The objections which he had formerly entertained against a residence
in that kingdom were now in a great measure removed. Henry VIII.
had died in the year 1547; and archbishop Cranmer, released from the
severe restraint under which he had been held by his tyrannical and
capricious master, now exerted himself with much zeal in advancing the
Reformation. In this he was cordially supported by those who governed
the kingdom during the minority of Edward VI. But the undertaking
was extensive and difficult; and, in carrying it on, he found a great
deficiency of ecclesiastical coadjutors. Although the most of the
bishops had externally complied with the alterations introduced by
authority, they remained attached to the old religion, and secretly
thwarted, instead of seconding, the measures of the primate. The
inferior clergy were, in general, as unable as they were unwilling
to undertake the instruction of the people,[113] whose ignorance of
religion {79} was in many parts of the country extreme, and whose
superstitious habits had become quite inveterate. This evil, which
prevailed universally throughout the popish church, instead of being
corrected, was considerably aggravated by a ruinous measure adopted at
the commencement of the English reformation. When Henry suppressed the
monasteries, and seized their revenues, he allotted pensions to the
monks during life; but to relieve the royal treasury of this burden,
small benefices in the gift of the crown were afterwards substituted
in the place of pensions. The example of the monarch was imitated by
the nobles who had procured monastic lands. By this means a great part
of the inferior livings were held by ignorant and superstitious monks,
who were a dead weight upon the English church, and a principal cause
of the nation’s sudden relapse to popery, at the subsequent accession
of queen Mary.[114]
Cranmer had already adopted measures for remedying this alarming
evil. With the concurrence of the protector and privy council, he had
invited a number of learned protestants from Germany into England, and
had placed Peter Martyr, Martin Bucer, Paul {80} Fagius, and Emanuel
Tremellius, as professors in the universities of Oxford and Cambridge.
This was a wise measure, which secured a future supply of useful
preachers, trained up by these able masters; but the necessity was
urgent, and demanded immediate provision. For this purpose, instead
of fixing a number of orthodox and popular preachers in particular
charges, it was judged most expedient to employ them in itinerating
through different parts of the kingdom, where the clergy were most
illiterate or disaffected to the Reformation, and where the
inhabitants were most addicted to superstition.
In these circumstances, our zealous countryman did not remain long
unemployed. The reputation which he had gained by his preaching at
St Andrews,[115] and his late sufferings, recommended him to the
English council; and soon after his arrival in England, he was sent
down from London to preach in Berwick.[116]
The council had every reason to be pleased with {81} the choice which
they had made of a northern preacher. He had long thirsted for the
opportunity which he now enjoyed. His love for the truth, and his zeal
against popery, had been inflamed during his captivity, and he spared
neither time nor labour in the instruction of those to whom he was
sent. Regarding the worship of the Romish church as idolatrous, and
its doctrines as damnable, he attacked both with the utmost fervour,
and exerted himself in drawing his hearers from the belief of the one,
and from the observance of the other, with as much eagerness as if
he had been saving their lives from a devouring flame or flood. Nor
were his efforts fruitless. During the two years that he continued in
Berwick, numbers were converted by his ministry from ignorance and the
errors of popery; and a visible reformation of manners was produced
upon the soldiers of the garrison, who had formerly been noted for
licentiousness and turbulence.[117]
The popularity and success of a protestant preacher were very galling
to the clergy in that quarter, who were, almost to a man, bigoted
papists, and enjoyed the patronage of the bishop of the diocese.
Tonstal, bishop of Durham, like his friend Sir Thomas More, was one
of those men of whom it is extremely difficult to give a correct idea,
qualities of an opposite kind being mixed and blended in his character.
Surpassing all his brethren in polite learning, he was the patron
of bigotry and superstition. Displaying, in {82} private life, that
moderation and suavity of manners which liberal studies usually
inspire,[118] he was accessory to the public measures of a reign
disgraced throughout by the most shocking barbarities. Claiming our
praise for honesty by opposing in parliament innovations which his
judgment condemned, he forfeited it by the most tame acquiescence
and ample conformity; thereby maintaining his station amidst all
the revolutions of religion during three successive reigns. He had
paid little attention to the science immediately connected with his
profession, and most probably was indifferent to the controversies
then agitated; but, living in an age in which it was necessary for
every man to choose his side, he adhered to those opinions which
had been long established, and which were friendly to the power and
splendour of the ecclesiastical order. As if anxious to atone for
his fault, in having been instrumental in producing a breach between
England and the Roman see, he opposed in parliament all the subsequent
changes. Opposition awakened his zeal; he became at last a strenuous
advocate for the popish tenets; and wrote a book in defence of
transubstantiation, of which, says bishop Burnet, “the Latin style
is better than the divinity.”
The labours of one who exerted himself to overthrow what the bishop
wished to support, could not {83} fail to be very disagreeable to
Tonstal. As Knox acted under the authority of the protector and
council, he durst not inhibit him; but he was disposed to listen to
the informations which were lodged against him by the clergy. Although
the town of Berwick was Knox’s principal station during the years 1549
and 1550, it is probable that he was appointed to preach occasionally
in the adjacent country. Whether, in the course of his itinerancy,
he had preached in Newcastle, or whether he was called up to it in
consequence of complaints against the sermons which he had delivered
at Berwick, it is difficult to ascertain. It is, however, certain,
that a charge was exhibited against him before the bishop, for
teaching that the sacrifice of the mass was idolatrous, and that a day
was appointed for him publicly to assign his reasons for this opinion.
Accordingly, on the 4th of April, 1550, a large assembly being
convened in Newcastle, among whom were the members of the council,[119]
the bishop of Durham, and the learned men of his cathedral, Knox
delivered in their presence an ample defence of his doctrine. After an
appropriate exordium, in which he stated to the audience the occasion
and design of his appearance, and cautioned them against the powerful
{84} prejudices of education and custom in favour of erroneous
opinions and corrupt practices in religion, he proceeded to establish
the doctrine which he had taught. The manner in which he treated
the subject was well adapted to his auditory, which was composed
both of the learned and the illiterate. He proposed his arguments in
the syllogistic form, according to the practice of the schools, but
illustrated them with a plainness level to the meanest capacity among
his hearers. The propositions on which he rested his defence are very
descriptive of his characteristic boldness of thinking and acting.
A more cautious and timid disputant would have satisfied himself with
attacking the grosser notions which were generally entertained by the
people on this subject, and exposing the glaring abuses of which the
priests were guilty in the lucrative sale of masses. Knox scorned to
occupy himself in demolishing these feeble and falling outworks, and
proceeded directly to establish a principle which overthrew the whole
fabric of superstition. He engaged to prove that the mass, “even in
her most high degree,” and when stripped of the meretricious dress in
which she now appeared, was an idol struck from the inventive brain
of superstition, which had supplanted the sacrament of the supper, and
engrossed the honour due to the person and sacrifice of Jesus Christ.
“Spare no arrows,” was Knox’s motto; the authority of scripture, and
the force of reasoning, grave reproof, and pointed irony, were weapons
which he alternately employed. In the course of this defence, he did
not restrain those sallies of raillery, {85} which the fooleries of
the popish superstition irresistibly provoke, even from such as are
deeply impressed with its pernicious tendency. Before concluding his
discourse, he adverted to certain doctrines which he had heard in
that place on the preceding sabbath, the falsehood of which he engaged
to demonstrate; but, in the first place, he said, he would submit
the notes of the sermon, which he had taken down, to the preacher,
that he might correct them as he saw proper; for his object was not
to misrepresent, or captiously entrap a speaker, by catching at words
unadvisedly uttered, but to defend the truth, and warn his hearers
against errors destructive to their souls. The defence, as drawn up
by Knox himself, is now before me in manuscript, and the reader who
wishes a more particular account of its contents, will find it in the
notes.[120]
This defence had the effect of extending Knox’s fame through the north
of England, while it completely silenced the bishop and his learned
assistants.[121] {86} He continued to preach at Berwick during the
remaining part of this year, and in the following was removed to
Newcastle, and placed in a sphere of greater usefulness. In December
1551, the privy council conferred on him a mark of their approbation,
by appointing him one of king Edward’s chaplains in ordinary. “It was
appointed,” says his majesty, in a journal of important transactions
which he wrote with his own hand, “that I should have six chaplains
ordinary, of which two ever to be present, and four absent in
preaching; one year, two in Wales, two in Lancashire and Derby; next
year, two in the marches of Scotland, and two in Yorkshire; the third
year, two in Norfolk and Essex, and two in Kent and Sussex. These
six to be Bill, Harle,[122] Perne, Grindal, Bradford, and ――――.”[123]
The name of the sixth has been dashed out of the journal, but the
industrious Strype has shown that it was Knox.[124] “These, it seems,
were the most zealous and readiest preachers, who were sent about as
itinerants, to supply the defects of the greatest part of the clergy,
who were generally very faulty.”[125] An annual salary of forty pounds
was allotted to each of the chaplains.[126]
{87} In the course of this year, Knox was consulted about the Book of
Common Prayer, which was undergoing a revisal. On that occasion, it
is probable that he was called up for a short time to London. Although
the persons who had the chief direction of ecclesiastical affairs
were not disposed, or did not deem it as yet expedient, to introduce
that thorough reform which he judged necessary, in order to reduce
the worship of the English church to the scripture‑model, his
representations on this head were not altogether disregarded. He
had influence to procure an important change in the communion‑office,
completely excluding the notion of the corporal presence of Christ
in the sacrament, and guarding against the adoration of the elements,
which was too much countenanced by the practice still continued, of
kneeling at their reception.[127] In his Admonition to the Professors
of the Truth in England, Knox speaks of these amendments with great
satisfaction. “Also God gave boldness and knowledge to the court of
parliament to take {88} away the round clipped god, wherein standeth
all the holiness of the papists, and to command common bread to be
used at the Lord’s table, and also to take away the most part of
superstitions (kneeling at the Lord’s table excepted) which before
profaned Christ’s true religion.” These alterations gave great offence
to the papists. In a disputation with Latimer, after the accession of
queen Mary, the prolocutor, Dr Weston, complained of our countryman’s
influence in procuring them. “A runnagate Scot did take away the
adoration or worshipping of Christ in the sacrament, by whose
procurement that heresy was put into the last communion‑book; so
much prevailed that one man’s authority at that time.”[128] In the
following year, he was employed in revising the Articles of Religion,
previous to their ratification by parliament.[129]
During his residence at Berwick, he had formed an acquaintance with
Marjory Bowes, a young lady {89} who afterwards became his wife. Her
father, Richard Bowes, was the youngest son of Sir Ralph Bowes of
Streatlam; her mother was Elizabeth, the daughter and one of the
co‑heirs of Sir Roger Aske of Aske.[130] Before he left Berwick, Knox
had paid his addresses to this young lady, and met with a favourable
reception. Her mother also was friendly to the match; but, owing to
some reason, most probably the presumed aversion of her father, it was
deemed prudent to delay solemnizing the union. But having come under
a formal promise to her, he considered himself, from that time, as
sacredly bound, and in his letters to Mrs Bowes always addressed that
lady by the name of mother.[131]
Without derogating from the praise justly due to those worthy men who
were at this time employed in disseminating religious truth through
England, I may say, that our countryman was not behind the first
of them, in the unwearied assiduity with which he laboured in the
stations assigned to him. From an early period his mind seems to have
presaged, that the golden opportunity now enjoyed would not {90} be
of long duration. He was eager to “redeem the time,” and indefatigable
both in his studies and in teaching. In addition to his ordinary
services on sabbath, he preached regularly on week‑days, frequently
on every day of the week.[132] Besides the portion of time which he
allotted to study, he was often employed in conversing with persons
who applied to him for advice on religious subjects.[133] The council
were not insensible to the value of his services, and conferred on
him several marks of their approbation. They wrote different letters
to the governors and principal inhabitants of the places where he
preached, recommending him to their notice and protection.[134] They
secured him in the regular payment of his salary until he should
be provided with a benefice.[135] And out of respect to him, they,
in September 1552, granted a patent to his brother, William Knox,
a merchant, giving him liberty, for a limited time, to trade to any
port of England, in a vessel of a hundred tons burden.[136]
{91} But the things which recommended Knox to the council, drew
upon him the hatred of a numerous and powerful party in the northern
counties, who remained addicted to popery. Irritated by his boldness
and success in attacking their superstition, and sensible that it
would be vain, and even dangerous, to prefer an accusation against
him on that ground, they watched for an opportunity of catching at
something in his discourses or behaviour, which they might improve
to his disadvantage. He had long observed, with great anxiety, the
impatience with which the papists submitted to the present government,
and their eager desires for any change which might lead to the
overthrow of the protestant religion,――desires which were expressed
by them in the north, without that reserve which prudence dictated
in places adjacent to the seat of authority. He had witnessed the
joy with which they received the news of the protector’s fall, and
was {92} no stranger to the satisfaction with which they circulated
prognostications as to the speedy demise of the king. In a sermon
preached by him about Christmas 1552, he gave vent to his feelings on
this subject; and, lamenting the obstinacy of the papists, asserted,
that such as were enemies to the gospel then preached in England, were
secret traitors to the crown and commonwealth, thirsted for nothing
more than his majesty’s death, and cared not who should reign over
them, provided they got their idolatry again erected. The freedom
of this speech was immediately laid hold of by his enemies, and
transmitted, with many aggravations, to some great men about court,
secretly in their interest, who thereupon accused him of high
misdemeanours before the privy council.[137]
In taking this step, they were not a little encouraged by their
knowledge of the sentiments of the duke of Northumberland, who had
lately come down to his charge as warden‑general of the northern
marches.[138] This ambitious and unprincipled nobleman had affected
much zeal for the reformed religion, that he might the more easily
attain the highest preferment in the state, which he had recently
secured by the ruin of the duke of Somerset, the protector of the
kingdom. Knox had offended him by publicly {93} lamenting the fall of
Somerset as dangerous to the reformation, of which this nobleman had
always shown himself a zealous friend, however blameable his conduct
might have been in other respects.[139] Nor could the freedom which
the preacher used in reproving from the pulpit the vices of great as
well as small, fail to be displeasing to a man of Northumberland’s
character. On these accounts, the duke was desirous to have Knox
removed from that quarter, and had actually applied for this, by
a letter to the council, previous to the occurrence just mentioned,
alleging, as a pretext for this, that great numbers of Scotsmen
resorted to him; as if any real danger was to be apprehended from this
intercourse with a man, of whose fidelity the existing government had
so many strong pledges, and who uniformly employed all his influence
to remove the prejudices of his countrymen against England.[140]
In consequence of the charge exhibited against him to the council,
he was summoned to repair immediately to London, and answer for his
conduct. The following extract of a letter, written by him to Miss
Bowes,[141] will show the state of his mind on receiving {94} this
citation. “Urgent necessity will not suffer that I testify my mind
unto you. My lord of Westmoreland[142] has written unto me this
Wednesday, at six of the clock at night, immediately thereafter to
repair unto him, as I will answer at my peril. I could not obtain
license to remain the time of the sermon upon the morrow. Blessed be
God who does ratify and confirm the truth of his word from time to
time, as our weakness shall require! Your adversary, sister, doth
labour that you should doubt whether this be the word of God or not.
If there had never been testimonial of the undoubted truth thereof
before these our ages, may not such things as we see daily come to
pass prove the verity thereof? Doth it not affirm, that it shall be
preached, and yet contemned and lightly regarded by many; that the
true professors thereof shall be hated by father, mother, and others
of the contrary religion; that the most faithful shall be persecuted?
And cometh not all these {95} things to pass in ourselves? Rejoice,
sister, for the same word that forspeaketh trouble doth certify us of
the glory consequent. As for myself, albeit the extremity should now
apprehend me, it is not come unlooked for. But, alas! I fear that yet
I be not ripe nor able to glorify Christ by my death; but what lacketh
now, God shall perform in his own time.――Be sure I will not forget you
and your company, so long as mortal man may remember any earthly
creature.”[143]
Upon reaching London, he found that his enemies had been uncommonly
industrious in their endeavours to excite prejudices against him. But
the council, after hearing his defence, were convinced of the malice
of his accusers, and gave him an honourable acquittal. He was employed
to preach before the court, and his sermons gave great satisfaction to
his majesty, who contracted a favour for him, and was anxious to have
him promoted in the church.[144] The council resolved that he should
preach in London and the southern counties during the following year;
but they allowed him to return for a short time to Newcastle, either
that he might settle his affairs in the north, or that a public
testimony might be borne to his innocence in the place where it had
been attacked. In a letter to his sister, dated Newcastle, 23d March,
1553, we find him writing as follows. “Look farther of this matter
in the other letter,[145] written unto you {96} at such time as many
thought I should never write after to man. Heinous were the delations
laid against me, and many are the lies that are made to the council.
But God one day shall destroy all lying tongues, and shall deliver his
servants from calamity. I look but one day or other to fall in their
hands; for more and more rageth the members of the devil against me.
This assault of Satan has been to his confusion, and to the glory of
God. And therefore, sister, cease not to praise God, and to call for
my comfort; for great is the multitude of enemies, whom every one
the Lord shall confound. I intend not to depart from Newcastle before
Easter.”
His confinement in the French galleys, together with his labours in
England, had considerably impaired the vigour of his constitution,
and brought on the gravel. In the course of the year 1553, he endured
several violent attacks of this acute disorder, accompanied with
severe pain in his head and stomach. “My daily labours must now
increase,” says he, in the letter last quoted, “and therefore spare
me as much as you may. My old malady troubles me sore, and nothing
is more contrarious to my health than writing. Think not that I
weary to visit you; but unless my pain shall cease, I will altogether
become unprofitable. Work, O Lord, even as pleaseth thy infinite
goodness, and relax the troubles, at thy own pleasure, of such as
seeketh thy glory to shine. Amen!”[146] In another letter to the
same correspondent, he writes: “The pain of my head and stomach {97}
troubles me greatly. Daily I find my body decay; but the providence
of my God shall not be frustrate. I am charged to be at Widdrington
upon Sunday, where I think I shall also remain Monday. The spirit
of the Lord Jesus rest with you. Desire such faithful with whom ye
communicate your mind, to pray that, at the pleasure of our good
God, my dolour both of body and spirit may be relieved somewhat; for
presently it is very bitter. Never found I the spirit, I praise my God,
so abundant, where God’s glory ought to be declared; and therefore
I am sure there abides something that yet we see not.”[147] “Your
messenger,” says he in another letter, “found me in bed, after a
sore trouble and most dolorous night; and so dolour may complain to
dolour when we two meet. But the infinite goodness of God, who never
despiseth the petitions of a sore troubled heart, shall, at his good
pleasure, put end to these pains that we presently suffer, and, in
place thereof, shall crown us with glory and immortality for ever.
But, dear sister, I am even of mind with faithful Job, yet most sore
tormented, that my pain shall have no end in this life. The power of
God may, against the purpose of my heart, alter such things as appear
not to be altered, as he did unto Job; but dolour and pain, with sore
anguish, cries the contrary. And this is more plain than ever I spake,
to let you know ye have a fellow and companion in trouble. And thus
rest in Christ; for the head of the serpent is already broken down,
and he is stinging us upon the heel.”[148]