our certain knowledge, full power and royal authority, we have by these
presents, signed with our hand, ordered, and do order all and every one
of our officers of our parliament to reassume their usual functions, in
our good city of Paris, notwithstanding any thing to the contrary, and
to administer justice to our subjects without delay or interruption,
according to the laws and the duties of their posts; and being sensible
that the silence imposed for so many years, upon matters that cannot be
agitated, without being equally prejudicial to the advantage of religion
and to that of the state, is the most proper means of securing the
public peace and tranquility; we enjoin our parliament to pay attention,
that there be nothing on any side attacked, attempted, or innovated,
that may be contrary to this silence, and to the peace which we desire
should reign in our dominions; ordering them to proceed against the
offenders agreeable to the laws and ordinances. And, moreover, to
contribute to the pacifying of turbulent minds, and have what is past
forgotten; we will and expect, that all proceedings and prosecutions,
that may have been carried on, and the definitive sentences that may
have been pronounced for contumacy, from the beginning, and on account
of the late troubles, till the date of these presents, shall remain
without any consequence or effect, without injuring, however, the
definitive judgments that may have been contradictorily given without
appeal; provided always, that the parties against whom they may have
been given, may have recourse to such legal methods as remain, if such
there be,” &c. &c.
We were told at Versailles, that this declaration met with many
difficulties from the great chamber. Marshal Belleisle said to the King
upon this occasion, “If your parliament after their exile, do not
register your letters patent, they must be banished out of the
kingdom,” &c. A courtier, on the other hand, said, he should be very
much surprised if they did register them. His reason for being of this
opinion, was, that when too much respect is paid to a body, they
naturally abuse it. The declaration was nevertheless registered, but
with the usual restrictions and distinctions.
After the parliament’s recall, it was necessary that they should pay a
compliment to the King, and M. de Maupeou pronounced it. He acquitted
himself like a subtle and skilful magistrate, who, in cautiously
treating the prerogatives of the crown, displayed those of his own body.
This second piece deserves also to be handed down to posterity. It was
as follows.
“SIRE,
“The greatest misfortune that can befal faithful subjects is, doubtless,
to incur their sovereign’s disgrace.
“This trial, which your parliament has lately made, plunged them into
such excess of grief, as cannot better be described to your Majesty,
than by the striking testimony which we give you, in respectfully
acknowledging it.
“The union, Sire, which, through your goodness, has taken place amongst
those members, who were for a long time dispersed, has enabled us to
testify our submission to your orders, and our love to your sacred
person.
“Can any thing be more worthy of the best of Princes, than to stretch
out a paternal hand to the magistrates, who were totally incapable of
giving him fresh proofs of the zeal, with which they are animated for
his service, and enable them to lay before him the motives which induced
them to take, as may be said, against their inclinations, such steps as
have been so unfortunate as to displease him?
“What glory, Sire, will ever be comparable to your’s! After having so
often conquered your enemies in person, your sole occupation, in the
height of peace, is the happiness of your people. You love truth, and
you endeavour to be acquainted with it; truth reaches even you, without
any other aid than your own understanding: and it is no sooner known to
you than it enjoys all its prerogatives.
“Truth alone made you sensible how much the dispersion of all the
members of a parliament is a dangerous example, by reason of the blow it
levels at all the fundamental laws of the kingdom; and by the immensity
of the evils that are derived from it.
“It was this same truth that made you acquainted with the feelings of
your parliament, at the dread of being for ever banished from your
presence, by your refusing to receive their remonstrances, upon the mere
view of the nature of the objects that must have been introduced into
these important representations.
“In a word, it was this truth that engaged you to remove their fears
with that goodness which will transmit to future ages the true love
which you have for subjects, whose interests, you know, are inseparable
from your own.
“You have gone still farther; you have extended the wisdom of your
designs throughout your whole kingdom, by taking the unshakeable
resolution of maintaining therein that order and tranquility upon which
its splendor depends. It is in order to stop those divisions, the
dangerous consequences whereof you are acquainted with, that you have
commanded the most profound silence to be kept with regard to matters,
which cannot be discussed without being prejudicial to religion, and the
happiness of the state.
“Ah! Sire, how could your parliament have refrained from consecrating,
by registering, so salutary a law, notwithstanding the pungent grief
with which they were afflicted upon reading the preamble to this law?
Yes, Sire, we dare make this representation to you; your parliament, in
all the unhappy circumstances in which they have found themselves, have,
by giving the preference to public affairs before private ones, only
done what was exacted from them by the duties of their station, and the
sacred observance of their oath.
“Let us be allowed to tell you, Sire, that your parliament desires
nothing so ardently, as to know how fully to convince you of the
strength and extent of their duty. They can do nothing of themselves:
they exercise that portion of authority you have entrusted them with;
and the only object to which all their efforts tend, shall be to make
themselves agreeable to your Majesty, and to fulfil their duty: a duty,
Sire, that compels them incessantly to watch over the preservation of
that precious deposit of authority which you hold from the Almighty, and
which should be transmitted in all its purity to your most remote
posterity.
“How happy is it for us, to see this supreme power in the hands of a
Prince, who governs with such wisdom and moderation, as must gain him
all hearts; and who knows that the real links which unite Frenchmen to
their Sovereign, are those of love.
“So deeply, Sire, is it graven in our souls, that we protest to you, in
the name of all the magistrates that compose your parliament, that they
will be always ready to sacrifice what is the most dear and precious to
them, as soon as the interest of your glory is concerned, and to set an
example to your subjects of the fidelity and obedience they owe to the
Sovereign will.”
The bishops of France pretended that this was a stroke of the most
arrogant modesty that had appeared this century. Courtiers found many
contradictions in it. The first president declared, in the name of his
body, that the authority exercised by the parliament was a deposite
entrusted with them by the King; how then, it was said, could this trust
confer to this body such independence as extends to opposing the will of
the Prince?
Towards the close of this discourse, we find an insult offered to the
crown. This body, who had manifestly opposed the King’s orders, and who
had preferred exile to submission, say, that they will always be found
ready to set an example of obedience. It was said, that an example of
_obedience_ was never before given by _disobedience_.
Notwithstanding this reconciliation, there was still some animosity
remaining on both sides. For my part, I was delighted that this affair
was terminated. I have frequently repeated in these Memoirs, that it
troubled the King, and this was sufficient for me to desire a
reconciliation.
To the parliamentary quarrels succeeded political affairs. The English
were making great warlike preparations; the last peace had not removed
all difficulties. The plenipotentiaries were more eager to put an end
to battles, than to prevent fresh bloodshed.
Marshal Noailles had often told me, that the negociators at a congress
have only one point in view, which is to sign the treaty. Upon this they
exhaust all their genius, so that they have not the faculty of foresight
remaining.
The Duke of Mirepoix came from London to receive the King’s orders. This
Minister, in speaking to his Majesty of the preparations that the
English were making, assured him, “That Great Britain had no thoughts of
interrupting the peace.” _Whence comes it then_, said the King, _that
they are arming as if they wanted to be at war_?
“Sire, answered the Duke, it is a maxim with the English, to avail
themselves of the tranquility of Europe, to increase their forces.”
This Minister, who was besides an honest man, believed what he said.
French emissaries in London had written to court, that the English
deceived him, that he let himself be imposed upon by appearances, and
that the cabinet of St. James’s concealed their views and designs from
him.
I often desired the King to appoint another Ambassador for the court of
London: but he was afraid of disobliging this Lord, who, moreover, did
honour to his employment, by his grandeur and magnificence.
Lewis XV. has such a beneficent soul, that he cannot resolve upon
withdrawing his friendship from those whom he has once honoured with his
confidence, unless he is convinced of some capital fault that compels
him to it.
Versailles became daily more and more melancholy; the unhappy affairs of
the clergy, the bishops, and the parliament, spread a gloomy air over
all those who frequented court.
To relieve the King from the languid state into which these disputes had
brought him, I had Bellevüe built. It was a square pavilion, where the
eye discovered more taste than magnificence: the King complimented me
upon it. He often repaired thither. I had embellished this spot with
simple works, and art was concealed behind nature, which prevented its
discovery.
The gardens and groves were delightful. Lewis XV. often said to me, that
he was suffocated at Compiegne, at Fontainbleau, and at Marli; but that
he breathed at Bellevüe. We divided our time between walking and
gardening, with other rural amusements. Flowers composed part of the
plan of our recreations, and I had some brought from every part of the
world.
When the King entered this house, he laid aside that air of Majesty
which regal pageantry obliged him to keep up elsewhere. I was always a
gainer by this metamorphosis, as it rendered him gayer than usual; and
his satisfaction, which increased mine, spread an air of joy over our
conversation. There was, besides, another difference, which was, that at
Bellevüe the King talked to me of his taste, of his appetites, and other
things that tended to his pleasure; whereas at Versailles he never
entertained me with any thing but disputes upon religion, the refusal of
sacraments, or other matters, which were far from being agreeable to
him.
This retreat gave him frequent occasion to speak of the advantages that
accompanied private life. He discovered in it charms, that the
perplexity of public business, and the tumults of the throne, made him
the more sensible of.
The King, desirous of giving me marks of his particular protection,
created the estate of Marigni, which belonged to my brother, into a
marquisate. I thanked him for this favour, which appeared to me the
greater, as Vandiere had not done any thing yet to deserve it.
Let us return to general affairs. America, which was upon the point of
exciting universal war, began already to display some sparks of that
blaze which was to inflame Europe. The English made the first
complaints. The Earl of Albemarle represented to the court of France,
that the French in Canada committed hostilities, contrary to the treaty
of Aix-la-Chapelle.
The court of France replied, that they were ignorant of such
proceedings: but that to prevent any misunderstanding, they would send
orders to suppress these first differences, on condition that the
English would, on their side, act in the same manner. Both nations
promised, but neither kept their word. They were mutually deceived, as
most usually happens upon these occasions.
I remember that when the English made these first complaints to our
court, a foreign minister said to me, that the cabinet of Versailles and
that of St. James’s knew very well they were going to war; but that they
would not say so, to make the thing more mysterious.
“In that case, Sir,” said I to him, “the King is not in the secret, for
he does not know a syllable about this war which you foretel.” In fact,
Lewis was quite ignorant that he was at the eve of engaging in a long
succession of sieges and battles. He was well informed of the motives
which induced the English to complain: but he had not been acquainted
with their resolution of having recourse to arms.
Whilst the misunderstandings in the new world were the subject of
conversation, the religious war still continued in the kingdom. The
King, who, in order to restore tranquility to the state, had done every
thing that was desired of him, had the mortification to find that
nothing was done that he desired. He was obliged to exile the Archbishop
of Paris. I was witness of the affliction he was under, from the
necessity of giving this order. He had endeavoured to bring this prelate
back to his duty, by all the methods which his goodness, and his
beneficent soul, could suggest to him; and it was not till after he had
in vain essayed them, that he resolved upon sending him to Conflans.
The conduct of this Archbishop, who had openly disobeyed his Sovereign’s
orders, irritated the courtiers to that degree, that the Monarch was
advised by several of them to have him seized by the military power, and
to keep him closely confined: but Lewis XV. was of too gentle a
disposition to put such rigorous counsel into execution. I have often
heard him say, that Kings should punish, but never think of revenge. He
entrusted the letter de cachet to one of his ministers, with orders to
signify it to the Archbishop as privately as possible.
The King found himself again obliged to banish the bishops of Orleans
and Troyes, two prelates whose sentiments were too conformable to those
of the Archbishop of Paris. These two might be considered as the
fire-brands of the kingdom. They prepared the people’s minds for
disobedience, in showing themselves rebels to their Prince’s orders.
One of these, from the extremity of his exile, insulted the court and
the state by a mandate, wherein he forbad all his diocesans to have
recourse, in the case of administration, to any other priests than those
whom he prescribed; and it was necessary that these priests should be
vicars, or curates. This was constraining the extent of priesthood; but
as soon as the episcopal authority is the least attacked, the Princes of
the church are always ready to undertake any thing. Marshal Saxe said,
“That if God were to limit the power of bishops in France, these bishops
would, in turn, allot bounds to the power of God.”
The exile of the Archbishop of Paris silenced his most considerable
partizans; but it did not finish the quarrel.
The minister of the marine laid before the King a list of his navy: it
consisted of sixty-six ships of the line, and thirty frigates. A
politician of the North said, that this was not sufficient to make head
against the English; and he prophesied, at that time, that if we did not
avoid going to war, the French navy would be totally destroyed when we
made peace. I repeated these words to several of our ministers, who
answered, that this politician was unacquainted with marine prophecies.
France has long since been deprived of those statesmen whose penetrating
genius could unravel the most distant events. We at present go
mechanically and habitually to work, in the track we are compelled to
follow. Marshal Saxe made use of a very singular expression, he said,
_that our government daily performed their day’s work_.
The naval force was kept in readiness: seamen were enrolled; but able
sea-officers were wanting. France has seldom had any good ones. Lewis
XIV. formed some, but they expired with his reign.
The spirit of party and animosity was still kept up at court. The cabal
who strove to destroy me, increased with my favour. Envy displayed all
the latent springs that human wickedness could suggest. All who
surrounded the Prince, endeavoured to deprive me of his confidence.
Amongst those who conspired against me, there were people who were
indebted to me for their fortune, and for whom I constantly interested
myself. I pointed them out to the King. Lewis XV. detests ingratitude;
these dark proceedings produced a very contrary effect to what my
enemies had proposed. The King paid me more attention than before, and
despised those the more who would have deceived him. I shall not repeat
here the low and scandalous artifices that courtiers, and even some
ambitious women, put in practice to surprize the Monarch’s heart. A
detail of these intrigues are unworthy of history, and I have no design
of transmitting to posterity the artifices of cabals, which relate to no
one but myself.
M. Moreau de Seychelles, comptroller-general of the finances, was of
service to the state. He was very assiduous in regulating the finances.
I made the King take notice of him, and immediately this Prince made him
minister of state. He had his enemies at court: it was said that he had
done nothing yet to deserve that post, and that fortune having so
precipitately forced his elevation, he would never advance above half
way to favour.
When he came to court, to return the King thanks, I said to him, “Sir,
many people pretend to foretel the destiny of your administration,
convince all France that they are false prophets.”
The Duke of Mirepoix, who had always assured the court, that the English
had no thoughts of breaking the treaty of peace, was at length obliged
to write that they prepared for war. France hastily put herself into a
state of defence, without knowing precisely whether she was coming to
blows. Orders were dispatched from the office of the marine to all the
ports and harbours. The ships that were finished were launched, and the
others kept ready to sail on the first notice.
The treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle was, nevertheless, still negociating at
Paris. This business was no longer transacted with Lord Albemarle; he
was dead. The interests of Great Britain were in the hands of a
secretary of embassy, who gave vague replies to the questions that were
put to him, upon the preparations his court was making.
Some politicians have assured us, that if Lord Albemarle had lived, the
war, which afterwards rent the two nations, would never have taken
place. It has been said that minister, who had great weight with George
the Second, was at that time connected with a woman of pleasure at
Paris, whom he would not part with. This perhaps is only a surmise,
destitute of foundation; but after all, this would not have been the
first time that the amours of a courtezan have influenced the affairs of
Europe.
Upon the arrival of the dispatches from London, a great council was held
at Versailles, and the King expressed himself in the following manner to
his ministers. “I am resolved I will not begin the war, and if the
English break the treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle, Europe, who shall be
witness to my moderation, shall see that they are the aggressors.”
M. de Maillebois, the father, said publicly at court, that it were
better to prevent them, than to give them an opportunity of doing it.
The King’s moderation met with no advocates but those whose interest it
was to avoid sieges and battles; for every one was concerned in the
event according to his particular views of interest. Military people
wanted war, merchants and financiers wished for peace.
The court of London sent my Lord Hertford to Paris, to replace the Earl
of Albemarle. This Ambassador was compared to a herald at arms: it was
said that he was come to declare war against France. He spoke, in fact,
in such a tone, as testified that every thing was ready in England to
invade America. M. Rouille was so intimidated, that he said to the
King: “Sire, Great Britain must have resolved to declare war, for her
Ambassador talks in such a stile, as if the English were ready to open
the campaign.”
Upon the first report of the preparations of an armament, the military
men, who, since the last campaigns in Flanders, had deserted Versailles,
came in shoals to make their court to me. All my apartments were lined
with officers, who, in intreating my interest to recommend them to the
Prince, set forth their talents in the military art.
The Bishops war, nevertheless, still continued. The Archbishop of Paris,
banished to Conflans, was not thereby rendered more submissive. He, from
the extremity of his exile, braved the court and the city. He was
removed to _Lagny sur Maine_, a little town that had neither the
grandeur nor magnificence of Conflans. This retreat, by diminishing his
episcopal pomp, no way changed his character, which remained inflexible.
The other rebellious bishops were treated with more severity: but these
lettres de cachet had a very opposite effect to what was intended. They
served only to make them more important in the eyes of their partizans,
which increased their arrogance.
A courtier said to the King, that a seminary should be built at Rome, to
which should be sent all the French bishops who rebelled against his
orders, with an establishment of 100 Roman crowns per head, for
supporting their grandeur.
It is certain that too much respect was paid to these people; and the
very chastisements that were inflicted on them, when they swerved from
their duty, were tempered with so much consideration, as to prevent
their returning to it.
The bishops having nothing to do in their exile but to write, and being
unable to employ any other arms than their pens, France was deluged with
letters and mandates. These were so many manifestoes against the royal
authority. The King was often advised to hang the Printers, who were
instrumental in the circulation of these seditious papers; but Lewis XV.
would never have recourse to these violent methods.
The English, at length, explained themselves with respect to their
warlike preparations, the news of which Fame had trumpeted throughout
Europe. They declared to the government, that the French in Canada had
made incursions upon lands under the dominion of Great Britain, and that
England was not inclined to suffer such usurpations. We have seen that
the two crowns, when peace was concluded, left the decision of this
affair to commissaries. Count de Argenson had foreseen, at first, that
these commissaries would completely ruin the interests of the two
courts. “Sir, said he, when two powers, with arms in hand, cannot agree
upon certain differences, it is impossible for individuals to reconcile
them.”
Nevertheless, the English council did not say that they should declare
war, but only that they were discontented with the French in America.
This declaration afflicted the King, who did not desire war. The
national debts were not yet paid, the same imposts still subsisted as
before, the people were always oppressed; so that a new war must
overwhelm them. Lewis XV. spoke to me of the misfortune that threatened
France, in such a manner as persuaded me he was sensibly affected. I
was a witness to his uneasiness upon this account; and it is but
justice, which I owe this Prince, to say he was penetrated with grief
upon the occasion. This was not the case with the ministers and military
courtiers, who were in hopes to advance their fortune by means of this
new revolution. The difficulty was not to undertake the war, but to find
generals to carry it on.