that was fought in America, near the Ohio, between his troops and those
of England, in which General Braddock fell, and where the French gained
a compleat victory. The blood that was spilt in this affair, a detail of
which may be found in the annals of Europe, closed all avenues to an
accommodation. The only measure to be taken in Europe was to be upon the
defensive, and this was not taken. The English seized as many
merchant-ships in Europe as they met with in both seas. The commanders
of these ships had received orders to surrender without making any
resistance. I desired the King to explain to me the motive of this
policy, and he replied to me as before, _that he would not break
treaties, and make war in time of peace_.
The English availed themselves of this moderation; they became absolute
masters of the sea, and filled their island with French prisoners.
At the very time that the court of Versailles piqued themselves upon
fulfilling their engagements, the court of London reproached us with
breaking them. The restoration of the works at Dunkirk was construed
into an infraction of these same treaties, for which France sacrificed
what power she had remaining at sea. In this manner each government
endeavoured to justify their designs; and thus was ambition disguised
under every form to obtain its ends.
Marshal Noailles, who was not of opinion that France should let the
remainder of her navigation and trade be crushed, to convince all Europe
that the English made war like pirates, said, that this external
moderation deceived none, that the court of Versailles alone was
deceived.
Those who agreed in opinion with the King, pretended that all these
captures made without a declaration of war would be restored; but real
politicians thought otherwise, and experience has demonstrated, by the
event, that these were not deceived.
Repeated orders were dispatched to all the sea-ports, and preparations
were making for a land-war; but there was not a sufficient fund in the
royal treasury to support the extraordinary expences. The
Comptroller-general said to the King, “Sire, the farmers-general offer
your Majesty money, it should be taken. They will lend the crown
sixty-six millions at 4 per cent. the state in its present exigence
cannot purchase money at a cheaper rate.”
It may, perhaps, be thought that the financiers, affected at the state
of France, made this voluntary proposal from a spirit of patriotism; but
posterity will know that the same sordid interest which constantly
actuates them, incited them to display this generosity. One of the first
conditions was, that the lease of the farms should be renewed. They
afterwards insisted that there should be no under-farmers; that is to
say, that the profits arising from the farms should be no longer
divided, and that they should be sole masters of the finances. They also
wanted to have the disposal of all the employments in the farms.
It was publicly said in Paris, that I had framed the scheme of this
loan. It is true that four farmers-general applied to me, to make the
proposal from their body, and that I mentioned it to the King. Lewis
XV. had it examined in his council, who approved of it; this is all the
share I had in the transaction. Those who imagine that a King of France
can raise money by the act of his own private will, are unacquainted
with the government. This sum was far from being sufficient to put in
motion all the machines of war that were foreseen to be necessary. The
King borrowed thirty millions upon the posts at 3 per cent. but even
this additional sum was not enough. The King’s secretaries, as well of
the upper as the inferior college, were taxed, and this impost, the
least burthensome perhaps of any, because it fell upon such as purchased
their employments through ostentation, produced a supply of forty-five
millions.
With this fund, it was incumbent upon us to oppose the designs of the
English at sea, and of such powers as were enemies to France by land.
I saw the King as usual. He supped almost every night with me, and
communicated to me all his plans and designs. Difficulties did not
astonish him. Lewis XV. is slow at resolving, but when he is determined,
his resolution is firm. He appeared more gay than usual: perhaps the
internal tranquility of the state greatly contributed towards it; for
the broils with the court of England had produced so good an effect at
home, that schisms were no longer the subject of conversation. The
curates administered to the sick, and thus the clergy and parliament
were reconciled.
We learnt at Versailles that George II. who had made a voyage to his
Electoral dominions, was returned to London. His presence was there
necessary to expedite the military operations. We were at the same time
informed, that several councils had been held at Kensington, in which it
was resolved to make war. It had already been pursued for some time; and
these councils were held only to deliberate upon the means. The English
had by this time taken from the French 250 merchantmen, and made upwards
of 4000 sailors prisoners of war.
The two nations mutually upbraided each other with the injustice of
their proceedings. The English reproached the French with having
infringed upon the treaty of peace, and the French openly declared, that
the English made war like pirates; and added, that the parliament of
England might be compared to the Divan of Constantinople, and George II.
to the Dey of Algiers.
The Duke of Belleisle said, that these reproaches were carried too far;
that there were sufficient grounds for the two nations fighting for
five hundred years without declaring war.
Count de Argenson asked a foreign minister, in my presence, _Which of
the two parties was the most equitable?_ “They are both unjust, said the
foreigner. France is in the wrong for having made incursions upon the
British dominions in America, and for having fortified Dunkirk; and
England has done amiss by seizing the ships of this nation, and for
having made prisoners of war in time of peace.”
I related this discourse to the King, who said, that most of the foreign
ministers were unacquainted with the origin of the dispute, and that
they judged of things only by appearances, or according to the ideas
they entertained of their own country.
These private discourses no way altered the general operations. The
armaments by sea and land continued going on, and we prepared ourselves
for war. The Pope offered his mediation; this was Benedict XIV. The
matter might have been referred to him, had it been possible for him to
have negotiated the affair in person; but it must have been entrusted to
nuncios, who are usually men as ambitious as they are ignorant, and who
are acquainted with no other politics than those of the Vatican.
The King of Portugal also offered his service: but as he was incapable
of throwing any weight in the scale, he occasioned no alteration in the
designs that were formed for pursuing the war.
The duke of Noailles said, he was surprised that petty princes without
power, should think of being the arbiters of the power of the first
states in Europe.
I shall not conceal to posterity that pacific proposals were made
between the two courts; but they were so distant from their respective
views, that it may be presumed they were offered only to make the torch
of war blaze the more, though the pretext was to extinguish it.
France’s demands were great, and the English required too much. This was
the method of succeeding in the design that was formed of not agreeing.
In order to increase the troops, and render the armies more numerous,
recourse was had to an expedient which was of very little consequence.
The invalids, who, by their services and their wounds, had obtained
admission into the hospital, were ordered to bear arms and fight the
enemies of the state.
A wit said upon this occasion, that “this was having recourse to the
dead to wage war against the living.”
In proportion as the quarrel between France and England increased, Lewis
XV. gave me more power. It was imagined in the world, that I was the
arbitress of this new revolution: it is true, the King asked my opinion
upon many things; but I took care not to be answerable for such events
as might give a new biass to affairs in general: I referred them to the
council of state, leaving them to share all the blame, if any was
incurred.
The ministers saw me more regularly, and the general officers who were
desirous of commanding the armies, paid their court to me with
remarkable assiduity.
Whilst agreeable news was received from the new world, the court was
very uneasy about two squadrons which had set sail for America; but
advice came of their being returned to Brest. The King came himself to
acquaint me with the news, at which he testified much joy. It was
natural to think that the ships which composed these squadrons would
fall into the hands of the English, who had sent very considerable
fleets to America.
The first advantage the French gained in Canada, produced a second. The
Iroquois nation offered to enter into alliance with the French.
The count D’Argenson shewed me the discourse which the deputies of this
savage people addressed to M. Vaudreuil, who commanded the King’s
troops.
“May the Great Spirit preserve the captain of the French and his valiant
warriors! May the extent of their courage be measured by the number of
their wounds! We, whose nations are as ancient as the stars, and the
most courageous upon earth, come to offer thee the right arm of our
warriors. The black gowns who are amongst us, have taken care to make
us acquainted with thy nation, which is the most valiant of any after
our own, because they have seen that these warriors might learn from
ours what they did not know before. Our nation, who reckon more than ten
thousand moons, come then to unite their forces to assist thee, in order
to regale our wives and children with the dead bodies of the enemies of
the captain of the French. Receive the calumet of peace, and as a mark
of joy, give three shouts to the sun, which is risen to enlighten our
nations.”
This letter being made public at Versailles, a courtier, who had read
it, said to the King: “Sire, we must make an alliance with the Iroquois,
for they will eat as many Englishmen as they can find. Those people are
so famished with glory, that they devour their conquests.”
A few days after the return of the Brest fleets, the King said to me:
“The English parliament desire peace, the people of England want war. I
shall take no steps to procure the last; but if it is proposed to me
upon honourable terms, I will accept of it.”
M. de Belleisle told me, that no terms would be proposed, and that all
the reports that were spread in England, were only designed to amuse
France, and surprise the government.
“Marshal, said I to him, we may possibly be surprised, for it is above a
year since we were told that we ought to be so.”
Whilst warlike preparations were making on every side, the ministers
often received memorials from individuals, pointing out the object of
our first attack.
The French have for some time been greatly addicted to politics. It is
pretended that we caught the infection from the English, and that it was
communicated to France by the way of Calais. A man of great wit said to
me one day upon this head, that since this contagion had spread, an
infinite number of people, whose labour and industry might have been
very beneficial to the state, became idle spectators. In England this
rage is not so dangerous; the citizens engage themselves as well with
their own private affairs, as with the administration in general. But in
France, when a man gives himself up to politics, he passes his life
systematically.
The Count D’Argenson shewed me a memorial, which he had received from an
unknown hand, bearing this title, _Important advice to the government_.
“We should not wage war, said the anonymous author, either in Germany or
in America; the English navy is superior to ours: the English will in
the end have the advantage over us. In opposing ourselves to their
forces, we shall only compleatly ruin our own.
“We should take the field with a bold stroke. It should seem for some
time past, as if our ministers were paid by the English government, to
go into all the snares that were laid for them. It is only necessary
that the court of London chalk out a plan, for that of Versailles to
follow them. This bold stroke is to enter into alliance with Spain, and
invade Portugal provisionally. The Portuguese are allies of the English,
and this is a sufficient plea to conquer them: I say this is sufficient,
for princes have long since thought they had no occasion for a pretext
to make war: it was only necessary that an invasion favoured their
designs.
“That kingdom is easy to invade; Portugal has neither armies nor
officers, for we should not consider as soldiers, a few natives badly
disciplined, who never saw fire, and commanders that never served. Some
months must elapse before the English can send them troops and generals.
Lisbon will be taken before the English fleet can set sail to defend it.
“Portugal being once in the hands of the French, the English will
attempt nothing; or else at the peace, they will give up every thing.
“To form a judgment of the importance of this invasion, the advantages
which Great Britain derives from Portugal should be considered.
“All Europe knows that this kingdom has no manufactures, and that the
English furnish the Portuguese not only with every thing which promotes
their luxury, but even their physical wants. Forty thousand artizans, in
every kind of trade, are constantly at work for them. Portugal maintains
forty thousand of King George’s subjects. These contribute to the
support of an equal number of other citizens; and as this primitive
industry is the source of infinite subordinate species of it, the
interruption given to these manufactures would occasion a diminution in
the general circulation.
“Eight thousand merchantmen sail every year from the river Thames to
enter the Tagus; twenty thousand English sailors are therefore supported
by this single branch of commerce.
“The mines of Brazil produce annually fresh riches for England, which
are the more advantageous, as they furnish that nation with the means of
purchasing alliances, and paying subsidies. It is partly with the gold
of Portugal that Great Britain maintains her fleets, and raises armies.
“It is true that the riches of Portugal are in America, and that the
English fleets might possess themselves of the mines; but the English
would not derive great advantage from this conquest.
“The extraction of gold is a manufacture that must be rendered
profitable, to draw advantages from it: and this capacity is not the lot
of every one. The Portuguese, naturally sober, and who have but few
wants, can alone derive these advantages from it; the English, with whom
labour is much dearer, would be losers by it. Great Britain, instead of
being enriched, would be impoverished by the mines.
“It is a general rule, that mines always ruin their proprietors, as
Spain and Portugal evince, which are continually impoverished in
proportion as their mines become fruitful. The only nations that are
thereby enriched, are those who barter their industry for the produce.
“The invasion of Portugal would make a change in all the systems of
Europe. It would cause a general revolution in cabinets. The face of
affairs in Germany would be entirely altered. The King of Prussia would
change his plans. The Belligerant powers, who are preparing for a
certain war, would be obliged to carry on another, which would greatly
distress many powers.
“France by this first cast would save great armies, and still greater
sums. Portugal would be no sooner taken, than the English would set
about re-taking it: this war, which would at once entirely occupy them,
would divert them from any other.
“The English ministry are prepared for every thing, except the invasion
of Portugal. They have planned all their operations for the German war,
and that in America; but no steps are taken for the defence of Portugal.
“But this expedition should be equally secret as speedy: these form the
soul of success. The greatest part of our operations miscarry, because
they are tardy and public. The enemy is almost constantly acquainted
with our designs the very instant that they are projected: this is the
certain means of rendering them abortive. The English, it is true, are
not prepared to oppose this invasion; but if they gain timely notice of
it, they will set aside some other plans to prevent this. Expedition and
penetration are, we know, the two characteristic qualities of that
government.
“The court of Madrid should be made acquainted with this scheme by an
extraordinary courier, and their assistance requested; or, we should
rather propose giving up Portugal to them, after the invasion.
“If the court of Madrid has hitherto refused entering into alliance with
France, it was because an expensive war was proposed to them, which
offered nothing but charges without conquest: but when we propose giving
them, as the fruit of their alliance, a kingdom at hand, and to which
they pretend having ancient claims, they will not hesitate a moment.
“The troops that are in Rousillon, Languedoc, and Provence, should be
forwarded by degrees nearer and nearer; the marching of those that are
more distant would discover the project.”
END of the SECOND VOLUME.
FOOTNOTES:
[A] The Thesis of the Abbé Prade.
[B] We did not know that the magistrate first brought the Sorbonne
back to their duty, and awakened the zeal of the pastors, who slept in
tranquility by the side of the wolf.
[C] The features of this portrait were certainly drawn for the late
Duke of Orleans, to whom, we are assured, the archbishop refused the
sacraments. If this be true, who dare think himself worthy of aspiring
to this favour?