his wavering resolution, and induced an earlier compliance with the
call of the congregation than he might otherwise have been disposed
to yield. Though sound in doctrine, Rough’s literary acquirements
were moderate. Of this circumstance the patrons of the established
religion in the university and abbey took advantage; and among others,
dean John Annand[83] had long proved vexatious to him, by stating
objections to the doctrine which he preached, and entangling him with
sophisms, or garbled quotations from the fathers. Knox had assisted
the preacher with his pen, and by his superior skill in logic and
the writings of the fathers, had exposed {59} Annand’s fallacies, and
confuted the popish errors. This polemic, being, one day, at a public
disputation in the parish church, driven from all his usual defences,
fled, as his last refuge, to the infallible authority of the church,
which, he alleged, had rendered all further debate on these points
unnecessary, in consequence of its having condemned the tenets of the
Lutherans as heretical. To this Knox replied, that, before they could
submit to such a summary determination of the matters in controversy,
it was requisite to ascertain the true church by the marks given
in scripture, lest they should blindly receive, as their spiritual
mother, “a harlot instead of the immaculate spouse of Jesus Christ.”
“For,” continued he, “as for your Roman church, as it is now corrupted,
wherein stands the hope of your victory, I no more doubt that it is
the synagogue of Satan, and the head thereof, called the pope, to be
that man of sin of whom the apostle speaks, than I doubt that Jesus
Christ suffered by the procurement of the visible church of Jerusalem.
Yea, I offer myself, by word or writing, to prove the Roman church
this day farther degenerate from the purity which was in the days of
the apostles, than were the church of the Jews from the ordinances
given by Moses, when they consented to the innocent death of Jesus
Christ.” This was a bold charge; but the minds of the people were
prepared to listen to the proof. They exclaimed, that, if this was
true, they had been miserably deceived, and insisted that, as they
could not all read his writings, he should ascend the pulpit, and give
them an opportunity of hearing the {60} probation of what he had so
confidently affirmed. The request was reasonable, and the challenge
was not to be retracted. The following Sabbath was accordingly fixed
for making good his promise.
On the day appointed, he appeared in the pulpit of the parish
church, and gave out the twenty‑fourth and twenty‑fifth verses of
the seventh chapter of Daniel, as his text. After an introduction,
in which he explained the vision, and showed that the four animals
hieroglyphically represented four empires――the Babylonian, Persian,
Grecian, and Roman, out of the ruins of the last of which rose
the empire described in his text, he proceeded to show that this
was applicable to no power but the papal. He compared the parallel
passages in the New Testament, and showed that the king mentioned in
his text was the same elsewhere called the Man of Sin, the Antichrist,
the Babylonian harlot; and that, in prophetical style, these
expressions did not describe a single person, but a body or multitude
of people under a wicked head, including a succession of persons
occupying the same place. In support of his assertion, that the papal
power was antichristian, he described it under the three heads of life,
doctrine, and laws. He depicted the scandalous lives of the popes from
records published by Roman catholic writers, and contrasted their
doctrine and laws with those of the New Testament, particularly on
the heads of justification, holidays, and abstinence from meats and
from marriage. He quoted from the canon law the blasphemous titles and
prerogatives ascribed to the pope, as an additional proof {61} that
he was described in his text.[84] In conclusion, he signified that, if
any of his hearers thought that he had misquoted or misinterpreted the
testimonies which he had produced from the scriptures, ecclesiastical
history, or the writings of the fathers, he was ready, upon their
coming to him, in the presence of witnesses, to give them satisfaction.
Among the audience were his former preceptor, Major, and the other
members of the university, the sub‑prior of the abbey, and a great
number of canons and friars of different orders.
This sermon, delivered with a considerable portion of that popular
eloquence for which Knox was afterwards so celebrated, made a great
noise, and excited much speculation among all classes.[85] The
preachers {62} who had preceded him, not even excepting Wishart, had
contented themselves with refuting some of the grosser errors of the
established religion; Knox struck at the root of popery, by boldly
pronouncing the pope to be antichrist, and the whole system erroneous
and antiscriptural. The report of this sermon, and of the effects
produced by it, having reached Hamilton, the bishop‑elect of
St Andrews, he wrote to Winram, who was vicar‑general during the
vacancy of the see, expressing his surprise that such heretical and
schismatical tenets were allowed to be taught without opposition.
Winram was at bottom friendly to the reformed doctrine; but he durst
not altogether disregard this admonition, and therefore appointed a
convention of the learned men of the abbey and university to be held
in St Leonard’s Yards, to which he summoned Knox and Rough.
The two preachers appeared before that assembly. Nine articles,
drawn from their sermons, were exhibited, “the strangeness of which,”
the sub‑prior said, “had moved him to call for them to hear their
answers.” Knox conducted the defence, for himself and his colleague,
with much acuteness and moderation. He expressed high satisfaction at
appearing before an auditory so honourable, modest, and grave. As he
was not a stranger to the report concerning the private sentiments
of Winram, and nothing was more abhorrent to his own mind than
dissimulation, he, before commencing his defence, obtested him to deal
uprightly in a matter of such magnitude. “The people,” he said, “ought
not to be deceived or left in the dark; if {63} his colleague and he
had advanced any thing unscriptural, he wished the sub‑prior by all
means to expose it; but if, on the other hand, the doctrine taught
by them was true, it was his duty to give it the sanction of his
authority.” Winram cautiously replied, that he did not come there
as a judge, and would neither approve nor condemn; he wished a free
conference, and, if Knox pleased, he would reason with him a little.
Accordingly, he proceeded to state some objections to one of the
propositions maintained by Knox, “That, in the worship of God,
and especially in the administration of the sacraments, the rule
prescribed in the scriptures is to be observed without addition or
diminution; and that the church has no right to devise religious
ceremonies, and impose significations upon them.” After maintaining
the argument for a short time, the sub‑prior devolved it on a
grey‑friar, named Arbugkill, who took it up with great confidence, but
was soon forced to yield with disgrace. He rashly engaged to prove the
divine institution of ceremonies; and, being pushed by his antagonist
from the gospels and acts to the epistles, and from one epistle to
another, he was driven at last to affirm, “that the apostles had
not received the Holy Ghost when they wrote the epistles, but they
afterwards received him, and ordained ceremonies.” Knox smiled at the
extravagant assertion. “Father!” exclaimed the sub‑prior, “what say
ye? God forbid that ye say that! for then farewell the ground of our
faith.” Alarmed and abashed, the friar attempted to correct his error,
but in vain. He could not afterwards be brought to {64} argument upon
any of the articles, but resolved all into the authority of the church.
His opponent urging that the church could have no authority to act
in opposition to the express directions of scripture, which enjoined
an exact conformity to the divine laws respecting worship: “If so,”
said Arbugkill, “you will leave us no church.” “Yes,” rejoined Knox,
sarcastically, “in David I read of the church of malignants. _Odi
ecclesiam malignantium_; this church you may have without the word,
and fighting against it. Of this church if you will be, I cannot
hinder you; but as for me, I will be of no other church but that which
has Jesus Christ for pastor, hears his voice, and will not hear the
voice of a stranger.” For purgatory, the friar had no better authority
than that of Virgil in the sixth Æneid; and the pains of it, according
to him, were――a bad wife.[86]
Solventur risu tabulæ; tu missus abibis.
Instructed by the issue of this convention, the papists avoided for
the future all disputation, which tended only to injure their cause.
Had the castle of St Andrews been in their power, they would soon
have silenced these troublesome preachers; but as matters stood,
more moderate and crafty measures were necessary. The plan adopted
for counteracting the popular preaching of Knox and Rough was artfully
laid. Orders were issued, that all the learned men of the abbey and
university should preach by {65} turns every Sunday in the parish
church. By this means the reformed preachers were excluded on those
days, when the greatest audiences attended; and it was expected
that the diligence of the established clergy would conciliate the
affections of the people. To avoid offence or occasion of speculation,
they were also instructed not to touch in their sermons upon any of
the controverted points. Knox easily saw through this artifice; but
he contented himself with expressing a wish, in the sermons which he
still delivered on week days, that the clergy would show themselves
equally diligent in places where their labours were more necessary. He,
at the same time, expressed his satisfaction that Christ was preached,
and that nothing was spoken publicly against the truth; if any thing
of this kind should be attempted, he requested the people to suspend
their judgment, until they should have an opportunity of hearing him
in reply.[87]
His labours were so successful, during the few months that he
preached at St Andrews, that, besides the garrison in the castle, a
great number of the inhabitants of the town renounced popery, and made
profession of the protestant faith, by participating of the Lord’s
supper. This was the first time that the sacrament of the supper
was dispensed after the reformed mode in Scotland; if we except the
administration of it by Wishart in the same place, which was performed
with great privacy, immediately before {66} his martyrdom.[88] Those
who preceded Knox appear to have contented themselves with preaching;
and such as embraced their doctrine had most probably continued to
receive the sacraments from the popish clergy, at least from such
of them as were most friendly to the reformation of the church. The
gratification which he felt in these first fruits of his ministry,
was considerably abated by instances of vicious conduct in the
persons under his charge, some of whom were guilty of those acts of
licentiousness which are too common among soldiery when placed in
similar circumstances. From the time that he was chosen to be their
preacher, he had openly rebuked these disorders; and when he perceived
that his admonitions failed in putting a stop to them, he did not
conceal his apprehensions of the unsuccessful issue of the enterprise
in which they were engaged.[89]
In the end of June 1547, a French fleet, with a considerable body
of land forces, under the command of Leo Strozzi, appeared before
St Andrews, to assist the governor in the reduction of the castle.
It was invested both by sea and land; and being disappointed of the
expected aid from England, the besieged, after a brave and vigorous
resistance, were under the necessity of capitulating to the French
commander on the last day of July. The terms which they obtained were
honourable; the lives of all in the castle were to be spared, they
were to be transported {67} to France, and if they did not choose
to enter into the service of the French king, were to be conveyed to
any country which they might prefer, except Scotland. John Rough had
left them previous to the commencement of the siege, and retired to
England.[90] Knox, although he did not expect that the garrison would
be able to hold out, could not prevail upon himself to desert his
charge, and resolved to share with his brethren in the hazard of the
siege. He was conveyed along with them on board the fleet, which, in
a few days, set sail for France, arrived at Fecamp, and, going up the
Seine, anchored before Rouen. The capitulation was violated, and they
were all detained prisoners of war, at the solicitation of the pope
and Scottish clergy. The principal gentlemen were incarcerated in
Rouen, Cherburg, Brest and Mont St Michel. Knox, with a few others,
was confined on board the galleys, and in addition to the rigours of
ordinary captivity, was loaded with chains, and exposed to all the
indignities with which papists {68} were accustomed to treat those
whom they regarded as heretics.[91]
From Rouen they sailed to Nantes, and lay upon the Loire during the
following winter. Solicitations, threatenings, and violence, were all
employed to induce the prisoners to change their religion, or at least
to countenance the popish worship. But so great was their abhorrence
of that system, that not a single individual of the whole company, on
land or water, could be induced to symbolize in the smallest degree
with idolaters. While the prison‑ships lay on the Loire, mass was
frequently said, and _salve regina_ sung, on board, or on the shore
within their hearing. On these occasions they were brought out and
threatened with the torture, if they did not give the usual signs of
reverence; but instead of complying, they covered their heads as soon
as the service began. Knox has preserved, in his history, a humorous
incident which took place on one of these occasions; and although he
has not said so, it is highly probable that he himself was the person
concerned in the affair. One day a fine painted image of the Virgin
was brought into one of the galleys, and a Scottish prisoner was
desired to give it the kiss of adoration. He refused, saying that
such idols were accursed, and he would not touch it. “But you shall,”
replied one of the officers roughly, at the same time forcing {69}
it towards his mouth. Upon this the prisoner seized the image, and
throwing it into the river, said, “Lat our Ladie now save hirself;
sche is lycht enoughe, lat hir leirne to swyme.” The officers with
difficulty saved their goddess from the waves; and the prisoners were
relieved for the future from such troublesome importunities.[92]
In summer 1548, as nearly as I can collect, the galleys in which they
were confined returned to Scotland, and continued for a considerable
time on the east coast, watching for English vessels. Knox’s health
was now greatly impaired by the severity of his confinement, and he
was seized with a fever, during which his life was despaired of by
all in the ship.[93] But even in this state, his fortitude of mind
remained unsubdued,[94] and he comforted his fellow‑prisoners with
hopes of release. To their anxious desponding inquiries (natural to
men in their situation), “if he thought they would ever obtain their
liberty,” his uniform answer was, “God will deliver us to his glory,
even in this life.” While they lay on the coast between Dundee and
St Andrews, Mr (afterwards Sir) James Balfour, who was confined in
the same ship with him, pointed to the spires of St Andrews, and asked
him if he knew the place. “Yes,” {70} replied the sickly and emaciated
captive, “I know it well; for I see the steeple of that place where
God first opened my mouth in public to his glory; and I am fully
persuaded, how weak soever I now appear, that I shall not depart this
life, till that my tongue shall glorify his godly name in the same
place.” This striking reply Sir James repeated, in the presence of a
number of witnesses, many years before Knox returned to Scotland, and
when there was very little prospect of his words being verified.[95]
We must not, however, think that he possessed this tranquillity and
elevation of mind, during the whole period of his imprisonment. When
first thrown into fetters, insulted by his enemies, and deprived
of all prospect of release, he was not a stranger to the anguish
of despondency, so pathetically described by the royal psalmist of
Israel.[96] He felt that conflict in his spirit, with which all good
men are acquainted, and which becomes peculiarly sharp when aggravated
by corporal affliction. But, having had recourse to prayer, the
never‑failing refuge of the oppressed, he was relieved from all his
fears, and, reposing upon the promise and the providence of the God
whom he served, he attained to “the confidence and rejoicing of hope.”
Those who wish for a more particular account of the state of his mind
at this time, will find it in the notes, extracted from a rare work
which he composed on prayer, and the chief materials of which were
suggested by his own experience.[97]
{71} When free from fever, he relieved the tedious hours of captivity,
by committing to writing a confession of his faith, containing the
substance of what he had taught at St Andrews, with a particular
account of the disputation which he had maintained in St Leonard’s
Yards. This he found means to convey to his religious acquaintances
in Scotland, accompanied with an earnest exhortation to persevere in
the faith which they had professed, whatever persecutions they might
suffer for its sake.[98] To this confession I find him referring, in
the defence which he afterwards made before the bishop of Durham. “Let
no man think, that because I am in the realm of England, therefore
so boldly I speak. No: God hath taken that suspicion from me. For
the body lying in most painful bands, in the midst of cruel tyrants,
his mercy and goodness provided that the hand should write and bear
witness to the confession of the heart, more abundantly than ever yet
the tongue spake.”[99]
Notwithstanding the rigour of their confinement, the prisoners who
were separated found opportunities of occasionally corresponding
with one another. Henry Balnaves of Hallhill had composed, in his
prison, a treatise on Justification and the Works and Conversation
of a Justified Man. This having been conveyed to Knox, probably after
his return from the coast of Scotland, he was so much pleased with the
work, that he divided it into chapters, and added some marginal notes,
and a concise epitome of its contents; {72} to the whole he prefixed
a recommendatory dedication, intending that it should be published
for the use of his brethren in Scotland, as soon as an opportunity
offered.[100] The reader will not, I am persuaded, be displeased
to have some extracts from this dedication, which represent, more
forcibly than any description of mine can do, the pious and heroic
spirit which animated the Reformer, when “his feet lay in irons;” and
I shall quote more freely, as the book is rare.
It is thus inscribed:[101] “John Knox, the bound servant of Jesus
Christ, unto his best beloved brethren of the congregation of the
castle of St Andrews, and to all professors of Christ’s true evangel,
desireth {73} grace, mercy, and peace, from God the Father, with
perpetual consolation of the Holy Spirit.” After mentioning a number
of instances in which the name of God had been magnified, and the
interests of religion advanced, by the exile of those who were driven
from their native countries by tyranny, as in the examples of Joseph,
Moses, Daniel, and the primitive Christians, he goes on thus: “Which
thing shall openly declare this godly work subsequent. The counsel of
Satan in the persecution[102] of us, first, was to stop the wholesome
wind of Christ’s evangel to blow upon the parts where we converse and
dwell; and, secondly, so to oppress ourselves by corporal affliction
and worldly calamities, that no place should we find to godly study.
But by the great mercy and infinite goodness of God our Father, shall
these his counsels be frustrate and vain. For, in despite of him and
all his wicked members, shall yet that same word (O Lord! this I speak,
confiding in thy holy promise) openly be proclaimed in that same
country. And how that our merciful Father, amongst these tempestuous
storms, by[103] all men’s expectation, hath provided some rest for us,
this present work shall testify, which was sent to me in Roane, lying
in irons, and sore troubled by corporal infirmity, in a galley named
Nostre Dame, by an honourable brother, Mr Henry Balnaves of Hallhill,
for the present holden as prisoner, (though unjustly) in the old
palace of Roane.[104] {74} Which work after I had once again read, to
the great comfort and consolation of my spirit, by counsel and advice
of the foresaid noble and faithful man, author of the said work, I
thought expedient it should be digested in chapters, &c. Which thing I
have done as imbecility of ingine[105] and incommodity of place would
permit; not so much to illustrate the work (which in the self is godly
and perfect) as, together with the foresaid nobleman and faithful
brother, to give my confession of the article of justification therein
contained.[106] And I beseech you, beloved brethren, earnestly to
consider, if we deny any thing presently, (or yet conceal and hide,)
which any time before we professed in that article. And now we have
not the castle of St Andrews to be our defence, as some of our enemies
falsely accused us, saying, If we wanted our walls, we would not speak
so boldly. But blessed be that Lord whose infinite goodness and wisdom
hath taken from us the occasion of that slander, and hath shown unto
us, that the serpent hath power only to sting the heel, that is, to
molest and trouble the flesh, but not to move the spirit from constant
adhering to Christ Jesus, nor public professing of his true word.
O blessed be thou, Eternal Father! which, by thy only mercy, hast
preserved us to this day, and provided that the confession of our
faith (which ever we desired all men to have known) should, by this
treatise, come plainly to light. Continue, O Lord! and grant unto us,
that, as now with pen and ink, so shortly we may confess with voice
and tongue the same before {75} thy congregation; upon whom look,
O Lord God! with the eyes of thy mercy, and suffer no more darkness to
prevail. I pray you pardon me, beloved brethren, that on this manner
I digress: vehemency of spirit (the Lord knoweth I lie not) compelleth
me thereto.”
The prisoners in Mont St Michel consulted Knox, as to the lawfulness
of attempting to escape by breaking their prison, which was opposed
by some of them, lest their escape should subject their brethren who
remained in confinement to more severe treatment. He returned for
answer, that such fears were not a sufficient reason for relinquishing
the design, and that they might, with a safe conscience, effect their
escape, provided it could be done “without the blood of any shed
or spilt; but to shed any man’s blood for their freedom, he would
never consent.”[107] The attempt was accordingly made by them, and
successfully executed, “without harm done to the person of any, and
without touching any thing that appertained to the king, the captain,
or the house.”[108]
At length, after enduring a tedious and severe imprisonment of
nineteen months, Knox obtained his liberty. This happened in the month
of February, 1549, according to the modern computation.[109] By what
means his liberation was procured I cannot certainly {76} determine.
One account says, that the galley in which he was confined was taken
in the Channel by the English.[110] According to another account, he
was liberated by order of the king of France, because it appeared,
on examination, that he was not concerned in the murder of cardinal
Beatoun, nor accessory to other crimes committed by those who held the
castle of St Andrews.[111] In the opinion of others, his liberty was
purchased by his acquaintances, who fondly cherished the hope that he
was destined to accomplish some great achievements, and were anxious,
by their interposition in his behalf, to be instrumental in promoting
the designs of providence.[112] It is more probable, however, that he
owed his deliverance to the comparative indifference with which he and
his {77} brethren were now regarded by the French court, who, having
procured the consent of the parliament of Scotland to the marriage
of queen Mary to the dauphin, and obtained possession of her person,
felt no longer any inclination to revenge the quarrels of the Scottish
clergy.
{78}
PERIOD III.
FROM THE YEAR 1549, WHEN HE WAS RELEASED FROM THE FRENCH
GALLEYS, TO THE YEAR 1554, WHEN HE FLED FROM ENGLAND.