placed an implicit confidence, was dead. Of all the officers who had
served under him, there was not any one who furnished the same hopes of
his abilities. They had courage and experience: but these were not
sufficient; for I have heard it said, that to form a hero, requires an
assortment of qualities, which are seldom found in the same man.
Amongst the generals who had served in the late wars, Marshal Belleisle
was the most desirous of commanding in chief; but besides his never
having been a good general, his capacity was greatly impaired. He
expressed himself in diffuse terms, and was very verbose. It was said of
him at court, that of all the genius that had elevated him to the
pinnacle of greatness, he retained nothing but loquacity.
The state was now threatened with three different wars, two of which
were declared. That of the Bull, as it was called, which was upon the
point of causing a revolution in the state: that of the Barbarians, who,
notwithstanding the faith of treaties, interrupted the trade of the
nation; and that of the English, who were ready to give us battle.
A man of wit, who was told that the English were going to be our foes,
said, _God be praised, the bishops quarrel is now at an end, for these
people are never at war but in time of peace_.
The Archbishop of Paris, who was still exiled, and still obstinate,
wrote a letter to the King in a stile truly original, and without
example since the foundation of the monarchy. He said to the King, in
very formal terms, that “His power was superior to that of the
Sovereign, in matters relative to the administration which God hath
entrusted him with; that his duty was that of conducting his flock; that
he acknowledged no other upon earth; finally, he would not, nor could
not, retract from the first steps he had taken; that these were his last
sentiments, which would continue always the same to the grave, &c. &c.”
This was a period distinguishable for disobedience. The clergy gloried
in rebelling against the orders of the King. This obstinate disposition
had made its way into the provinces. The deputy of Languedoc related to
the King an event that happened at Montpellier, which pointed out to
this Prince the necessity of stopping the progress of such abuses. This
man said, that the wife of a counsellor of that city, who had refused to
receive the Bull, and whose life was in danger, requested the curate of
her parish to administer the sacraments to her. Upon her first request,
the curate and four vicars fled. Application was made to the other
parishes, but it was found that all the clergy who administered had
deserted. The chief justice then ordered an independent priest, and who
was not belonging to any church, to administer to the Lady. This
ecclesiastic thought it was his duty to obey; but he had observed that
the host had accompanied the priests in their retreat. He did not find
a single wafer in the tabernacles of the different churches of the city.
The curates and the secondaries had eat them all before their departure.
He consecrated one: but this was not sufficient; it must be
administered. A general insurrection was feared. The commander of the
place was obliged to put the garrison under arms, and appoint guards for
the conducting of the host in safety to the sick Lady’s house.
Such scencs as these, in a city full of Protestants, made the Romish
religion become a subject of public derision. The King was greatly
affected at it, though he would not yet resolve to use violent remedies.
I have said that the King did not desire war; to prevent which, if it
were yet possible, he sent Bussy to Hanover, where George II. was
expected. I was not for employing this man, thinking he had not
sufficient capacity to succeed in a negociation of this importance; but
Lewis XV. had been prejudiced in his favour.
Bussy’s partizans said he spoke with resolution, and an absolute tone;
qualities that were looked upon as essential at a free court, where
moderation and suppleness are always unsuccessful. But the contrary was
the truth. Bussy negociated badly to prevent the war, and he failed some
years after to restore peace; but I laid it down as a maxim, never to
oppose the King’s sentiments.
Orders were dispatched to all the commanders in the American colonies,
to fit out as many ships as they could, to oppose the designs of the
English. I heard Marshal Noailles then say, that troops should have been
sent, and not orders.
The death of Marshal Lowendahl, the pupil and companion of Count Saxe,
that happened at this time, created sorrow, which in the present
circumstances was the more sensibly felt. His military talents had made
us conceive hopes that his death destroyed. The conquest of
Bergen-op-zoom had acquired him a reputation, from which France might
have derived advantages in the war with which she was threatened. I
testified my chagrin, upon this occasion, to the King. “You have reason
to lament the death of this officer, he replied to me; he was among the
number of those who were most deserving of any confidence. It is in vain
for me to seek amongst my subjects, I shall find no one capable of
supplying his place.”
Lewis XV. who had honoured him during his life-time, was willing to
bestow marks of distinction upon him after his death. He was at the
expence of his funeral obsequies, and granted pensions to his children
of both sexes; recompences that were due to his merit, and with which
the King gratified his heirs. All those who were eclipsed by this
general’s merit, rejoiced at his death; none but real patriots lamented
it.
Whilst France was employed about the means of supplying the expences of
the war, we learnt at Versailles that England found voluntary resources
in her subjects for her’s. Private persons offered money to such sailors
as enrolled themselves in the royal navy, and others engaged to support
their families at their own expence during the war, had it continued six
lustrums.
Certain communities offered free gifts to those who would bear arms
against France. I said to Marshal Belleisle, who related these facts to
me: “It appears to me, sir, that a people who act in this manner, has
the advantage over those who give no money but what they are compelled
to part with, for the expences of the war.” _That is true_, replied the
old Courtier; _but this same English nation, who thus voluntarily part
with their riches for a war, which they think useful to the state, often
lose all their advantages at a peace. A Lord who wants to make his way
to the administration by a system of pacification, intrigues with the
king, gains his confidence, and has his creatures. These set forth, that
sieges and battles ruin the state, that commerce is hurt by them, and
that industry perishes. The cabal acquire strength, the candidate
minister’s party increases, he gains the ascendent, and the peace is
signed, at the expence of the nation’s blood and treasure._
M. de Mirepoix still continued his negociations at London: he conferred
with Sir Thomas Robinson, who gave him hopes; but this was only to gain
time: the war was resolved upon. Count D’Argenson often said to the
King, that this Embassador should be recalled, as his residence in
London only amused the state, and made the French nation ridiculous. The
King and council were greatly perplexed; Lewis XV. was not willing that
Europe should be able to reproach him with having committed the first
hostilities.
Marshal Lowendahl, who before his death was witness to this
embarrassment, said publickly at court, that _it was better to attack as
a principal, than to be beat as a second_. This counsel was not
followed, but we repented of it.
As for me, I was neuter in this great affair. It was reported that I
wished for this war, to make myself more considerable at court. I had
no occasion for either sieges or battles, things constantly destructive
to a state, to support my credit with the King. Lewis XV. honoured me
with his confidence: all those who had endeavoured to prejudice me had
miscarried in their attempt; rank and grandeur had no longer any charms
for me: the only ambition I had remaining was the settling of my
daughter; but she was not arrived at an age to be married, and I did not
doubt that the King would honour her with his protection.
Peace was still the subject of conversation at London and Paris; but we
at length learned that the English had declared war against France in
the new world; the court of Versailles received advice, that Admiral
Boscawen had with his fleet taken the _Alcide_ man of war, upon the
banks of Newfoundland. The manner in which he took this ship aggravated
the offence. The _Alcide_ should not have been attacked, at the time it
was attacked, for she had no fighting orders. It is a custom established
amongst all civilized nations, when they declare war, to publish a
manifesto, containing the grievances which induce them to have recourse
to arms; and England had not published any such: therefore this step was
considered as a real piracy. This was observed to the King, who
immediately sent orders to the duke of Mirepoix and Bussy to return to
France, without taking leave of the court of England. Henceforward all
means of accommodation were suspended.
The King, who had been desirous of avoiding a war before it began, took
his measures as soon as he was acquainted with this first act of
hostility. His honour would let him no longer put up an affront offered
to his flag. He said, upon retiring from the council, “Madam, war is
declared; the English are my enemies.”
The operations of the war office took place; the armaments by land and
sea, the augmentation of the troops, and the means of supporting the
army, were taken into consideration.
From this time the King lived more retired, he did not hunt so often,
and he debarred himself several diversions which he took before. He
conferred regularly with his ministers. Count D’Argenson, with whom he
was often locked up, gave him a circumstantial detail of his land
forces, and the naval minister laid before him a similar account of his
navy. Lewis XV. made several objections to them concerning the principal
points of their administration, to which these chiefs in office were
obliged to answer.
The count D’Argenson, whose administration was then the most important,
as he was at the head of military affairs, told the King that his troops
were in a good state, that military discipline was well enforced, that
the French were fond of war, and that we might flatter ourselves with
successful campaigns, provided the generals seconded the ardour of the
troops, and were not themselves an obstacle to the grandeur of France.
The conferences with the minister of the finances were of a still more
intricate nature; there were many ancient debts unpaid, the revenues of
the crown were mortgaged, commerce and industry, which had just
recovered some little vigour since the peace, were upon the point of
returning to their inactive state.
The comptroller-general said to the King, “Sire, the state of things
must not be disguised to your Majesty; great springs must be put in
motion to maintain the burthen of the war. I have made a calculation
from the state of your finances, and they will procure me resources for
four years: if at the end of that time peace should not take place, the
campaigns cannot be carried on without imposing very oppressive taxes
upon your people.”
The King, who after this conference paid me a visit, said, _that he had
just been conversing with a minister, who was the honestest man in all
France; for such I must call him_, he added, _who has so much probity as
to speak freely to his King_.
The minister of the war department required an augmentation of 40000
men, which was granted him, and orders were issued accordingly for
raising recruits. M. Belleisle told me, that so many men were not
necessary for the defence of a handful of barbarians, that this would
increase the expences of the state, and only tend to weaken it. He did
not forsee that these levies were nothing in comparison of those that
were to be afterwards made.
France had been perfectly secured by the treaty of Aix la Chapelle. Her
ports were open and defenceless. Upon the commission of the first acts
of hostility in America, it was resolved to restore the works at
Dunkirk. The prince of Soubise was appointed by the King to see this
operation take place: eight thousand troops were allotted him to favour
the execution of this design.
Upon the first reports of the revolutions in Canada, two successive
squadrons were dispatched, of which no news had yet been received. The
uncertainty of the success of this small naval armament suspended the
grand operations by land.
The council of state could not resolve upon any fixed plan of
operations, the members being divided in their opinion. I was a witness
to a great part of the diversity of sentiments which then disturbed the
court, with respect to this grand affair.
A man of much good sense said, like Marshal Belleisle, “that great
armies were useless; that land campaigns were not the object, but a sea
war; that the colonies should be put in a state of security, which alone
could be conquered; that the plan of the English was not to increase
their power in Europe, but to extend their limits in America; that all
their designs tended that way, and that we should direct ours to the
same object; that France was guarantied in Europe by the general
balance; but that there was no system whereby our settlements in the new
world were guarantied; that the crown would lose its influence, when
trade would be entirely in the power of the English; that the British
navy was already superior to the navies of all Europe, but that after
the loss of Canada and the other parts of the continent of America, it
would be the only one in Europe; that this was the crisis for France,
and that if the opportunity was neglected of protecting ourselves from
this last attempt, it would never return; that all other plans of
warlike operations should be given up, to pursue that of the colonies,
as they interested the general republic; but that this personally and
solely interested France; that America being once conquered, the whole
body of Europe could not restore the equilibrium, because the power of
the first states of the continent did not extend to the sea; that the
English in the center of the christian world, were separated from
Christendom; that they could not be attacked in their own islands; that
nature had secured them from all invasions in Europe, _&c._”
The opposite party, on the contrary, said, “that great armies should be
raised to oppose the allies of England, who would not fail to form
designs in Germany; that here the capital strokes would be struck; that
the war in America was only the pretext for that which was to be carried
on in Europe; that some troops should be sent to Canada; but that
numerous legions should be raised for Germany; that we were mistaken if
we thought the English limited their enterprizes to America, as it was
visible that their designs tended to excite a revolution in the north of
Europe; that the general balance guarantied France no farther than she
herself contributed to support a just equilibrium; that with respect to
trade in general, there was no reason to apprehend that England could
engross it, as there were not sufficient materials in that country to
compass the design; that the English were compelled to have recourse to
industrious nations, and where the price of labour was not so high; that
universal trade consisted in exchanges, and that a people who should
considerably diminish that of other states, would greatly cramp their
own; that with respect to the navy, one could not be immediately formed
to balance that of England; that the expences made upon this account
would be endless, as the time was too short and the means too
circumscribed; that the loss of Canada was not certain, the events of
war being casual; that the savage nations loved the French and hated the
English; that they would prefer being exterminated, rather than submit
to the British yoke; lastly, that if Canada should be conquered in this
war, it might be retaken in another; but that if the English, united
with their allies, should avail themselves of favourable circumstances
to gain advantages in Europe, it would be then too late to repair the
damage, as the last victories would be guarantied by new treaties of
peace; whereas in America the barbarous nations in alliance with France,
who are unacquainted with the laws of nations, are always ready to
create revolutions: in a word, that it was France’s interest to set on
foot numerous armies to support her pretensions by land, and to yield
for some time the dominion of the sea, _&c._ _&c._”
A third party maintained that both these objects should be attended to:
“We should (said they) prevent the English making conquests in America,
and hinder any taking place in Europe. France is sufficiently powerful
for this; she need only manage well her forces; she will prevail every
where, when those who govern the state unite in one common interest;
that is to say, the glory of the nation, and the happiness of the
people. If the northern powers of Europe are inclinable to avail
themselves of the misunderstandings in America, we must keep our
engagements, and send 24000 men into Germany. A more numerous army can
only procure us a greater loss without any advantage. These moderate
succours will enable us to send more considerable assistance to the new
world, to protect our colonies; the revolution in Canada is not a
maritime quarrel, it is a land war. The point is to defend the
continent, and it is only necessary to land troops there; and this the
English cannot prevent. They have taken no measures yet to block up the
passages; but if we do not make haste, we shall be too late; for the
English, who keep a steady eye upon our operations, will no sooner find
that we do not make any great preparations by land, than they will begin
to make very considerable ones by sea.”
There was also a numerous party inclined for peace: the reasons which
they alledged, were founded upon our inability of carrying on the war;
but the minds of the people were too much agitated to listen to plans of
pacification; each had his schemes for pushing his fortune, and private
interest always prevails over the common weal. Subaltern officers who
wanted advancement, were desirous of sieges and battles. Those who
endeavoured to obtain the command of armies, were desperate advocates
for war; and such as would be employed in furnishing the necessaries for
carrying it on, thought it indispensable: it is plain from these
motives, how little the interest of the state was considered.
During this crisis the clergy of France were assembled; they deliberated
very seriously, whether sick people should have the sacraments
administered, or whether they should die without them. The bishops who
had been brought over by the court and the parliament, were of opinion,
that they could not be refused this assistance. Those who expected
nothing of the King, and who hated the parliament, maintained on the
contrary, that they should be refused them like heretics. At length,
after many debates, they seemed inclinable to leave this great affair to
the determination of the Pope.
I learnt this news with pleasure. Benedict XIV. then filled the papal
chair. Many persons who had been at Rome, gave me a very favourable
opinion of this pontiff. He despised his predecessors, refined policy of
turning every thing to their own advantage; the first steps he took upon
his obtaining the pontificate, made me conceive a real esteem for him.
He had abolished at Rome those wretched equivocations, which in serving
as food for superstition, dishonour the Christian religion. He knew that
God sometimes wrought miracles, but that he does not daily alter the
course of nature. This prince of the church preferred the title of an
honest man to that of a holy one, and this quality raised him above all
the Popes that ever existed upon earth. Benedict XIV. had so much
understanding and so little prejudice, that his decision could not fail
to restore tranquility to the Gallican church.
The administration of the sacraments was not the only disquisition which
engaged the clergy; the grand affair for which they were convened, and
in which the whole body were unanimous, was to deny the authority of the
parliaments, or any other body of laymen whatever. Lewis XV. who could
not begin the war without oppressing his people, was willing to set them
an example of œconomy, by diminishing his household expences. He
reduced his hunting equipages, and the number of his hunting horses in
both stables. The expences of his little journies were regulated and
diminished: it was resolved that there should be no diversions this year
at court, and the works of the Louvre were suspended, _&c._
The Count D’Argenson said, “that these savings are so small an object,
that they will scarce enrich a commissary of stores during the war.”
I was myself often inclined to have an eye to œconomy; but M. de
Belleisle had told me that it was scarce possible to benefit the state
by such frugality; he added, “if it were an evil, it was impossible to
remedy it; but that all those who served the King would enrich
themselves; that a reform would produce no advantage; that it was better
to continue employing the old officers who were already opulent, than to
replace them with new ones, who would endeavour to become so.”
Neither the council of state nor the warlike preparations deprived me of
the King’s company, who visited me regularly, and communicated to me his
designs and intentions. The resolution he had taken of being revenged of
his enemies, gave him an air of satisfaction, which he had not before
he had taken it; his only uneasiness was for his people: he was afraid
that the continuance of the war would exhaust them too much.
It was thought necessary to review the troops, and there were three
encampments. The prince of Soubise wanted the command of the camp of
Hainault: I spoke to the King, and it was granted him. M. de Chevert,
and the Marquis de Voyer, in whose favour I also interested myself,
obtained the two others.
Though hostilities were begun in America, Lewis XV. would not continue
them in Europe. A frigate of the Brest squadron having taken an English
frigate, the King immediately ordered it to be released, as he said, _he
would not make war in time of peace, and be the first to infringe the
treaty of Aix la Chapelle in Europe_.
A general officer, who was in my apartment when the King told me he had
just dispatched this order, could not refrain telling him, in my
presence, “Permit me, Sire, to represent to your Majesty, that this
moderation will noways alter the system of the court of London. The
English have resolved to fall upon us, and to seize all such ships as
they think they have the superiority over: reprisals are necessary, and
we should seize all such vessels as are inferior in strength to our’s
that meet with them.”
The Count de Argenson said, there was but one method of carrying on the
war, “which was to drub the enemy well, and take a good deal from them.”
The sea-officers paid their court regularly to me; for the navy was to
have the honour of this war. There was a promotion of officers, and I
interested myself in behalf of some, in consequence of the characters
that were given me of their capacity and courage.
I know that complaints have often been made in France of my choice of
certain persons, as well in the army as in the administration: but those
who condemned me were unacquainted with Versailles. Every courtier has a
party who cry up their talents and genius. It is impossible to descry
real merit through these extravagant elogiums. All those who are
interested in a courtier’s advancement, either in the army or in the
government, hide his faults, and display his good qualities; for every
man has a favourable side.
The death of Madame, daughter to the Dauphin, created fresh affliction
for the King. I have often heard the happiness of Kings extolled, when
they are in reality more to be pitied than other men. A citizen has
scarce any thing but domestic troubles to afflict him: a Monarch unites
family misfortunes with those of the state.