus chauldes que celles de Canada, et tient terre de Hochelaga au
Figuier et au Perou, en laquelle abonde or et argent.”
[273] One thing must strike the student in going through these
topics; namely, the indifference shown by the respective navigators
and explorers to their predecessors. Cartier makes no reference to
Verrazano, and Allefonsce pays no attention to Cartier. So far as the
writings of Allefonsce go, it would hardly appear that any such person
as Cartier ever existed. Of Roberval himself, the pilot of Saintonge
makes but a single mention in passing, while Maillard speaks of Cartier
only in a dedication.
[274] [There is a paper on the map literature of Canada, by H. Scaddin,
in the _Canadian Journal_, new series, xv. 23. A large _Carte de la
Nouvelle France, pour servir à l’étude de l’ histoire du Canada depuis
sa découverte jusqu’en 1760_, par Genest, was published a few years
since.—ED.]
[275] Ramé’s _Documents inédits_, p. 3.
[276] Kohl (_Discovery of Maine_, p. 350) speaks of it as open on
the map of Ribero. Maps iv. and vii. of Kunstmann’s _Atlas_ show the
straits open. [Some of these maps are sketched in the Editorial Note
following the preceding chapter.—ED.]
[277] “I can write nothing else vnto you of any thing I can recouer of
the writings of Captaine Iaques Cartier, my uncle diceased, although
I haue made search in all places that I could possibly in this towne,
sauing of a certaine booke made in maner of a sea chart, which
was drawne by my said vncle, which is in the possession of Master
Cremeur,—which booke is passing well marked and drawne for all the
Riuer of Canada, whereof I am well assured, because I my self haue
knowledge thereof as far as the Saults, where I haue beene: The height
of which Saults is in 44 degrees. I found in the said chart beyond the
place where the Riuer is diuided in twaine, in the midest of both the
branches of said riuer, somewhat neerest that arm which runneth toward
the northwest, these words following written in the hand of Iaques
Cartier:—
“‘By the people of Canada and Hockeloga it was said, That here
is the land of _Saguenay_, which is rich and wealthy in precious
stones.’”—Hakluyt, iii. 236.
[278] See for these maps, _ante_, pp. 26, 39.
[279] _Discovery of Maine_, p. 296.
[280] [This map is sketched _ante_, p. 40.—ED.]
[281] _Historia_, etc. (Madrid, 1852), ii. 148. [See _post_, p. 81.—ED.]
[282] Ibid., p. 149.
[283] Kohl’s _Discovery of Maine_, p. 292. [See the map, _ante_, p.
38.—ED.]
[284] The writer knows of but one copy of this map,—that in possession
of Mr. J. Carson Brevoort. It is described in the _Bulletin_ of the
American Geographical Society, 1878, p. 195.
[285] The contents of this globe have not been published. Though
Cartier is not recognized, we read, “Terra Francesca;” and on the
northern border of Labrador, “TERRA PER BRITANOS INVENTA.” Another
Spanish globe—say of 1540—gives no trace of Cartier. It seems to be a
fact that Spaniards were sent to search the Gulf of St. Lawrence after
Cartier’s voyages; while Le Blanc, _Les voyages fameux_, etc. (Paris,
1649, part iii. p. 63), referred to by Charlevoix, tells us that the
St. Lawrence was visited by Velasco the Spaniard in 1506.
[286] In a sketch which the late M. d’Avezac made for the writer before
the latter had personally examined the original manuscript, which bears
the folio mark 184 instead of 187, “Laboureur” reads, as it should,
“Norumbega.” We have sketches bearing the two numbers showing this
difference, while also no. 184 does not show “Isla de Saint-Jean.”
[287] The _Cosmographie_ says: “Passing about twenty leagues
west-northwest along the coast, you will find an island, called St.
Jean, in the centre of the district, and nearer to the Breton region
than to Terra Nova. This entry to the Bretons is twelve leagues
wide, and in 47° 30′ north. From St. Jean’s Island to Ascension
[Assumption] Island, in the Canadian Sea, it is forty leagues across,
northwest-by-west. St. Jean and Bryon and Bird Island are 47° north.” A
little farther on he says: “Southeast of Cape Ratz [Race] there are two
lost islands, which are called Isle St. Jean, D’Estevan,—lost because
they consisted of sand.” He also mentions the Isle of St. Brandon, and
“a large island called the Seven Cities, forming one large island, and
there are many persons who have seen it as well as myself, and can
testify; but I do not know how things look in the interior, for I did
not land upon it. It is in 28° 30′ north latitude.”
[288] See on this globe, _Verrazano the Explorer_, p. 64; and the
engraving of it, _ante_, p. 42.
[289] On the Nancy globe; see the _Magazine of American History_, vi.
183; and the sketch, _ante_, p. 81.
[290] Map in the British Museum, 25 × 15 inches. See _post_, p. 83.
[291] See sketch, _post_, p. 87.
[292] See _post_, p. 84.
[293] See a sketch of it, _post_, p. 85.
[294] The relation of the map to the Verrazano map, 1529, is shown in
_Verrazano the Explorer_, p. 43, and on the composition map, p. 48. A
fac-simile of Gastaldi’s map is given, _post_, p. 91.
[295] The atlas is about 12 × 18 inches, the maps, which are strongly
Portuguese, being delicately drawn and washed with green, and elegantly
colored. The title is _Cosmographie universelle selon les navigateurs_.
Many of the names which we have examined appear to be very corrupt.
[296] A copy of the photograph was obtained in Venice by the writer.
[297] See _Verrazano the Navigator_, p. 55. [See a sketch and
fac-simile of the map on pp. 94 and 373.—ED.]
[298] [See _post_, p. 92. These are reproductions of the maps of the
1561 and 1562 editions.—ED.]
[299] [See _post_, p. 95; first appeared in 1570.—ED.]
[300] A sketch of the North American portion of the map, in the
possession of the writer, was made for him by M. Eugene Beauvois, who
has suggested that the map might belong to the period of De Monts, as
near the region of Nova Scotia we read “C. de Môt.” This name, however,
appears on the map of the Dauphin and various other maps. The map is
found in _Premieres Œuvres de Jacques de Vaulx, pilote pour le Roy en
la marine française de Grace l’an_ 1584, preserved in the Bibliothèque
Nationale, fond française, no. 9,175, folios 29-30.
[301] [See _post_, p. 96. This map originally appeared in 1572.—ED.]
[302] [See _post_, p. 99.—ED.]
[303] [See _post_, p. 100.—ED.]
[304] On Labrador is the following significant legend: “This land was
discouered by Iohn [and?] Sebastian Cabot for Kinge Henry y^e 7. 1497.”
This map shows Prince Edward Island in its proper place in the gulf,
without a name, and “I. S. John” outside of Cape Breton in the sea,
where it is so often found on the old maps.
[305] [See _post_, p. 377.—ED.]
[306] Harrisse, _Cabots_, p. 173.
[307] Ibid., p. 232; and in his _Bib. Amer. Vet._, no. 149, he refers
to Sacrobusto’s _Sphera del mundo_, translated from the Latin into
Spanish by Hieronymus Chaves, and published at Seville in 1545, as
showing a small map in a diagram, thought to be the work of Alonzo de
Chaves.
[308] This is dated 1550, but is very much behind its date.
[309] Part ii. vol. i. p. 143, for the description.
[310] _Ante_, p. 40.
[311] Lelewel, pl. 46, from Apianus’ _Cosmographia_ of that year.
[312] _Ante_, p. 41.
[313] _Ante_, p. 37.
[314] Raemdonck’s _Les sphères de Mercator_.